The Discovery of Guiana....................................................................................................................................1

Walter Raleigh.........................................................................................................................................1

INTRODUCTORY NOTE......................................................................................................................1

RALEIGH'S DISCOVERY OF GUIANA..............................................................................................1

TO THE READER..................................................................................................................................4

THE DISCOVERY OF GUIANA ...........................................................................................................6

Sir Walter Raleigh may be taken as the great typical figure of the age of Elizabeth. Courtier and statesman,

soldier and sailor, scientist and man of letters, he engaged in almost all the main lines of public activity in his

His father was a Devonshire gentleman of property, connected with many of the distinguished families of the

south of England. Walter was born about 1552 and was educated at Oxford. He first saw military service in

the Huguenot army in France in 1569, and in 1578 engaged, with his halfbrother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in

the first of his expeditions against the Spaniards. After some service in Ireland, he attracted the attention of

the Queen, and rapidly rose to the perilous position of her chief favorite. With her approval, he fitted out two

expeditions for the colonization of Virginia, neither of which did his royal mistress permit him to lead in

After about six years of high favor, Raleigh found his position at court endangered by the rivalry of Essex,

and in 1592, on returning from convoying a squadron he had fitted out against the Spanish, he was thrown

into the Tower by the orders of the Queen, who had discovered an intrigue between him and one of her ladies

whom he subsequently married. He was ultimately released, engaged in various naval exploits, and in 1594

On the death of Elizabeth, Raleigh's misfortunes increased. He was accused of treason against James I,

condemned, reprieved, and imprisoned for twelve years, during which he wrote his "History of the World,"

and engaged in scientific researches. In 1616 he was liberated, to make another attempt to find the gold mine

in Venezuela; but the expedition was disastrous, and, on his return, Raleigh was executed on the old charge in

1618. In his vices as in his virtues, Raleigh is a thorough representative of the great adventurers who laid the

The Discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful EMPIRE Of GUIANA; with a Relation of the great and

golden CITY of MANOA, which the Spaniards call EL DORADO, and the PROVINCES of EMERIA,

AROMAIA, AMAPAIA, and other Countries, with their rivers, adjoining. Performed in the year 1595 by Sir

WALTER RALEIGH, KNIGHT, CAPTAIN of her Majesty's GUARD, Lord Warden of the STANNARIES,

To the Right Honourable my singular good Lord and kinsman CHARLES HOWARD, Knight of the Garter,

Baron, and Councillor, and of the Admirals of England the most renowned; and to the Right Honourable SIR

For your Honours' many honourable and friendly parts, I have hitherto only returned promises; and now, for

answer of both your adventures, I have sent you a bundle of papers, which I have divided between your

Lordship and Sir Robert Cecil, in these two respects chiefly; first, for that it is reason that wasteful factors,

when they have consumed such stocks as they had in trust, do yield some colour for the same in their

account; secondly, for that I am assured that whatsoever shall be done, or written, by me, shall need a double

protection and defence. The trial that I had of both your loves, when I was left of all, but of malice and

revenge, makes me still presume that you will be pleased (knowing what little power I had to perform aught,

and the great advantage of forewarned enemies) to answer that out of knowledge, which others shall but

object out of malice. In my more happy times as I did especially honour you both, so I found that your loves

sought me out in the darkest shadow of adversity, and the same affection which accompanied my better

fortune soared not away from me in my many miseries; all which though I cannot requite, yet I shall ever

acknowledge; and the great debt which I have no power to pay, I can do no more for a time but confess to be

due. It is true that as my errors were great, so they have yielded very grievous effects; and if aught might have

been deserved in former times, to have counterpoised any part of offences, the fruit thereof, as it seemeth,

was long before fallen from the tree, and the dead stock only remained. I did therefore, even in the winter of

my life, undertake these travails, fitter for bodies less blasted with misfortunes, for men of greater ability, and

for minds of better encouragement, that thereby, if it were possible, I might recover but the moderation of

excess, and the least taste of the greatest plenty formerly possessed. If I had known other way to win, if I had

imagined how greater adventures might have regained, if I could conceive what farther means I might yet use

but even to appease so powerful displeasure, I would not doubt but for one year more to hold fast my soul in

my teeth till it were performed. Of that little remain I had, I have wasted in effect all herein. I have undergone

many constructions; I have been accompanied with many sorrows, with labour, hunger, heat, sickness, and

peril; it appeareth, notwithstanding, that I made no other bravado of going to the sea, than was meant, and

that I was never hidden in Cornwall, or elsewhere, as was supposed. They have grossly belied me that

forejudged that I would rather become a servant to the Spanish king than return; and the rest were much

mistaken, who would have persuaded that I was too easeful and sensual to undertake a journey of so great

travail. But if what I have done receive the gracious construction of a painful pilgrimage, and purchase the

least remission, I shall think all too little, and that there were wanting to the rest many miseries. But if both

the times past, the present, and what may be in the future, do all by one grain of gall continue in eternal

distaste, I do not then know whether I should bewail myself, either for my too much travail and expense, or

condemn myself for doing less than that which can deserve nothing. From myself I have deserved no thanks,

for I am returned a beggar, and withered; but that I might have bettered my poor estate, it shall appear from

the following discourse, if I had not only respected her Majesty's future honour and riches.

It became not the former fortune, in which I once lived, to go journeys of picory (marauding); it had sorted ill

with the offices of honour, which by her Majesty's grace I hold this day in England, to run from cape to cape

and from place to place, for the pillage of ordinary prizes. Many years since I had knowledge, by relation, of

that mighty, rich, and beautiful empire of Guiana, and of that great and golden city, which the Spaniards call

El Dorado, and the naturals Manoa, which city was conquered, reedified, and enlarged by a younger son of

Guaynacapac, Emperor of Peru, at such time as Francisco Pizarro and others conquered the said empire

from his two elder brethren, Guascar and Atabalipa, both then contending for the same, the one being

favoured by the orejones of Cuzco, the other by the people of Caxamalca. I sent my servant Jacob Whiddon,

the year before, to get knowledge of the passages, and I had some light from Captain Parker, sometime my

servant, and now attending on your Lordship, that such a place there was to the southward of the great bay of

Charuas, or Guanipa: but I found that it was 600 miles farther off than they supposed, and many impediments

to them unknown and unheard. After I had displanted Don Antonio de Berreo, who was upon the same

enterprise, leaving my ships at Trinidad, at the port called Curiapan, I wandered 400 miles into the said

country by land and river; the particulars I will leave to the following discourse.

The country hath more quantity of gold, by manifold, than the best parts of the Indies, or Peru. All the most

of the kings of the borders are already become her Majesty's vassals, and seem to desire nothing more than

her Majesty's protection and the return of the English nation. It hath another ground and assurance of riches

and glory than the voyages of the West Indies; an easier way to invade the best parts thereof than by the

common course. The king of Spain is not so impoverished by taking three or four port towns in America as

we suppose; neither are the riches of Peru or Nueva Espana so left by the sea side as it can be easily washed

away with a great flood, or spring tide, or left dry upon the sands on a low ebb. The port towns are few and

poor in respect of the rest within the land, and are of little defence, and are only rich when the fleets are to

receive the treasure for Spain; and we might think the Spaniards very simple, having so many horses and

slaves, if they could not upon two days' warning carry all the gold they have into the land, and far enough

from the reach of our footmen, especially the Indies being, as they are for the most part, so mountainous, full

of woods, rivers, and marishes. In the port towns of the province of Venezuela, as Cumana, Coro, and St.

Iago (whereof Coro and St. Iago were taken by Captain Preston, and Cumana and St. Josepho by us) we

found not the value of one real of plate in either. But the cities of Barquasimeta, Valencia, St. Sebastian,

Cororo, St. Lucia, Laguna, Maracaiba, and Truxillo, are not so easily invaded. Neither doth the burning of

those on the coast impoverish the king of Spain any one ducat; and if we sack the River of Hacha, St. Martha,

and Carthagena, which are the ports of Nuevo Reyno and Popayan, there are besides within the land, which

are indeed rich and prosperous, the towns and cities of Merida, Lagrita, St. Christophoro, the great cities of

Pamplona, Santa Fe de Bogota, Tunxa, and Mozo, where the emeralds are found, the towns and cities of

Marequita, Velez, la Villa de Leiva, Palma, Honda, Angostura, the great city of Timana, Tocaima, St. Aguila,

Pasto, [St.] Iago, the great city of Popayan itself, Los Remedios, and the rest. If we take the ports and villages

within the bay of Uraba in the kingdom or rivers of Darien and Caribana, the cities and towns of St. Juan de

Rodas, of Cassaris, of Antiochia, Caramanta, Cali, and Anserma have gold enough to pay the king's part, and

are not easily invaded by way of the ocean. Or if Nombre de Dios and Panama be taken, in the province of

Castilla del Oro, and the villages upon the rivers of Cenu and Chagre; Peru hath, besides those, and besides

the magnificent cities of Quito and Lima, so many islands, ports, cities, and mines as if I should name them

with the rest it would seem incredible to the reader. Of all which, because I have written a particular treatise

of the West Indies, I will omit the repetition at this time, seeing that in the said treatise I have anatomized the

rest of the sea towns as well of Nicaragua, Yucatan, Nueva Espana, and the islands, as those of the inland,

and by what means they may be best invaded, as far as any mean judgment may comprehend.

But I hope it shall appear that there is a way found to answer every man's longing; a better Indies for her

Majesty than the king of Spain hath any; which if it shall please her Highness to undertake, I shall most

willingly end the rest of my days in following the same. If it be left to the spoil and sackage of common

persons, if the love and service of so many nations be despised, so great riches and so mighty an empire

refused; I hope her Majesty will yet take my humble desire and my labour therein in gracious part, which, if it

had not been in respect of her Highness' future honour and riches, could have laid hands on and ransomed

many of the kings and caciqui of the country, and have had a reasonable proportion of gold for their

redemption. But I have chosen rather to bear the burden of poverty than reproach; and rather to endure a

second travail, and the chances thereof, than to have defaced an enterprise of so great assurance, until I knew

whether it pleased God to put a disposition in her princely and royal heart either to follow or forslow (neglect,

decline, lose through sloth) the same. I will therefore leave it to His ordinance that hath only power in all

things; and do humbly pray that your honours will excuse such errors as, without the defence of art, overrun

in every part the following discourse, in which I have neither studied phrase, form, nor fashion; that you will

be pleased to esteem me as your own, though over dearly bought, and I shall ever remain ready to do you all

Because there have been divers opinions conceived of the gold ore brought from Guiana, and for that an

alderman of London and an officer of her Majesty's mint hath given out that the same is of no price, I have

thought good by the addition of these lines to give answer as well to the said malicious slander as to other

objections. It is true that while we abode at the island of Trinidad I was informed by an Indian that not far

from the port where we anchored there were found certain mineral stones which they esteemed to be gold,

and were thereunto persuaded the rather for that they had seen both English and Frenchmen gather and

embark some quantities thereof. Upon this likelihood I sent forty men, and gave order that each one should

bring a stone of that mine, to make trial of the goodness; which being performed, I assured them at their

return that the same was marcasite, and of no riches or value. Notwithstanding, divers, trusting more to their

own sense than to my opinion, kept of the said marcasite, and have tried thereof since my return, in divers

places. In Guiana itself I never saw marcasite; but all the rocks, mountains, all stones in the plains, woods,

and by the rivers' sides, are in effect thorough shining, and appear marvellous rich; which, being tried to be

no marcasite, are the true signs of rich minerals, but are no other than El madre del oro, as the Spaniards term

them, which is the mother of gold, or, as it is said by others, the scum of gold. Of divers sorts of these many

of my company brought also into England, every one taking the fairest for the best, which is not general. For

mine own part, I did not countermand any man's desire or opinion, and I could have afforded them little if I

should have denied them the pleasing of their own fancies therein; but I was resolved that gold must be found

either in grains, separate from the stone, as it is in most of the rivers in Guiana, or else in a kind of hard stone,

which we call the white spar, of which I saw divers hills, and in sundry places, but had neither time nor men,

nor instruments fit for labour. Near unto one of the rivers I found of the said white spar or flint a very great

ledge or bank, which I endeavoured to break by all the means I could, because there appeared on the outside

some small grains of gold; but finding no mean to work the same upon the upper part, seeking the sides and

circuit of the said rock, I found a clift in the same, from whence with daggers, and with the head of an axe,

we got out some small quantity thereof; of which kind of white stone, wherein gold is engendered, we saw

divers hills and rocks in every part of Guiana wherein we travelled. Of this there have been made many trials;

and in London it was first assayed by Master Westwood, a refiner dwelling in Wood Street, and it held after

the rate of twelve or thirteen thousand pounds a ton. Another sort was afterward tried by Master Bulmar, and

Master Dimock, assaymaster; and it held after the rate of three and twenty thousand pounds a ton. There

was some of it again tried by Master Palmer, Comptroller of the Mint, and Master Dimock in Goldsmith's

Hall, and it held after six and twenty thousand and nine hundred pounds a ton. There was also at the same

time, and by the same persons, a trial made of the dust of the said mine; which held eight pounds and six

ounces weight of gold in the hundred. There was likewise at the same time a trial of an image of copper made

in Guiana, which held a third part of gold, besides divers trials made in the country, and by others in London.

But because there came ill with the good, and belike the said alderman was not presented with the best, it

hath pleased him therefore to scandal all the rest, and to deface the enterprise as much as in him lieth. It hath

also been concluded by divers that if there had been any such ore in Guiana, and the same discovered, that I

would have brought home a greater quantity thereof. First, I was not bound to satisfy any man of the quantity,

but only such as adventured, if any store had been returned thereof; but it is very true that had all their

mountains been of massy gold it was impossible for us to have made any longer stay to have wrought the

same; and whosoever hath seen with what strength of stone the best gold ore is environed, he will not think it

easy to be had out in heaps, and especially by us, who had neither men, instruments, nor time, as it is said

There were on this discovery no less than an hundred persons, who can all witness that when we passed any

branch of the river to view the land within, and stayed from our boats but six hours, we were driven to wade

to the eyes at our return; and if we attempted the same the day following, it was impossible either to ford it,

or to swim it, both by reason of the swiftness, and also for that the borders were so pestered with fast woods,

as neither boat nor man could find place either to land or to embark; for in June, July, August, and September

it is impossible to navigate any of those rivers; for such is the fury of the current, and there are so many trees

and woods overflown, as if any boat but touch upon any tree or stake it is impossible to save any one person

therein. And ere we departed the land it ran with such swiftness as we drave down, most commonly against

the wind, little less than an hundred miles a day. Besides, our vessels were no other than wherries, one little

barge, a small cockboat, and a bad galiota which we framed in haste for that purpose at Trinidad; and those

little boats had nine or ten men apiece, with all their victuals and arms. It is further true that we were about

four hundred miles from our ships, and had been a month from them, which also we left weakly manned in an

Others have devised that the same ore was had from Barbary, and that we carried it with us into Guiana.

Surely the singularity of that device I do not well comprehend. For mine own part, I am not so much in love

with these long voyages as to devise thereby to cozen myself, to lie hard, to fare worse, to be subjected to

perils, to diseases, to ill savours, to be parched and withered, and withal to sustain the care and labour of such

an enterprise, except the same had more comfort than the fetching of marcasite in Guiana, or buying of gold

ore in Barbary. But I hope the better sort will judge me by themselves, and that the way of deceit is not the

way of honour or good opinion. I have herein consumed much time, and many crowns; and I had no other

respect or desire than to serve her Majesty and my country thereby. If the Spanish nation had been of like

belief to these detractors we should little have feared or doubted their attempts, wherewith we now are daily

threatened. But if we now consider of the actions both of Charles the Fifth, who had the maidenhead of Peru

and the abundant treasures of Atabalipa, together with the affairs of the Spanish king now living, what

territories he hath purchased, what he hath added to the acts of his predecessors, how many kingdoms he hath

endangered, how many armies, garrisons, and navies he hath, and doth maintain, the great losses which he

hath repaired, as in Eightyeight above an hundred sail of great ships with their artillery, and that no year is

less infortunate, but that many vessels, treasures, and people are devoured, and yet notwithstanding he

beginneth again like a storm to threaten shipwrack to us all; we shall find that these abilities rise not from the

trades of sacks and Seville oranges, nor from aught else that either Spain, Portugal, or any of his other

provinces produce; it is his Indian gold that endangereth and disturbeth all the nations of Europe; it

purchaseth intelligence, creepeth into counsels, and setteth bound loyalty at liberty in the greatest monarchies

of Europe. If the Spanish king can keep us from foreign enterprises, and from the impeachment of his trades,

either by offer of invasion, or by besieging us in Britain, Ireland, or elsewhere, he hath then brought the work

Those princes that abound in treasure have great advantages over the rest, if they once constrain them to a

defensive war, where they are driven once a year or oftener to cast lots for their own garments; and from all

such shall all trades and intercourse be taken away, to the general loss and impoverishment of the kingdom

and commonweal so reduced. Besides, when our men are constrained to fight, it hath not the like hope as

when they are pressed and encouraged by the desire of spoil and riches. Farther, it is to be doubted how those

that in time of victory seem to affect their neighbour nations will remain after the first view of misfortunes or

ill success; to trust, also, to the doubtfulness of a battle is but a fearful and uncertain adventure, seeing therein

fortune is as likely to prevail as virtue. It shall not be necessary to allege all that might be said, and therefore I

will thus conclude; that whatsoever kingdom shall be enforced to defend itself may be compared to a body

dangerously diseased, which for a season may be preserved with vulgar medicines, but in a short time, and by

little and little, the same must needs fall to the ground and be dissolved. I have therefore laboured all my life,

both according to my small power and persuasion, to advance all those attempts that might either promise

return of profit to ourselves, or at least be a let and impeachment to the quiet course and plentiful trades of the

Spanish nation; who, in my weak judgement, by such a war were as easily endangered and brought from his

powerfulness as any prince in Europe, if it be considered from how many kingdoms and nations his revenues

are gathered, and those so weak in their own beings and so far severed from mutual succour. But because

such a preparation and resolution is not to be hoped for in haste, and that the time which our enemies embrace

cannot be had again to advantage, I will hope that these provinces, and that empire now by me discovered,

shall suffice to enable her Majesty and the whole kingdom with no less quantities of treasure than the king of

Spain hath in all the Indies, East and West, which he possesseth; which if the same be considered and

followed, ere the Spaniards enforce the same, and if her Majesty will undertake it, I will be contented to lose

her Highness' favour and good opinion for ever, and my life withal, if the same be not found rather to exceed

than to equal whatsoever is in this discourse promised and declared. I will now refer the reader to the

following discourse, with the hope that the perilous and chargeable labours and endeavours of such as thereby

seek the profit and honour of her Majesty, and the English nation, shall by men of quality and virtue receive

such construction and good acceptance as themselves would like to be rewarded withal in the like.

On Thursday, the sixth of February, in the year 1595, we departed England, and the Sunday following had

sight of the north cape of Spain, the wind for the most part continuing prosperous; we passed in sight of the

Burlings, and the Rock, and so onwards for the Canaries, and fell with Fuerteventura the 17. of the same

month, where we spent two or three days, and relieved our companies with some fresh meat. From thence we

coasted by the Grand Canaria, and so to Teneriffe, and stayed there for the Lion's Whelp, your Lordship's

ship, and for Captain Amyas Preston and the rest. But when after seven or eight days we found them not, we

departed and directed our course for Trinidad, with mine own ship, and a small barque of Captain Cross's

only; for we had before lost sight of a small galego on the coast of Spain, which came with us from

Plymouth. We arrived at Trinidad the 22. of March, casting anchor at Point Curiapan, which the Spaniards

call Punta de Gallo, which is situate in eight degrees or thereabouts. We abode there four or five days, and in

all that time we came not to the speech of any Indian or Spaniard. On the coast we saw a fire, as we sailed

from the Point Carao towards Curiapan, but for fear of the Spaniards none durst come to speak with us. I

myself coasted it in my barge close aboard the shore and landed in every cove, the better to know the island,

while the ships kept the channel. From Curiapan after a few days we turned up northeast to recover that

place which the Spaniards call Puerto de los Espanoles (now Port of Spain), and the inhabitants Conquerabia;

and as before, revictualling my barge, I left the ships and kept by the shore, the better to come to speech with

some of the inhabitants, and also to understand the rivers, watering places, and ports of the island, which, as

it is rudely done, my purpose is to send your Lordship after a few days. From Curiapan I came to a port and

seat of Indians called Parico, where we found a fresh water river, but saw no people. From thence I rowed to

another port, called by the naturals Piche, and by the Spaniards Tierra de Brea. In the way between both were

divers little brooks of fresh water, and one salt river that had store of oysters upon the branches of the trees,

and were very salt and well tasted. All their oysters grow upon those boughs and sprays, and not on the

ground; the like is commonly seen in other places of the West Indies, and elsewhere. This tree is described by

Andrew Thevet, in his France Antarctique, and the form figured in the book as a plant very strange; and by

Pliny in his twelfth book of his Natural History. But in this island, as also in Guiana, there are very many of

At this point, called Tierra de Brea or Piche, there is that abundance of stone pitch that all the ships of the

world may be therewith laden from thence; and we made trial of it in trimming our ships to be most excellent

good, and melteth not with the sun as the pitch of Norway, and therefore for ships trading the south parts very

profitable. From thence we went to the mountain foot called Annaperima, and so passing the river Carone, on

which the Spanish city was seated, we met with our ships at Puerto de los Espanoles or Conquerabia.

This island of Trinidad hath the form of a sheephook, and is but narrow; the north part is very mountainous;

the soil is very excellent, and will bear sugar, ginger, or any other commodity that the Indies yield. It hath

store of deer, wild porks, fruit, fish, and fowl; it hath also for bread sufficient maize, cassavi, and of those

roots and fruits which are common everywhere in the West Indies. It hath divers beasts which the Indies have

not; the Spaniards confessed that they found grains of gold in some of the rivers; but they having a purpose to

enter Guiana, the magazine of all rich metals, cared not to spend time in the search thereof any further. This

island is called by the people thereof Cairi, and in it are divers nations. Those about Parico are called Jajo,

those at Punta de Carao are of the Arwacas (Arawaks) and between Carao and Curiapan they are called

Salvajos. Between Carao and Punta de Galera are the Nepojos, and those about the Spanish city term

themselves Carinepagotes (Caribpeople). Of the rest of the nations, and of other ports and rivers, I leave to

speak here, being impertinent to my purpose, and mean to describe them as they are situate in the particular

plot and description of the island, three parts whereof I coasted with my barge, that I might the better describe

Meeting with the ships at Puerto de los Espanoles, we found at the landingplace a company of Spaniards

who kept a guard at the descent; and they offering a sign of peace, I sent Captain Whiddon to speak with

them, whom afterwards to my great grief I left buried in the said island after my return from Guiana, being a

man most honest and valiant. The Spaniards seemed to be desirous to trade with us, and to enter into terms of

peace, more for doubt of their own strength than for aught else; and in the end, upon pledge, some of them

came aboard. The same evening there stale also aboard us in a small canoa two Indians, the one of them

being a cacique or lord of the people, called Cantyman, who had the year before been with Captain Whiddon,

and was of his acquaintance. By this Cantyman we understood what strength the Spaniards had, how far it

was to their city, and of Don Antonio de Berreo, the governor, who was said to be slain in his second attempt

While we remained at Puerto de los Espanoles some Spaniards came aboard us to buy linen of the company,

and such other things as they wanted, and also to view our ships and company, all which I entertained kindly

and feasted after our manner. By means whereof I learned of one and another as much of the estate of Guiana

as I could, or as they knew; for those poor soldiers having been many years without wine, a few draughts

made them merry, in which mood they vaunted of Guiana and the riches thereof, and all what they knew of

the ways and passages; myself seeming to purpose nothing less than the entrance or discovery thereof, but

bred in them an opinion that I was bound only for the relief of those English which I had planted in Virginia,

whereof the bruit was come among them; which I had performed in my return, if extremity of weather had

I found occasions of staying in this place for two causes. The one was to be revenged of Berreo, who the year

before, 1594, had betrayed eight of Captain Whiddon's men, and took them while he departed from them to

seek the Edward Bonaventure, which arrived at Trinidad the day before from the East Indies: in whose

absence Berreo sent a canoa aboard the pinnace only with Indians and dogs inviting the company to go with

them into the woods to kill a deer. Who like wise men, in the absence of their captain followed the Indians,

but were no sooner one arquebus shot from the shore, but Berreo's soldiers lying in ambush had them all,

notwithstanding that he had given his word to Captain Whiddon that they should take water and wood safely.

The other cause of my stay was, for that by discourse with the Spaniards I daily learned more and more of

Guiana, of the rivers and passages, and of the enterprise of Berreo, by what means or fault he failed, and how

While we thus spent the time I was assured by another cacique of the north side of the island, that Berreo had

sent to Margarita and Cumana for soldiers, meaning to have given me a cassado (blow) at parting, if it had

been possible. For although he had given order through all the island that no Indian should come aboard to

trade with me upon pain of hanging and quartering (having executed two of them for the same, which I

afterwards found), yet every night there came some with most lamentable complaints of his cruelty: how he

had divided the island and given to every soldier a part; that he made the ancient caciques, which were lords

of the country, to be their slaves; that he kept them in chains, and dropped their naked bodies with burning

bacon, and such other torments, which I found afterwards to be true. For in the city, after I entered the same,

there were five of the lords or little kings, which they call caciques in the West Indies, in one chain, almost

dead of famine, and wasted with torments. These are called in their own language acarewana, and now of late

since English, French, and Spanish, are come among them, they call themselves captains, because they

perceive that the chiefest of every ship is called by that name. Those five captains in the chain were called

Wannawanare, Carroaori, Maquarima, Tarroopanama, and Aterima. So as both to be revenged of the former

wrong, as also considering that to enter Guiana by small boats, to depart 400 or 500 miles from my ships, and

to leave a garrison in my back interested in the same enterprise, who also daily expected supplies out of

Spain, I should have savoured very much of the ass; and therefore taking a time of most advantage, I set upon

the Corps du garde in the evening, and having put them to the sword, sent Captain Caulfield onwards with

sixty soldiers, and myself followed with forty more, and so took their new city, which they called St. Joseph,

by break of day. They abode not any fight after a few shot, and all being dismissed, but only Berreo and his

companion (the Portuguese captain Alvaro Jorge), I brought them with me aboard, and at the instance of the

Indians I set their new city of St. Joseph on fire. The same day arrived Captain George Gifford with your

lordship's ship, and Captain Keymis, whom I lost on the coast of Spain, with the galego, and in them divers

We then hasted away towards our purposed discovery, and first I called all the captains of the island together

that were enemies to the Spaniards; for there were some which Berreo had brought out of other countries, and

planted there to eat out and waste those that were natural of the place. And by my Indian interpreter, which I

carried out of England, I made them understand that I was the servant of a queen who was the great cacique

of the north, and a virgin, and had more caciqui under her than there were trees in that island; that she was an

enemy to the Castellani in respect of their tyranny and oppression, and that she delivered all such nations

about her, as were by them oppressed; and having freed all the coast of the northern world from their

servitude, had sent me to free them also, and withal to defend the country of Guiana from their invasion and

conquest. I shewed them her Majesty's picture, which they so admired and honoured, as it had been easy to

have brought them idolatrous thereof. The like and a more large discourse I made to the rest of the nations,

both in my passing to Guiana and to those of the borders, so as in that part of the world her Majesty is very

famous and admirable; whom they now call EZRABETA CASSIPUNA AQUEREWANA, which is as much

as 'Elizabeth, the Great Princess, or Greatest Commander.' This done, we left Puerto de los Espanoles, and

returned to Curiapan, and having Berreo my prisoner, I gathered from him as much of Guiana as he knew.

This Berreo is a gentleman well descended, and had long served the Spanish king in Milan, Naples, the Low

Countries, and elsewhere, very valiant and liberal, and a gentleman of great assuredness, and of a great heart.

I used him according to his estate and worth in all things I could, according to the small means I had.

I sent Captain Whiddon the year before to get what knowledge he could of Guiana: and the end of my

journey at this time was to discover and enter the same. But my intelligence was far from truth, for the

country is situate about 600 English miles further from the sea than I was made believe it had been. Which

afterwards understanding to be true by Berreo, I kept it from the knowledge of my company, who else would

never have been brought to attempt the same. Of which 600 miles I passed 400, leaving my ships so far from

me at anchor in the sea, which was more of desire to perform that discovery than of reason, especially having

such poor and weak vessels to transport ourselves in. For in the bottom of an old galego which I caused to be

fashioned like a galley, and in one barge, two wherries, and a shipboat of the Lion's Whelp, we carried 100

persons and their victuals for a month in the same, being all driven to lie in the rain and weather in the open

air, in the burning sun, and upon the hard boards, and to dress our meat, and to carry all manner of furniture

in them. Wherewith they were so pestered and unsavoury, that what with victuals being most fish, with the

wet clothes of so many men thrust together, and the heat of the sun, I will undertake there was never any

prison in England that could be found more unsavoury and loathsome, especially to myself, who had for

If Captain Preston had not been persuaded that he should have come too late to Trinidad to have found us

there (for the month was expired which I promised to tarry for him there ere he could recover the coast of

Spain) but that it had pleased God he might have joined with us, and that we had entered the country but

some ten days sooner ere the rivers were overflown, we had adventured either to have gone to the great city

of Manoa, or at least taken so many of the other cities and towns nearer at hand, as would have made a royal

return. But it pleased not God so much to favour me at this time. If it shall be my lot to prosecute the same, I

shall willingly spend my life therein. And if any else shall be enabled thereunto, and conquer the same, I

assure him thus much; he shall perform more than ever was done in Mexico by Cortes, or in Peru by Pizarro,

whereof the one conquered the empire of Mutezuma, the other of Guascar and Atabalipa. And whatsoever

prince shall possess it, that prince shall be lord of more gold, and of a more beautiful empire, and of more

But because there may arise many doubts, and how this empire of Guiana is become so populous, and

adorned with so many great cities, towns, temples, and treasures, I thought good to make it known, that the

emperor now reigning is descended from those magnificent princes of Peru, of whose large territories, of

whose policies, conquests, edifices, and riches, Pedro de Cieza, Francisco Lopez, and others have written

large discourses. For when Francisco Pizarro, Diego Almagro and others conquered the said empire of Peru,

and had put to death Atabalipa, son to Guayna Capac, which Atabalipa had formerly caused his eldest brother

Guascar to be slain, one of the younger sons of Guayna Capac fled out of Peru, and took with him many

thousands of those soldiers of the empire called orejones ("having large ears," the name given by the

Spaniards to the Peruvian warriors, who wore ear pendants), and with those and many others which

followed him, he vanquished all that tract and valley of America which is situate between the great river of

Amazons and Baraquan, otherwise called Orenoque and Maranon (Baraquan is the alternative name to

The empire of Guiana is directly east from Peru towards the sea, and lieth under the equinoctial line; and it

hath more abundance of gold than any part of Peru, and as many or more great cities than ever Peru had when

it flourished most. It is governed by the same laws, and the emperor and people observe the same religion,

and the same form and policies in government as were used in Peru, not differing in any part. And I have

been assured by such of the Spaniards as have seen Manoa, the imperial city of Guiana, which the Spaniards

call El Dorado, that for the greatness, for the riches, and for the excellent seat, it far exceedeth any of the

world, at least of so much of the world as is known to the Spanish nation. It is founded upon a lake of salt

water of 200 leagues long, like unto Mare Caspium. And if we compare it to that of Peru, and but read the

report of Francisco Lopez and others, it will seem more than credible; and because we may judge of the one

by the other, I thought good to insert part of the 120. chapter of Lopez in his General History of the Indies,

wherein he describeth the court and magnificence of Guayna Capac, ancestor to the emperor of Guiana,

"Todo el servicio de su casa, mesa, y cocina era de oro y de plata, y cuando menos de plata y cobre, por mas

recio. Tenia en su recamara estatuas huecas de oro, que parescian gigantes, y las figuras al propio y tamano

de cuantos animales, aves, arboles, y yerbas produce la tierra, y de cuantos peces cria la mar y agua de sus

reynos. Tenia asimesmo sogas, costales, cestas, y troxes de oro y plata; rimeros de palos de oro, que

pareciesen lena rajada para quemar. En fin no habia cosa en su tierra, que no la tuviese de oro contrahecha; y

aun dizen, que tenian los Ingas un verjel en una isla cerca de la Puna, donde se iban a holgar, cuando querian

mar, que tenia la hortaliza, las flores, y arboles de oro y plata; invencion y grandeza hasta entonces nunca

vista. Allende de todo esto, tenia infinitisima cantidad de plata y oro por labrar en el Cuzco, que se perdio por

la muerte de Guascar; ca los Indios lo escondieron, viendo que los Espanoles se lo tomaban, y enviaban a

That is, "All the vessels of his house, table, and kitchen, were of gold and silver, and the meanest of silver

and copper for strength and hardness of metal. He had in his wardrobe hollow statues of gold which seemed

giants, and the figures in proportion and bigness of all the beasts, birds, trees, and herbs, that the earth

bringeth forth; and of all the fishes that the sea or waters of his kingdom breedeth. He had also ropes,

budgets, chests, and troughs of gold and silver, heaps of billets of gold, that seemed wood marked out (split

into logs) to burn. Finally, there was nothing in his country whereof he had not the counterfeit in gold. Yea,

and they say, the Ingas had a garden of pleasure in an island near Puna, where they went to recreate

themselves, when they would take the air of the sea, which had all kinds of gardenherbs, flowers, and trees

of gold and silver; an invention and magnificence till then never seen. Besides all this, he had an infinite

quantity of silver and gold unwrought in Cuzco, which was lost by the death of Guascar, for the Indians hid

And in the 117. chapter; Francisco Pizarro caused the gold and silver of Atabalipa to be weighed after he had

taken it, which Lopez setteth down in these words following:"Hallaron cincuenta y dos mil marcos de

buena plata, y un millon y trecientos y veinte y seis mil y quinientos pesos de oro." Which is, "They found

52,000 marks of good silver, and 1,326,500 pesos of gold." Now, although these reports may seem strange,

yet if we consider the many millions which are daily brought out of Peru into Spain, we may easily believe

the same. For we find that by the abundant treasure of that country the Spanish king vexes all the princes of

Europe, and is become, in a few years, from a poor king of Castile, the greatest monarch of this part of the

world, and likely every day to increase if other princes forslow the good occasions offered, and suffer him to

add this empire to the rest, which by far exceedeth all the rest. If his gold now endanger us, he will then be

unresistible. Such of the Spaniards as afterwards endeavoured the conquest thereof, whereof there have been

many, as shall be declared hereafter, thought that this Inga, of whom this emperor now living is descended,

took his way by the river of Amazons, by that branch which is called Papamene (The Papamene is a tributary

not of the Amazon river but of the Meta, one of the principal tributaries of the Orinoco). For by that way

followed Orellana, by the commandment of Gonzalo Pizarro, in the year 1542, whose name the river also

beareth this day. Which is also by others called Maranon, although Andrew Thevet doth affirm that between

Maranon and Amazons there are 120 leagues; but sure it is that those rivers have one head and beginning, and

the Maranon, which Thevet describeth, is but a branch of Amazons or Orellana, of which I will speak more in

another place. It was attempted by Ordas; but it is now little less than 70 years since that Diego Ordas, a

Knight of the Order of Santiago, attempted the same; and it was in the year 1542 that Orellana discovered the

river of Amazons; but the first that ever saw Manoa was Juan Martinez, master of the munition to Ordas. At a

port called Morequito (probably San Miguel), in Guiana, there lieth at this day a great anchor of Ordas his

ship. And this port is some 300 miles within the land, upon the great river of Orenoque. I rested at this port

The relation of this Martinez, who was the first that discovered Manoa, his success, and end, is to be seen in

the Chancery of St. Juan de Puerto Rico, whereof Berreo had a copy, which appeared to be the greatest

encouragement as well to Berreo as to others that formerly attempted the discovery and conquest. Orellana,

after he failed of the discovery of Guiana by the said river of Amazons, passed into Spain, and there obtained

a patent of the king for the invasion and conquest, but died by sea about the islands; and his fleet being

severed by tempest, the action for that time proceeded not. Diego Ordas followed the enterprise, and departed

Spain with 600 soldiers and thirty horse. Who, arriving on the coast of Guiana, was slain in a mutiny, with

the most part of such as favoured him, as also of the rebellious part, insomuch as his ships perished and few

or none returned; neither was it certainly known what became of the said Ordas until Berreo found the anchor

of his ship in the river of Orenoque; but it was supposed, and so it is written by Lopez, that he perished on the

seas, and of other writers diversely conceived and reported. And hereof it came that Martinez entered so far

within the land, and arrived at that city of Inga the emperor; for it chanced that while Ordas with his army

rested at the port of Morequito (who was either the first or second that attempted Guiana), by some

negligence the whole store of powder provided for the service was set on fire, and Martinez, having the chief

charge, was condemned by the General Ordas to be executed forthwith. Martinez, being much favoured by

the soldiers, had all the means possible procured for his life; but it could not be obtained in other sort than

this, that he should be set into a canoa alone, without any victual, only with his arms, and so turned loose into

the great river. But it pleased God that the canoa was carried down the stream, and certain of the Guianians

met it the same evening; and, having not at any time seen any Christian nor any man of that colour, they

carried Martinez into the land to be wondered at, and so from town to town, until he came to the great city of

Manoa, the seat and residence of Inga the emperor. The emperor, after he had beheld him, knew him to be a

Christian, for it was not long before that his brethren Guascar and Atabalipa were vanquished by the

Spaniards in Peru: and caused him to be lodged in his palace, and well entertained. He lived seven months in

Manoa, but was not suffered to wander into the country anywhere. He was also brought thither all the way

blindfold, led by the Indians, until he came to the entrance of Manoa itself, and was fourteen or fifteen days

in the passage. He avowed at his death that he entered the city at noon, and then they uncovered his face; and

that he travelled all that day till night through the city, and the next day from sun rising to sun setting, ere he

came to the palace of Inga. After that Martinez had lived seven months in Manoa, and began to understand

the language of the country, Inga asked him whether he desired to return into his own country, or would

willingly abide with him. But Martinez, not desirous to stay, obtained the favour of Inga to depart; with

whom he sent divers Guianians to conduct him to the river of Orenoque, all loaden with as much gold as they

could carry, which he gave to Martinez at his departure. But when he was arrived near the river's side, the

borderers which are called Orenoqueponi (poni is a Carib postposition meaning "on") robbed him and his

Guianians of all the treasure (the borderers being at that time at wars, which Inga had not conquered) save

only of two great bottles of gourds, which were filled with beads of gold curiously wrought, which those

Orenoqueponi thought had been no other thing than his drink or meat, or grain for food, with which Martinez

had liberty to pass. And so in canoas he fell down from the river of Orenoque to Trinidad, and from thence to

Margarita, and so to St. Juan del Puerto Rico; where, remaining a long time for passage into Spain, he died.

In the time of his extreme sickness, and when he was without hope of life, receiving the sacrament at the

hands of his confessor, he delivered these things, with the relation of his travels, and also called for his

calabazas or gourds of the gold beads, which he gave to the church and friars, to be prayed for.

This Martinez was he that christened the city of Manoa by the name of El Dorado, and, as Berreo informed

me, upon this occasion, those Guianians, and also the borderers, and all other in that tract which I have seen,

are marvellous great drunkards; in which vice I think no nation can compare with them; and at the times of

their solemn feasts, when the emperor carouseth with his captains, tributaries, and governors, the manner is

thus. All those that pledge him are first stripped naked and their bodies anointed all over with a kind of white

balsamum (by them called curca), of which there is great plenty, and yet very dear amongst them, and it is of

all other the most precious, whereof we have had good experience. When they are anointed all over, certain

servants of the emperor, having prepared gold made into fine powder, blow it through hollow canes upon

their naked bodies, until they be all shining from the foot to the head; and in this sort they sit drinking by

twenties and hundreds, and continue in drunkenness sometimes six or seven days together. The same is also

confirmed by a letter written into Spain which was intercepted, which Master Robert Dudley told me he had

seen. Upon this sight, and for the abundance of gold which he saw in the city, the images of gold in their

temples, the plates, armours, and shields of gold which they use in the wars, he called it El Dorado.

After the death of Ordas and Martinez, and after Orellana, who was employed by Gonzalo Pizarro, one Pedro

de Orsua, a knight of Navarre, attempted Guiana, taking his way into Peru, and built his brigandines upon a

river called Oia, which riseth to the southward of Quito, and is very great. This river falleth into Amazons, by

which Orsua with his companies descended, and came out of that province which is called Motilones

("friars"Indians so named from their cropped heads); and it seemeth to me that this empire is reserved for

her Majesty and the English nation, by reason of the hard success which all these and other Spaniards found

in attempting the same, whereof I will speak briefly, though impertinent in some sort to my purpose. This

Pedro de Orsua had among his troops a Biscayan called Aguirre, a man meanly born, who bare no other

office than a sergeant or alferez (alfaris, Arab.horseman, mounted officer): but after certain months, when

the soldiers were grieved with travels and consumed with famine, and that no entrance could be found by the

branches or body of Amazons, this Aguirre raised a mutiny, of which he made himself the head, and so

prevailed as he put Orsua to the sword and all his followers, taking on him the whole charge and

commandment, with a purpose not only to make himself emperor of Guiana, but also of Peru and of all that

side of the West Indies. He had of his party 700 soldiers, and of those many promised to draw in other

captains and companies, to deliver up towns and forts in Peru; but neither finding by the said river any

passage into Guiana, nor any possibility to return towards Peru by the same Amazons, by reason that the

descent of the river made so great a current, he was enforced to disemboque at the mouth of the said

Amazons, which cannot be less than 1,000 leagues from the place where they embarked. From thence he

coasted the land till he arrived at Margarita to the north of Mompatar, which is at this day called Puerto de

Tyranno, for that he there slew Don Juan de Villa Andreda, Governor of Margarita, who was father to Don

Juan Sarmiento, Governor of Margarita when Sir John Burgh landed there and attempted the island. Aguirre

put to the sword all other in the island that refused to be of his party, and took with him certain cimarrones

(fugitive slaves) and other desperate companions. From thence he went to Cumana and there slew the

governor, and dealt in all as at Margarita. He spoiled all the coast of Caracas and the province of Venezuela

and of Rio de la Hacha; and, as I remember, it was the same year that Sir John Hawkins sailed to St. Juan de

Ullua in the Jesus of Lubeck; for himself told me that he met with such a one upon the coast, that rebelled,

and had sailed down all the river of Amazons. Aguirre from thence landed about Santa Marta and sacked it

also, putting to death so many as refused to be his followers, purposing to invade Nuevo Reyno de Granada

and to sack Pamplona, Merida, Lagrita, Tunja, and the rest of the cities of Nuevo Reyno, and from thence

again to enter Peru; but in a fight in the said Nuevo Reyno he was overthrown, and, finding no way to escape,

he first put to the sword his own children, foretelling them that they should not live to be defamed or

upbraided by the Spaniards after his death, who would have termed them the children of a traitor or tyrant;

and that, sithence he could not make them princes, he would yet deliver them from shame and reproach.

These were the ends and tragedies of Ordas, Martinez, Orellana, Orsua, and Aguirre. Also soon after Ordas

followed Jeronimo Ortal de Saragosa, with 130 soldiers; who failing his entrance by sea, was cast with the

current on the coast of Paria, and peopled about S. Miguel de Neveri. It was then attempted by Don Pedro de

Silva, a Portuguese of the family of Ruy Gomez de Silva, and by the favour which Ruy Gomez had with the

king he was set out. But he also shot wide of the mark; for being departed from Spain with his fleet, he

entered by Maranon or Amazons, where by the nations of the river and by the Amazons, he was utterly

overthrown, and himself and all his army defeated; only seven escaped, and of those but two returned.

After him came Pedro Hernandez de Serpa, and landed at Cumana, in the West Indies, taking his journey by

land towards Orenoque, which may be some 120 leagues; but ere he came to the borders of the said river, he

was set upon by a nation of the Indians, called Wikiri, and overthrown in such sort, that of 300 soldiers,

horsemen, many Indians, and negroes, there returned but eighteen. Others affirm that he was defeated in the

very entrance of Guiana, at the first civil town of the empire called Macureguarai. Captain Preston, in taking

Santiago de Leon (which was by him and his companies very resolutely performed, being a great town, and

far within the land) held a gentleman prisoner, who died in his ship, that was one of the company of

Hernandez de Serpa, and saved among those that escaped; who witnessed what opinion is held among the

Spaniards thereabouts of the great riches of Guiana, and El Dorado, the city of Inga. Another Spaniard was

brought aboard me by Captain Preston, who told me in the hearing of himself and divers other gentlemen,

that he met with Berreo's campmaster at Caracas, when he came from the borders of Guiana, and that he saw

with him forty of most pure plates of gold, curiously wrought, and swords of Guiana decked and inlaid with

gold, feathers garnished with gold, and divers rarities, which he carried to the Spanish king.

After Hernandez de Serpa, it was undertaken by the Adelantado, Don Gonzalez Ximenes de Quesada, who

was one of the chiefest in the conquest of Nuevo Reyno, whose daughter and heir Don Antonio de Berreo

married. Gonzalez sought the passage also by the river called Papamene, which riseth by Quito, in Peru, and

runneth southeast 100 leagues, and then falleth into Amazons. But he also, failing the entrance, returned

with the loss of much labour and cost. I took one Captain George, a Spaniard, that followed Gonzalez in this

enterprise. Gonzalez gave his daughter to Berreo, taking his oath and honour to follow the enterprise to the

last of his substance and life. Who since, as he hath sworn to me, hath spent 300,000 ducats in the same, and

yet never could enter so far into the land as myself with that poor troop, or rather a handful of men, being in

all about 100 gentlemen, soldiers, rowers, boatkeepers, boys, and of all sorts; neither could any of the

forepassed undertakers, nor Berreo himself, discover the country, till now lately by conference with an

ancient king, called Carapana (Caribana, Carib land, was an old European name for the Atlantic coast near

the mouth of the Orinoco, and hence was applied to one of its chiefs. Berrio called this district "Emeria"), he

got the true light thereof. For Berreo came about 1,500 miles ere he understood aught, or could find any

passage or entrance into any part thereof; yet he had experience of all these forenamed, and divers others,

and was persuaded of their errors and mistakings. Berreo sought it by the river Cassanar, which falleth into a

great river called Pato: Pato falleth into Meta, and Meta into Baraquan, which is also called Orenoque. He

took his journey from Nuevo Reyno de Granada, where he dwelt, having the inheritance of Gonzalez

Ximenes in those parts; he was followed with 700 horse, he drove with him 1,000 head of cattle, he had also

many women, Indians, and slaves. How all these rivers cross and encounter, how the country lieth and is

bordered, the passage of Ximenes and Berreo, mine own discovery, and the way that I entered, with all the

rest of the nations and rivers, your lordship shall receive in a large chart or map, which I have not yet

finished, and which I shall most humbly pray your lordship to secrete, and not to suffer it to pass your own

hands; for by a draught thereof all may be prevented by other nations; for I know it is this very year sought by

the French, although by the way that they now take, I fear it not much. It was also told me ere I departed

England, that Villiers, the Admiral, was in preparation for the planting of Amazons, to which river the French

have made divers voyages, and returned much gold and other rarities. I spake with a captain of a French ship

that came from thence, his ship riding in Falmouth the same year that my ships came first from Virginia;

there was another this year in Helford, that also came from thence, and had been fourteen months at an

Although, as I am persuaded, Guiana cannot be entered that way, yet no doubt the trade of gold from thence

passeth by branches of rivers into the river of Amazons, and so it doth on every hand far from the country

itself; for those Indians of Trinidad have plates of gold from Guiana, and those cannibals of Dominica which

dwell in the islands by which our ships pass yearly to the West Indies, also the Indians of Paria, those Indians

called Tucaris, Chochi, Apotomios, Cumanagotos, and all those other nations inhabiting near about the

mountains that run from Paria through the province of Venezuela, and in Maracapana, and the cannibals of

Guanipa, the Indians called Assawai, Coaca, Ajai, and the rest (all which shall be described in my description

as they are situate) have plates of gold of Guiana. And upon the river of Amazons, Thevet writeth that the

people wear croissants of gold, for of that form the Guianians most commonly make them; so as from

Dominica to Amazons, which is above 250 leagues, all the chief Indians in all parts wear of those plates of

Guiana. Undoubtedly those that trade Amazons return much gold, which (as is aforesaid) cometh by trade

from Guiana, by some branch of a river that falleth from the country into Amazons, and either it is by the

I made enquiry amongst the most ancient and best travelled of the Orenoqueponi, and I had knowledge of all

the rivers between Orenoque and Amazons, and was very desirous to understand the truth of those warlike

women, because of some it is believed, of others not. And though I digress from my purpose, yet I will set

down that which hath been delivered me for truth of those women, and I spake with a cacique, or lord of

people, that told me he had been in the river, and beyond it also. The nations of these women are on the south

side of the river in the provinces of Topago, and their chiefest strengths and retracts are in the islands situate

on the south side of the entrance, some 60 leagues within the mouth of the said river. The memories of the

like women are very ancient as well in Africa as in Asia. In Africa those that had Medusa for queen; others in

Scythia, near the rivers of Tanais and Thermodon. We find, also, that Lampedo and Marthesia were queens of

the Amazons. In many histories they are verified to have been, and in divers ages and provinces; but they

which are not far from Guiana do accompany with men but once in a year, and for the time of one month,

which I gather by their relation, to be in April; and that time all kings of the borders assemble, and queens of

the Amazons; and after the queens have chosen, the rest cast lots for their valentines. This one month they

feast, dance, and drink of their wines in abundance; and the moon being done they all depart to their own

provinces. They are said to be very cruel and bloodthirsty, especially to such as offer to invade their

territories. These Amazons have likewise great store of these plates of gold, which they recover by exchange

chiefly for a kind of green stones, which the Spaniards call piedras hijadas, and we use for spleenstones

(stones reduced to powder and taken internally to cure maladies of the spleen); and for the disease of the

stone we also esteem them. Of these I saw divers in Guiana; and commonly every king or cacique hath one,

But to return to the enterprise of Berreo, who, as I have said, departed from Nuevo Reyno with 700 horse,

besides the provisions above rehearsed. He descended by the river called Cassanar, which riseth in Nuevo

Reyno out of the mountains by the city of Tunja, from which mountain also springeth Pato; both which fall

into the great river of Meta, and Meta riseth from a mountain joining to Pamplona, in the same Nuevo Reyno

de Granada. These, as also Guaiare, which issueth out of the mountains by Timana, fall all into Baraquan, and

are but of his heads; for at their coming together they lose their names, and Baraquan farther down is also

rebaptized by the name of Orenoque. On the other side of the city and hills of Timana riseth Rio Grande,

which falleth into the sea by Santa Marta. By Cassanar first, and so into Meta, Berreo passed, keeping his

horsemen on the banks, where the country served them for to march; and where otherwise, he was driven to

embark them in boats which he builded for the purpose, and so came with the current down the river of Meta,

and so into Baraquan. After he entered that great and mighty river, he began daily to lose of his companies

both men and horse; for it is in many places violently swift, and hath forcible eddies, many sands, and divers

islands sharp pointed with rocks. But after one whole year, journeying for the most part by river, and the rest

by land, he grew daily to fewer numbers; from both by sickness, and by encountering with the people of those

regions through which he travelled, his companies were much wasted, especially by divers encounters with

the Amapaians (Amapaia was Berrio's name for the Orinoco valley above the Caura river). And in all this

time he never could learn of any passage into Guiana, nor any news or fame thereof, until he came to a

further border of the said Amapaia, eight days' journey from the river Caroli (the Caroni river, the first great

affluent of the Orinoco on the south, about 180 miles from the sea), which was the furthest river that he

entered. Among those of Amapaia, Guiana was famous; but few of these people accosted Berreo, or would

trade with him the first three months of the six which he sojourned there. This Amapaia is also marvellous

rich in gold, as both Berreo confessed and those of Guiana with whom I had most conference; and is situate

upon Orenoque also. In this country Berreo lost sixty of his best soldiers, and most of all his horse that

remained in his former year's travel. But in the end, after divers encounters with those nations, they grew to

peace, and they presented Berreo with ten images of fine gold among divers other plates and croissants,

which, as he sware to me, and divers other gentlemen, were so curiously wrought, as he had not seen the like

either in Italy, Spain, or the Low Countries; and he was resolved that when they came to the hands of the

Spanish king, to whom he had sent them by his campmaster, they would appear very admirable, especially

being wrought by such a nation as had no iron instruments at all, nor any of those helps which our goldsmiths

have to work withal. The particular name of the people in Amapaia which gave him these pieces, are called

Anebas, and the river of Orenoque at that place is about twelve English miles broad, which may be from his

This province of Amapaia is a very low and a marish ground near the river; and by reason of the red water

which issueth out in small branches through the fenny and boggy ground, there breed divers poisonful worms

and serpents. And the Spaniards not suspecting, nor in any sort foreknowing the danger, were infected with a

grievous kind of flux by drinking thereof, and even the very horses poisoned therewith; insomuch as at the

end of the six months that they abode there, of all their troops there were not left above 120 soldiers, and

neither horse nor cattle. For Berreo hoped to have found Guiana be 1,000 miles nearer than it fell out to be in

the end; by means whereof they sustained much want, and much hunger, oppressed with grievous diseases,

and all the miseries that could be imagined. I demanded of those in Guiana that had travelled Amapaia, how

they lived with that tawny or red water when they travelled thither; and they told me that after the sun was

near the middle of the sky, they used to fill their pots and pitchers with that water, but either before that time

or towards the setting of the sun it was dangerous to drink of, and in the night strong poison. I learned also of

divers other rivers of that nature among them, which were also, while the sun was in the meridian, very safe

to drink, and in the morning, evening, and night, wonderful dangerous and infective. From this province

Berreo hasted away as soon as the spring and beginning of summer appeared, and sought his entrance on the

borders of Orenoque on the south side; but there ran a ledge of so high and impassable mountains, as he was

not able by any means to march over them, continuing from the east sea into which Orenoque falleth, even to

Quito in Peru. Neither had he means to carry victual or munition over those craggy, high, and fast hills, being

all woody, and those so thick and spiny, and so full or prickles, thorns, and briars, as it is impossible to creep

through them. He had also neither friendship among the people, nor any interpreter to persuade or treat with

them; and more, to his disadvantage, the caciques and kings of Amapaia had given knowledge of his purpose

to the Guianians, and that he sought to sack and conquer the empire, for the hope of their so great abundance

and quantities of gold. He passed by the mouths of many great rivers which fell into Orenoque both from the

north and south, which I forbear to name, for tediousness, and because they are more pleasing in describing

Berreo affirmed that there fell an hundred rivers into Orenoque from the north and south: whereof the least

was as big as Rio Grande (the Magdalena), that passed between Popayan and Nuevo Reyno de Granada, Rio

Grande being esteemed one of the renowned rivers in all the West Indies, and numbered among the great

rivers of the world. But he knew not the names of any of these, but Caroli only; neither from what nations

they descended, neither to what provinces they led, for he had no means to discourse with the inhabitants at

any time; neither was he curious in these things, being utterly unlearned, and not knowing the east from the

west. But of all these I got some knowledge, and of many more, partly by mine own travel, and the rest by

conference; of some one I learned one, of others the rest, having with me an Indian that spake many

languages, and that of Guiana (the Carib) naturally. I sought out all the aged men, and such as were greatest

travellers. And by the one and the other I came to understand the situations, the rivers, the kingdoms from the

east sea to the borders of Peru, and from Orenoque southward as far as Amazons or Maranon, and the regions

of Marinatambal (north coasts of Brazil), and of all the kings of provinces, and captains of towns and

villages, how they stood in terms of peace or war, and which were friends or enemies the one with the other;

without which there can be neither entrance nor conquest in those parts, nor elsewhere. For by the dissension

between Guascar and Atabalipa, Pizarro conquered Peru, and by the hatred that the Tlaxcallians bare to

Mutezuma, Cortes was victorious over Mexico; without which both the one and the other had failed of their

Now Berreo began to grow into despair, and looked for no other success than his predecessor in this

enterprise; until such time as he arrived at the province of Emeria towards the east sea and mouth of the river,

where he found a nation of people very favourable, and the country full of all manner of victual. The king of

this land is called Carapana, a man very wise, subtle, and of great experience, being little less than an hundred

years old. In his youth he was sent by his father into the island of Trinidad, by reason of civil war among

themselves, and was bred at a village in that island, called Parico. At that place in his youth he had seen many

Christians, both French and Spanish, and went divers times with the Indians of Trinidad to Margarita and

Cumana, in the West Indies, for both those places have ever been relieved with victual from Trinidad: by

reason whereof he grew of more understanding, and noted the difference of the nations, comparing the

strength and arms of his country with those of the Christians, and ever after temporised so as whosoever else

did amiss, or was wasted by contention, Carapana kept himself and his country in quiet and plenty. He also

held peace with the Caribs or cannibals, his neighbours, and had free trade with all nations, whosoever else

Berreo sojourned and rested his weak troop in the town of Carapana six weeks, and from him learned the way

and passage to Guiana, and the riches and magnificence thereof. But being then utterly unable to proceed, he

determined to try his fortune another year, when he had renewed his provisions, and regathered more force,

which he hoped for as well out of Spain as from Nuevo Reyno, where he had left his son Don Antonio

Ximenes to second him upon the first notice given of his entrance; and so for the present embarked himself in

canoas, and by the branches of Orenoque arrived at Trinidad, having from Carapana sufficient pilots to

conduct him. From Trinidad he coasted Paria, and so recovered Margarita; and having made relation to Don

Juan Sarmiento, the Governor, of his proceeding, and persuaded him of the riches of Guiana, he obtained

from thence fifty soldiers, promising presently to return to Carapana, and so into Guiana. But Berreo meant

nothing less at that time; for he wanted many provisions necessary for such an enterprise, and therefore

departed from Margarita, seated himself in Trinidad, and from thence sent his campmaster and his

sergeantmajor back to the borders to discover the nearest passage into the empire, as also to treat with the

borderers, and to draw them to his party and love; without which, he knew he could neither pass safely, nor in

any sort be relieved with victual or aught else. Carapana directed his company to a king called Morequito,

assuring them that no man could deliver so much Guiana as Morequito could, and that his dwelling was but

Now your lordship shall understand that this Morequito, one of the greatest lords or kings of the borders of

Guiana, had two or three years before been at Cumana and at Margarita, in the West Indies, with great store

of plates of gold, which he carried to exchange for such other things as he wanted in his own country, and

was daily feasted, and presented by the governors of those places, and held amongst them some two months.

In which time one Vides, Governor of Cumana, won him to be his conductor into Guiana, being allured by

those croissants and images of gold which he brought with him to trade, as also by the ancient fame and

magnificence of El Dorado; whereupon Vides sent into Spain for a patent to discover and conquer Guiana,

not knowing of the precedence of Berreo's patent; which, as Berreo affirmeth, was signed before that of

Vidas. So as when Vides understood of Berreo and that he had made entrance into that territory, and foregone

his desire and hope, it was verily thought that Vides practised with Morequito to hinder and disturb Berreo in

all he could, and not to suffer him to enter through his seignory, nor any of his companies; neither to victual,

nor guide them in any sort. For Vides, Governor of Cumana, and Berreo, were become mortal enemies, as

well for that Berreo had gotten Trinidad into his patent with Guiana, as also in that he was by Berreo

prevented in the journey of Guiana itself. Howsoever it was, I know not, but Morequito for a time dissembled

his disposition, suffered ten Spaniards and a friar, which Berreo had sent to discover Manoa, to travel through

his country, gave them a guide for Macureguarai, the first town of civil and apparelled people, from whence

they had other guides to bring them to Manoa, the great city of Inga; and being furnished with those things

which they had learned of Carapana were of most price in Guiana, went onward, and in eleven days arrived at

Manoa, as Berreo affirmeth for certain; although I could not be assured thereof by the lord which now

governeth the province of Morequito, for he told me that they got all the gold they had in other towns on this

side Manoa, there being many very great and rich, and (as he said) built like the towns of Christians, with

When these ten Spaniards were returned, and ready to put out of the border of Aromaia (the district below the

Caroni river), the people of Morequito set upon them, and slew them all but one that swam the river, and took

from them to the value of 40,000 pesos of gold; and one of them only lived to bring the news to Berreo, that

both his nine soldiers and holy father were benighted in the said province. I myself spake with the captains of

Morequito that slew them, and was at the place where it was executed. Berreo, enraged herewithal, sent all

the strength he could make into Aromaia, to be revenged of him, his people, and country. But Morequito,

suspecting the same, fled over Orenoque, and through the territories of the Saima and Wikiri recovered

Cumana, where he thought himself very safe, with Vides the governor. But Berreo sending for him in the

king's name, and his messengers finding him in the house of one Fajardo, on the sudden, ere he was

suspected, so as he could not then be conveyed away, Vides durst not deny him, as well to avoid the

suspicion of the practice, as also for that an holy father was slain by him and his people. Morequito offered

Fajardo the weight of three quintals in gold, to let him escape; but the poor Guianian, betrayed on all sides,

After the death of this Morequito, the soldiers of Berreo spoiled his territory and took divers prisoners.

Among others they took the uncle of Morequito, called Topiawari, who is now king of Aromaia, whose son I

brought with me into England, and is a man of great understanding and policy; he is above an hundred years

old, and yet is of a very able body. The Spaniards led him in a chain seventeen days, and made him their

guide from place to place between his country and Emeria, the province of Carapana aforesaid, and he was at

last redeemed for an hundred plates of gold, and divers stones called piedras hijadas, or spleenstones. Now

Berreo for executing of Morequito, and other cruelties, spoils, and slaughters done in Aromaia, hath lost the

love of the Orenoqueponi, and of all the borderers, and dare not send any of his soldiers any further into the

land than to Carapana, which he called the port of Guiana; but from thence by the help of Carapana he had

trade further into the country, and always appointed ten Spaniards to reside in Carapana's town (the Spanish

settlement of Santo Tome de la Guyana, founded by Berrio in 1591 or 1592, but represented by Raleigh as an

Indian pueblo), by whose favour, and by being conducted by his people, those ten searched the country

They also have gotten a nephew of Morequito, whom they have christened and named Don Juan, of whom

they have great hope, endeavouring by all means to establish him in the said province. Among many other

trades, those Spaniards used canoas to pass to the rivers of Barema, Pawroma, and Dissequebe (Essequibo),

which are on the south side of the mouth of Orenoque, and there buy women and children from the cannibals,

which are of that barbarous nature, as they will for three or four hatchets sell the sons and daughters of their

own brethren and sisters, and for somewhat more even their own daughters. Hereof the Spaniards make great

profit; for buying a maid of twelve or thirteen years for three or four hatchets, they sell them again at

Margarita in the West Indies for fifty and an hundred pesos, which is so many crowns.

The master of my ship, John Douglas, took one of the canoas which came laden from thence with people to

be sold, and the most of them escaped; yet of those he brought, there was one as well favoured and as well

shaped as ever I saw any in England; and afterwards I saw many of them, which but for their tawny colour

may be compared to any in Europe. They also trade in those rivers for bread of cassavi, of which they buy an

hundred pound weight for a knife, and sell it at Margarita for ten pesos. They also recover great store of

cotton, Brazil wood, and those beds which they call hamacas or Brazil beds, wherein in hot countries all the

Spaniards use to lie commonly, and in no other, neither did we ourselves while we were there. By means of

which trades, for ransom of divers of the Guianians, and for exchange of hatchets and knives, Berreo

recovered some store of gold plates, eagles of gold, and images of men and divers birds, and dispatched his

campmaster for Spain, with all that he had gathered, therewith to levy soldiers, and by the show thereof to

draw others to the love of the enterprise. And having sent divers images as well of men as beasts, birds, and

fishes, so curiously wrought in gold, he doubted not but to persuade the king to yield to him some further

help, especially for that this land hath never been sacked, the mines never wrought, and in the Indies their

works were well spent, and the gold drawn out with great labour and charge. He also despatched messengers

to his son in Nuevo Reyno to levy all the forces he could, and to come down the river Orenoque to Emeria,

the province of Carapana, to meet him; he had also sent to Santiago de Leon on the coast of the Caracas, to

After I had thus learned of his proceedings past and purposed, I told him that I had resolved to see Guiana,

and that it was the end of my journey, and the cause of my coming to Trinidad, as it was indeed, and for that

purpose I sent Jacob Whiddon the year before to get intelligence: with whom Berreo himself had speech at

that time, and remembered how inquisitive Jacob Whiddon was of his proceedings, and of the country of

Guiana. Berreo was stricken into a great melancholy and sadness, and used all the arguments he could to

dissuade me; and also assured the gentlemen of my company that it would be labour lost, and that they should

suffer many miseries if they proceeded. And first he delivered that I could not enter any of the rivers with any

bark or pinnace, or hardly with any ship's boat, it was so low, sandy, and full of flats, and that his companies

were daily grounded in their canoes, which drew but twelve inches water. He further said that none of the

country would come to speak with us, but would all fly; and if we followed them to their dwellings, they

would burn their own towns. And besides that, the way was long, the winter at hand, and that the rivers

beginning once to swell, it was impossible to stem the current; and that we could not in those small boats by

any means carry victuals for half the time, and that (which indeed most discouraged my company) the kings

and lords of all the borders of Guiana had decreed that none of them should trade with any Christians for

gold, because the same would be their own overthrow, and that for the love of gold the Christians meant to

Many and the most of these I found to be true; but yet I resolving to make trial of whatsoever happened,

directed Captain George Gifford, my ViceAdmiral, to take the Lion's Whelp, and Captain Caulfield his

bark, to turn to the eastward, against the mouth of a river called Capuri, whose entrance I had before sent

Captain Whiddon and John Douglas the master to discover. Who found some nine foot water or better upon

the flood, and five at low water: to whom I had given instructions that they should anchor at the edge of the

shoal, and upon the best of the flood to thrust over, which shoal John Douglas buoyed and beckoned

(beaconed) for them before. But they laboured in vain; for neither could they turn it up altogether so far to the

east, neither did the flood continue so long, but the water fell ere they could have passed the sands. As we

after found by a second experience: so as now we must either give over our enterprise, or leaving our ships at

adventure 400 mile behind us, must run up in our ship's boats, one barge, and two wherries. But being

doubtful how to carry victuals for so long a time in such baubles, or any strength of men, especially for that

Berreo assured us that his son must be by that time come down with many soldiers, I sent away one King,

master of the Lion's Whelp, with his shipboat, to try another branch of the river in the bottom of the Bay of

Guanipa, which was called Amana, to prove if there were water to be found for either of the small ships to

enter. But when he came to the mouth of Amana, he found it as the rest, but stayed not to discover it

thoroughly, because he was assured by an Indian, his guide, that the cannibals of Guanipa would assail them

with many canoas, and that they shot poisoned arrows; so as if he hasted not back, they should all be lost.

In the meantime, fearing the worst, I caused all the carpenters we had to cut down a galego boat, which we

meant to cast off, and to fit her with banks to row on, and in all things to prepare her the best they could, so as

she might be brought to draw but five foot: for so much we had on the bar of Capuri at low water. And

doubting of King's return, I sent John Douglas again in my long barge, as well to relieve him, as also to make

a perfect search in the bottom of the bay; for it hath been held for infallible, that whatsoever ship or boat shall

fall therein can never disemboque again, by reason of the violent current which setteth into the said bay, as

also for that the breeze and easterly wind bloweth directly into the same. Of which opinion I have heard John

Hampton (Captain of the Minion in the third voyage of Hawkins), of Plymouth, one of the greatest

I sent with John Douglas an old cacique of Trinidad for a pilot, who told us that we could not return again by

the bay or gulf, but that he knew a bybranch which ran within the land to the eastward, and he thought by it

we might fall into Capuri, and so return in four days. John Douglas searched those rivers, and found four

goodly entrances, whereof the least was as big as the Thames at Woolwich, but in the bay thitherward it was

shoal and but six foot water; so as we were now without hope of any ship or bark to pass over, and therefore

resolved to go on with the boats, and the bottom of the galego, in which we thrust 60 men. In the Lion's

Whelp's boat and wherry we carried twenty, Captain Caulfield in his wherry carried ten more, and in my

barge other ten, which made up a hundred; we had no other means but to carry victual for a month in the

same, and also to lodge therein as we could, and to boil and dress our meat. Captain Gifford had with him

Master Edward Porter, Captain Eynos, and eight more in his wherry, with all their victual, weapons, and

provisions. Captain Caulfield had with him my cousin Butshead Gorges, and eight more. In the galley, of

gentlemen and officers myself had Captain Thyn, my cousin John Greenvile, my nephew John Gilbert,

Captain Whiddon, Captain Keymis, Edward Hancock, Captain Clarke, Lieutenant Hughes, Thomas Upton,

Captain Facy, Jerome Ferrar, Anthony Wells, William Connock, and above fifty more. We could not learn of

Berreo any other way to enter but in branches so far to windward as it was impossible for us to recover; for

we had as much sea to cross over in our wherries, as between Dover and Calice, and in a great bollow, the

wind and current being both very strong. So as we were driven to go in those small boats directly before the

wind into the bottom of the Bay of Guanipa, and from thence to enter the mouth of some one of those rivers

which John Douglas had last discovered; and had with us for pilot an Indian of Barema, a river to the south of

Orenoque, between that and Amazons, whose canoas we had formerly taken as he was going from the said

Barema, laden with cassavi bread to sell at Margarita. This Arwacan promised to bring me into the great river

of Orenoque; but indeed of that which he entered he was utterly ignorant, for he had not seen it in twelve

years before, at which time he was very young, and of no judgment. And if God had not sent us another help,

we might have wandered a whole year in that labyrinth of rivers, ere we had found any way, either out or in,

especially after we were past ebbing and flowing, which was in four days. For I know all the earth doth not

yield the like confluence of streams and branches, the one crossing the other so many times, and all so fair

and large, and so like one to another, as no man can tell which to take: and if we went by the sun or compass,

hoping thereby to go directly one way or other, yet that way we were also carried in a circle amongst

multitudes of islands, and every island so bordered with high trees as no man could see any further than the

breadth of the river, or length of the breach. But this it chanced, that entering into a river (which because it

had no name, we called the River of the Red Cross, ourselves being the first Christians that ever came

therein), the 22. of May, as we were rowing up the same, we espied a small canoa with three Indians, which

by the swiftness of my barge, rowing with eight oars, I overtook ere they could cross the river. The rest of the

people on the banks, shadowed under the thick wood, gazed on with a doubtful conceit what might befall

those three which we had taken. But when they perceived that we offered them no violence, neither entered

their canoa with any of ours, nor took out of the canoa any of theirs, they then began to show themselves on

the bank's side, and offered to traffic with us for such things as they had. And as we drew near, they all

stayed; and we came with our barge to the mouth of a little creek which came from their town into the great

As we abode here awhile, our Indian pilot, called Ferdinando, would needs go ashore to their village to fetch

some fruits and to drink of their artificial wines, and also to see the place and know the lord of it against

another time, and took with him a brother of his which he had with him in the journey. When they came to

the village of these people the lord of the island offered to lay hands on them, purposing to have slain them

both; yielding for reason that this Indian of ours had brought a strange nation into their territory to spoil and

destroy them. But the pilot being quick and of a disposed body, slipt their fingers and ran into the woods, and

his brother, being the better footman of the two, recovered the creek's mouth, where we stayed in our barge,

crying out that his brother was slain. With that we set hands on one of them that was next us, a very old man,

and brought him into the barge, assuring him that if we had not our pilot again we would presently cut off his

head. This old man, being resolved that he should pay the loss of the other, cried out to those in the woods to

save Ferdinando, our pilot; but they followed him notwithstanding, and hunted after him upon the foot with

their deerdogs, and with so main a cry that all the woods echoed with the shout they made. But at the last

this poor chased Indian recovered the river side and got upon a tree, and, as we were coasting, leaped down

and swam to the barge half dead with fear. But our good hap was that we kept the other old Indian, which we

handfasted to redeem our pilot withal; for, being natural of those rivers, we assured ourselves that he knew

the way better than any stranger could. And, indeed, but for this chance, I think we had never found the way

either to Guiana or back to our ships; for Ferdinando after a few days knew nothing at all, nor which way to

turn; yea, and many times the old man himself was in great doubt which river to take. Those people which

dwell in these broken islands and drowned lands are generally called Tivitivas. There are of them two sorts;

The great river of Orenoque or Baraquan hath nine branches which fall out on the north side of his own main

mouth. On the south side it hath seven other fallings into the sea, so it disemboqueth by sixteen arms in all,

between islands and broken ground; but the islands are very great, many of them as big as the Isle of Wight,

and bigger, and many less. From the first branch on the north to the last of the south it is at least 100 leagues,

so as the river's mouth is 300 miles wide at his entrance into the sea, which I take to be far bigger than that of

Amazons. All those that inhabit in the mouth of this river upon the several north branches are these Tivitivas,

of which there are two chief lords which have continual wars one with the other. The islands which lie on the

right hand are called Pallamos, and the land on the left, Hororotomaka; and the river by which John Douglas

These Tivitivas are a very goodly people and very valiant, and have the most manly speech and most

deliberate that ever I heard of what nation soever. In the summer they have houses on the ground, as in other

places; in the winter they dwell upon the trees, where they build very artificial towns and villages, as it is

written in the Spanish story of the West Indies that those people do in the low lands near the gulf of Uraba.

For between May and September the river of Orenoque riseth thirty foot upright, and then are those islands

overflown twenty foot high above the level of the ground, saving some few raised grounds in the middle of

them; and for this cause they are enforced to live in this manner. They never eat of anything that is set or

sown; and as at home they use neither planting nor other manurance, so when they come abroad they refuse

to feed of aught but of that which nature without labour bringeth forth. They use the tops of palmitos for

bread, and kill deer, fish, and porks for the rest of their sustenance. They have also many sorts of fruits that

grow in the woods, and great variety of birds and fowls; and if to speak of them were not tedious and vulgar,

surely we saw in those passages of very rare colours and forms not elsewhere to be found, for as much as I

Of these people those that dwell upon the branches of Orenoque, called Capuri, and Macureo, are for the

most part carpenters of canoas; for they make the most and fairest canoas; and sell them into Guiana for gold

and into Trinidad for tabacco, in the excessive taking whereof they exceed all nations. And notwithstanding

the moistness of the air in which they live, the hardness of their diet, and the great labours they suffer to hunt,

fish, and fowl for their living, in all my life, either in the Indies or in Europe, did I never behold a more

goodly or betterfavoured people or a more manly. They were wont to make war upon all nations, and

especially on the Cannibals, so as none durst without a good strength trade by those rivers; but of late they are

at peace with their neighbours, all holding the Spaniards for a common enemy. When their commanders die

they use great lamentation; and when they think the flesh of their bodies is putrified and fallen from their

bones, then they take up the carcase again and hang it in the cacique's house that died, and deck his skull with

feathers of all colours, and hang all his gold plates about the bones of this arms, thighs, and legs. Those

nations which are called Arwacas, which dwell on the south of Orenoque, of which place and nation our

Indian pilot was, are dispersed in many other places, and do use to beat the bones of their lords into powder,

After we departed from the port of these Ciawani we passed up the river with the flood and anchored the ebb,

and in this sort we went onward. The third day that we entered the river, our galley came on ground; and

stuck so fast as we thought that even there our discovery had ended, and that we must have left fourscore

and ten of our men to have inhabited, like rooks upon trees, with those nations. But the next morning, after

we had cast out all her ballast, with tugging and hauling to and fro we got her afloat and went on. At four

days' end we fell into as goodly a river as ever I beheld, which was called the great Amana, which ran more

directly without windings and turnings than the other. But soon after the flood of the sea left us; and, being

enforced either by main strength to row against a violent current, or to return as wise as we went out, we had

then no shift but to persuade the companies that it was but two or three days' work, and therefore desired

them to take pains, every gentleman and others taking their turns to row, and to spell one the other at the

hour's end. Every day we passed by goodly branches of rivers, some falling from the west, others from the

east, into Amana; but those I leave to the description in the chart of discovery, where every one shall be

named with his rising and descent. When three days more were overgone, our companies began to despair,

the weather being extreme hot, the river bordered with very high trees that kept away the air, and the current

against us every day stronger than other. But we evermore commanded our pilots to promise an end the next

day, and used it so long as we were driven to assure them from four reaches of the river to three, and so to

two, and so to the next reach. But so long we laboured that many days were spent, and we driven to draw

ourselves to harder allowance, our bread even at the last, and no drink at all; and our men and ourselves so

wearied and scorched, and doubtful withal whether we should ever perform it or no, the heat increasing as we

The further we went on, our victual decreasing and the air breeding great faintness, we grew weaker and

weaker, when we had most need of strength and ability. For hourly the river ran more violently than other

against us, and the barge, wherries, and ship's boat of Captain Gifford and Captain Caulfield had spent all

their provisions; so as we were brought into despair and discomfort, had we not persuaded all the company

that it was but only one day's work more to attain the land where we should be relieved of all we wanted, and

if we returned, that we were sure to starve by the way, and that the world would also laugh us to scorn. On

the banks of these rivers were divers sorts of fruits good to eat, flowers and trees of such variety as were

sufficient to make ten volumes of Herbals; we relieved ourselves many times with the fruits of the country,

and sometimes with fowl and fish. We saw birds of all colours, some carnation, some crimson,

orangetawny, purple, watchet (pale blue), and of all other sorts, both simple and mixed, and it was unto us a

great goodpassing of the time to behold them, besides the relief we found by killing some store of them with

our fowlingpieces; without which, having little or no bread, and less drink, but only the thick and troubled

Our old pilot of the Ciawani, whom, as I said before, we took to redeem Ferdinando, told us, that if we would

enter a branch of a river on the right hand with our barge and wherries, and leave the galley at anchor the

while in the great river, he would bring us to a town of the Arwacas, where we should find store of bread,

hens, fish, and of the country wine; and persuaded us, that departing from the galley at noon we might return

ere night. I was very glad to hear this speech, and presently took my barge, with eight musketeers, Captain

Gifford's wherry, with himself and four musketeers, and Captain Caulfield with his wherry, and as many; and

so we entered the mouth of this river; and because we were persuaded that it was so near, we took no victual

with us at all. When we had rowed three hours, we marvelled we saw no sign of any dwelling, and asked the

pilot where the town was; he told us, a little further. After three hours more, the sun being almost set, we

began to suspect that he led us that way to betray us; for he confessed that those Spaniards which fled from

Trinidad, and also those that remained with Carapana in Emeria, were joined together in some village upon

that river. But when it grew towards night, and we demanded where the place was, he told us but four reaches

more. When we had rowed four and four, we saw no sign; and our poor watermen, even heartbroken and

tired, were ready to give up the ghost; for we had now come from the galley near forty miles.

At the last we determined to hang the pilot; and if we had well known the way back again by night, he had

surely gone. But our own necessities pleaded sufficiently for his safety; for it was as dark as pitch, and the

river began so to narrow itself, and the trees to hang over from side to side, as we were driven with arming

swords to cut a passage through those branches that covered the water. We were very desirous to find this

town hoping of a feast, because we made but a short breakfast aboard the galley in the morning, and it was

now eight o'clock at night, and our stomachs began to gnaw apace; but whether it was best to return or go on,

we began to doubt, suspecting treason in the pilot more and more; but the poor old Indian ever assured us that

it was but a little further, but this one turning and that turning; and at the last about one o'clock after midnight

we saw a light, and rowing towards it we heard the dogs of the village. When we landed we found few

people; for the lord of that place was gone with divers canoas above 400 miles off, upon a journey towards

the head of Orenoque, to trade for gold, and to buy women of the Cannibals, who afterwards unfortunately

passed by us as we rode at an anchor in the port of Morequito in the dark of the night, and yet came so near

us as his canoas grated against our barges; he left one of his company at the port of Morequito, by whom we

understood that he had brought thirty young women, divers plates of gold, and had great store of fine pieces

of cotton cloth, and cotton beds. In his house we had good store of bread, fish, hens, and Indian drink, and so

rested that night; and in the morning, after we had traded with such of his people as came down, we returned

On both sides of this river we passed the most beautiful country that ever mine eyes beheld; and whereas all

that we had seen before was nothing but woods, prickles, bushes, and thorns, here we beheld plains of twenty

miles in length, the grass short and green, and in divers parts groves of trees by themselves, as if they had

been by all the art and labour in the world so made of purpose; and still as we rowed, the deer came down

feeding by the water's side as if they had been used to a keeper's call. Upon this river there were great store of

fowl, and of many sorts; we saw in it divers sorts of strange fishes, and of marvellous bigness; but for

lagartos (alligators and caymans) it exceeded, for there were thousands of those ugly serpents; and the people

call it, for the abundance of them, the River of Lagartos, in their language. I had a negro, a very proper young

fellow, who leaping out of the galley to swim in the mouth of this river, was in all our sights taken and

devoured with one of those lagartos. In the meanwhile our companies in the galley thought we had been all

lost, for we promised to return before night; and sent the Lion's Whelp's ship's boat with Captain Whiddon to

and went on our way up the great river; and when we were even at the last cast for want of victuals, Captain

Gifford being before the galley and the rest of the boats, seeking out some place to land upon the banks to

make fire, espied four canoas coming down the river; and with no small joy caused his men to try the

uttermost of their strengths, and after a while two of the four gave over and ran themselves ashore, every man

betaking himself to the fastness of the woods. The two other lesser got away, while he landed to lay hold on

these; and so turned into some bycreek, we knew not whither. Those canoas that were taken were loaded

with bread, and were bound for Margarita in the West Indies, which those Indians, called Arwacas, proposed

to carry thither for exchange; but in the lesser there were three Spaniards, who having heard of the defeat of

their Governor in Trinidad, and that we purposed to enter Guiana, came away in those canoas; one of them

was a cavallero, as the captain of the Arwacas after told us, another a soldier and the third a refiner.

In the meantime, nothing on the earth could have been more welcome to us, next unto gold, than the great

store of very excellent bread which we found in these canoas; for now our men cried, "Let us go on, we care

not how far." After that Captain Gifford had brought the two canoas to the galley, I took my barge and went

to the bank's side with a dozen shot, where the canoas first ran themselves ashore, and landed there, sending

out Captain Gifford and Captain Thyn on one hand and Captain Caulfield on the other, to follow those that

were fled into the woods. And as I was creeping through the bushes, I saw an Indian basket hidden, which

was the refiner's basket; for I found in it his quicksilver, saltpetre, and divers things for the trial of metals, and

also the dust of such ore as he had refined; but in those canoas which escaped there was a good quantity of

ore and gold. I then landed more men, and offered five hundred pound to what soldier soever could take one

of those three Spaniards that we thought were landed. But our labours were in vain in that behalf, for they put

themselves into one of the small canoas, and so, while the greater canoas were in taking, they escaped. But

seeking after the Spaniards we found the Arwacas hidden in the woods, which were pilots for the Spaniards,

and rowed their canoas. Of which I kept the chiefest for a pilot, and carried him with me to Guiana; by whom

I understood where and in what countries the Spaniards had laboured for gold, though I made not the same

known to all. For when the springs began to break, and the rivers to raise themselves so suddenly as by no

means we could abide the digging of any mine, especially for that the richest are defended with rocks of hard

stones, which we call the white spar, and that it required both time, men, and instruments fit for such a work,

I thought it best not to hover thereabouts, lest if the same had been perceived by the company, there would

have been by this time many barks and ships set out, and perchance other nations would also have gotten of

ours for pilots. So as both ourselves might have been prevented, and all our care taken for good usage of the

people been utterly lost, by those that only respect present profit; and such violence or insolence offered as

the nations which are borderers would have changed the desire of our love and defence into hatred and

violence. And for any longer stay to have brought a more quantity, which I hear hath been often objected,

whosoever had seen or proved the fury of that river after it began to arise, and had been a month and odd

days, as we were, from hearing aught from our ships, leaving them meanly manned 400 miles off, would

perchance have turned somewhat sooner than we did, if all the mountains had been gold, or rich stones. And

to say the truth, all the branches and small rivers which fell into Orenoque were raised with such speed, as if

we waded them over the shoes in the morning outward, we were covered to the shoulders homeward the very

same day; and to stay to dig our gold with our nails, had been opus laboris but not ingenii. Such a quantity as

would have served our turns we could not have had, but a discovery of the mines to our infinite disadvantage

we had made, and that could have been the best profit of farther search or stay; for those mines are not easily

broken, nor opened in haste, and I could have returned a good quantity of gold ready cast if I had not shot at

This Arwacan pilot, with the rest, feared that we would have eaten them, or otherwise have put them to some

cruel death: for the Spaniards, to the end that none of the people in the passage towards Guiana, or in Guiana

itself, might come to speech with us, persuaded all the nations that we were meneaters and cannibals. But

when the poor men and women had seen us, and that we gave them meat, and to every one something or

other which was rare and strange to them, they began to conceive the deceit and purpose of the Spaniards,

who indeed, as they confessed took from them both their wives and daughters daily . . . But I protest before

the Majesty of the living God, that I neither know nor believe, that any of our company, one or other, did

offer insult to any of their women, and yet we saw many hundreds, and had many in our power, and of those

very young and excellently favoured, which came among us without deceit, stark naked. Nothing got us more

love amongst them than this usage; for I suffered not any man to take from any of the nations so much as a

pina (pineapple) or a potato root without giving them contentment, nor any man so much as to offer to touch

any of their wives or daughters; which course, so contrary to the Spaniards, who tyrannize over them in all

things, drew them to admire her Majesty, whose commandment I told them it was, and also wonderfully to

honour our nation. But I confess it was a very impatient work to keep the meaner sort from spoil and stealing

when we came to their houses; which because in all I could not prevent, I caused my Indian interpreter at

every place when we departed, to know of the loss or wrong done, and if aught were stolen or taken by

violence, either the same was restored, and the party punished in their sight, or else was paid for to their

uttermost demand. They also much wondered at us, after they heard that we had slain the Spaniards at

Trinidad, for they were before resolved that no nation of Christians durst abide their presence; and they

wondered more when I had made them know of the great overthrow that her Majesty's army and fleet had

After we had taken in this supply of bread, with divers baskets of roots, which were excellent meat, I gave

one of the canoas to the Arwacas, which belonged to the Spaniards that were escaped; and when I had

dismissed all but the captain, who by the Spaniards was christened Martin, I sent back in the same canoa the

old Ciawani, and Ferdinando, my first pilot, and gave them both such things as they desired, with sufficient

victual to carry them back, and by them wrote a letter to the ships, which they promised to deliver, and

performed it; and then I went on, with my new hired pilot, Martin the Arwacan. But the next or second day

after, we came aground again with our galley, and were like to cast her away, with all our victual and

provision, and so lay on the sand one whole night, and were far more in despair at this time to free her than

before, because we had no tide of flood to help us, and therefore feared that all our hopes would have ended

in mishaps. But we fastened an anchor upon the land, and with main strength drew her off; and so the

fifteenth day we discovered afar off the mountains of Guiana, to our great joy, and towards the evening had a

slent (push) of a northerly wind that blew very strong, which brought us in sight of the great river Orenoque;

out of which this river descended wherein we were. We descried afar off three other canoas as far as we could

discern them, after whom we hastened with our barge and wherries, but two of them passed out of sight, and

the third entered up the great river, on the right hand to the westward, and there stayed out of sight, thinking

that we meant to take the way eastward towards the province of Carapana; for that way the Spaniards keep,

not daring to go upwards to Guiana, the people in those parts being all their enemies, and those in the canoas

thought us to have been those Spaniards that were fled from Trinidad, and escaped killing. And when we

came so far down as the opening of that branch into which they slipped, being near them with our barge and

wherries, we made after them, and ere they could land came within call, and by our interpreter told them what

we were, wherewith they came back willingly aboard us; and of such fish and tortugas' (turtles) eggs as they

had gathered they gave us, and promised in the morning to bring the lord of that part with them, and to do us

all other services they could. That night we came to an anchor at the parting of the three goodly rivers (the

one was the river of Amana, by which we came from the north, and ran athwart towards the south, the other

two were of Orenoque, which crossed from the west and ran to the sea towards the east) and landed upon a

fair sand, where we found thousands of tortugas' eggs, which are very wholesome meat, and greatly restoring;

so as our men were now well filled and highly contented both with the fare, and nearness of the land of

In the morning there came down, according to promise, the lord of that border, called Toparimaca, with some

thirty or forty followers, and brought us divers sorts of fruits, and of his wine, bread, fish, and flesh, whom

we also feasted as we could; at least we drank good Spanish wine, whereof we had a small quantity in bottles,

which above all things they love. I conferred with this Toparimaca of the next way to Guiana, who conducted

our galley and boats to his own port, and carried us from thence some mile and ahalf to his town; where

some of our captains caroused of his wine till they were reasonable pleasant, for it is very strong with pepper,

and the juice of divers herbs and fruits digested and purged. They keep it in great earthen pots of ten or

twelve gallons, very clean and sweet, and are themselves at their meetings and feasts the greatest carousers

and drunkards of the world. When we came to his town we found two caciques, whereof one was a stranger

that had been up the river in trade, and his boats, people, and wife encamped at the port where we anchored;

and the other was of that country, a follower of Toparimaca. They lay each of them in a cotton hamaca, which

we call Brazil beds, and two women attending them with six cups, and a little ladle to fill them out of an

earthen pitcher of wine; and so they drank each of them three of those cups at a time one to the other, and in

That cacique that was a stranger had his wife staying at the port where we anchored, and in all my life I have

seldom seen a better favoured woman. She was of good stature, with black eyes, fat of body, of an excellent

countenance, her hair almost as long as herself, tied up again in pretty knots; and it seemed she stood not in

that awe of her husband as the rest, for she spake and discoursed, and drank among the gentlemen and

captains, and was very pleasant, knowing her own comeliness, and taking great pride therein. I have seen a

lady in England so like to her, as but for the difference of colour, I would have sworn might have been the

The seat of this town of Toparimaca was very pleasant, standing on a little hill, in an excellent prospect, with

goodly gardens a mile compass round about it, and two very fair and large ponds of excellent fish adjoining.

This town is called Arowocai; the people are of the nation called Nepoios, and are followers of Carapana. In

that place I saw very aged people, that we might perceive all their sinews and veins without any flesh, and but

even as a case covered only with skin. The lord of this place gave me an old man for pilot, who was of great

experience and travel, and knew the river most perfectly both by day and night. And it shall be requisite for

any man that passeth it to have such a pilot; for it is four, five, and six miles over in many places, and twenty

miles in other places, with wonderful eddies and strong currents, many great islands, and divers shoals, and

many dangerous rocks; and besides upon any increase of wind so great a billow, as we were sometimes in

great peril of drowning in the galley, for the small boats durst not come from the shore but when it was very

The next day we hasted thence, and having an easterly wind to help us, we spared our arms from rowing; for

after we entered Orenoque, the river lieth for the most part east and west, even from the sea unto Quito, in

Peru. This river is navigable with barks little less than 1000 miles; and from the place where we entered it

may be sailed up in small pinnaces to many of the best parts of Nuevo Reyno de Granada and of Popayan.

And from no place may the cities of these parts of the Indies be so easily taken and invaded as from hence.

All that day we sailed up a branch of that river, having on the left hand a great island, which they call

Assapana, which may contain some fiveand twenty miles in length, and six miles in breadth, the great

body of the river running on the other side of this island. Beyond that middle branch there is also another

island in the river, called Iwana, which is twice as big as the Isle of Wight; and beyond it, and between it and

the main of Guiana, runneth a third branch of Orenoque, called Arraroopana. All three are goodly branches,

and all navigable for great ships. I judge the river in this place to be at least thirty miles broad, reckoning the

islands which divide the branches in it, for afterwards I sought also both the other branches.

After we reached to the head of the island called Assapana, a little to the westward on the right hand there

opened a river which came from the north, called Europa, and fell into the great river; and beyond it on the

same side we anchored for that night by another island, six miles long and two miles broad, which they call

Ocaywita. From hence, in the morning, we landed two Guianians, which we found in the town of

Toparimaca, that came with us; who went to give notice of our coming to the lord of that country, called

Putyma, a follower of Topiawari, chief lord of Aromaia, who succeeded Morequito, whom (as you have

heard before) Berreo put to death. But his town being far within the land, he came not unto us that day; so as

we anchored again that night near the banks of another land, of bigness much like the other, which they call

Putapayma, over against which island, on the main land, was a very high mountain called Oecope. We

coveted to anchor rather by these islands in the river than by the main, because of the tortugas' eggs, which

our people found on them in great abundance; and also because the ground served better for us to cast our

nets for fish, the main banks being for the most part stony and high and the rocks of a blue, metalline colour,

like unto the best steel ore, which I assuredly take it to be. Of the same blue stone are also divers great

The next morning, towards nine of the clock, we weighed anchor; and the breeze increasing, we sailed always

west up the river, and, after a while, opening the land on the right side, the country appeared to be champaign

and the banks shewed very perfect red. I therefore sent two of the little barges with Captain Gifford, and with

him Captain Thyn, Captain Caulfield, my cousin Greenvile, my nephew John Gilbert, Captain Eynos, Master

Edward Porter, and my cousin Butshead Gorges, with some few soldiers, to march over the banks of that red

land and to discover what manner of country it was on the other side; who at their return found it all a plain

level as far as they went or could discern from the highest tree they could get upon. And my old pilot, a man

of great travel, brother to the cacique Toparimaca, told me that those were called the plains of the Sayma, and

that the same level reached to Cumana and Caracas, in the West Indies, which are a hundred and twenty

leagues to the north, and that there inhabited four principal nations. The first were the Sayma, the next

Assawai, the third and greatest the Wikiri, by whom Pedro Hernandez de Serpa, before mentioned, was

overthrown as he passed with 300 horse from Cumana towards Orenoque in his enterprise of Guiana. The

fourth are called Aroras, and are as black as negroes, but have smooth hair; and these are very valiant, or

rather desperate, people, and have the most strong poison on their arrows, and most dangerous, of all nations,

There was nothing whereof I was more curious than to find out the true remedies of these poisoned arrows.

For besides the mortality of the wound they make, the party shot endureth the most insufferable torment in

the world, and abideth a most ugly and lamentable death, sometimes dying stark mad, sometimes their

bowels breaking out of their bellies; which are presently discoloured as black as pitch, and so unsavory as no

man can endure to cure or to attend them. And it is more strange to know that in all this time there was never

Spaniard, either by gift or torment, that could attain to the true knowledge of the cure, although they have

martyred and put to invented torture I know not how many of them. But everyone of these Indians know it

not, no, not one among thousands, but their soothsayers and priests, who do conceal it, and only teach it but

Those medicines which are vulgar, and serve for the ordinary poison, are made of the juice of a root called

tupara; the same also quencheth marvellously the heat of burning fevers, and healeth inward wounds and

broken veins that bleed within the body. But I was more beholding to the Guianians than any other; for

Antonio de Berreo told me that he could never attain to the knowledge thereof, and yet they taught me the

best way of healing as well thereof as of all other poisons. Some of the Spaniards have been cured in ordinary

wounds of the common poisoned arrows with the juice of garlic. But this is a general rule for all men that

shall hereafter travel the Indies where poisoned arrows are used, that they must abstain from drink. For if they

take any liquor into their body, as they shall be marvellously provoked thereunto by drought, I say, if they

drink before the wound be dressed, or soon upon it, there is no way with them but present death.

And so I will return again to our journey, which for this third day we finished, and cast anchor again near the

continent on the left hand between two mountains, the one called Aroami and the other Aio. I made no stay

here but till midnight; for I feared hourly lest any rain should fall, and then it had been impossible to have

gone any further up, notwithstanding that there is every day a very strong breeze and easterly wind. I deferred

The next day we sailed by a great island in the middle of the river, called Manoripano; and, as we walked

awhile on the island, while the galley got ahead of us, there came for us from the main a small canoa with

seven or eight Guianians, to invite us to anchor at their port, but I deferred till my return. It was that cacique

to whom those Nepoios went, which came with us from the town of Toparimaca. And so the fifth day we

reached as high up as the province of Aromaia, the country of Morequito, whom Berreo executed, and

anchored to the west of an island called Murrecotima, ten miles long and five broad. And that night the

cacique Aramiary, to whose town we made our long and hungry voyage out of the river of Amana, passed by

The next day we arrived at the port of Morequito, and anchored there, sending away one of our pilots to seek

the king of Aromaia, uncle to Morequito, slain by Berreo as aforesaid. The next day following, before noon,

he came to us on foot from his house, which was fourteen English miles, himself being a hundred and ten

years old, and returned on foot the same day; and with him many of the borderers, with many women and

children, that came to wonder at our nation and to bring us down victual, which they did in great plenty, as

venison, pork, hens, chickens, fowl, fish, with divers sorts of excellent fruits and roots, and great abundance

of pinas, the princess of fruits that grow under the sun, especially those of Guiana. They brought us, also,

store of bread and of their wine, and a sort of paraquitos no bigger than wrens, and of all other sorts both

small and great. One of them gave me a beast called by the Spaniards armadillo, which they call cassacam,

which seemeth to be all barred over with small plates somewhat like to a rhinoceros, with a white horn

growing in his hinder parts as big as a great huntinghorn, which they use to wind instead of a trumpet.

Monardus (Monardes, Historia Medicinal) writeth that a little of the powder of that horn put into the ear

After this old king had rested awhile in a little tent that I caused to be set up, I began by my interpreter to

discourse with him of the death of Morequito his predecessor, and afterward of the Spaniards; and ere I went

any farther I made him know the cause of my coming thither, whose servant I was, and that the Queen's

pleasure was I should undertake the voyage for their defence, and to deliver them from the tyranny of the

Spaniards, dilating at large, as I had done before to those of Trinidad, her Majesty's greatness, her justice, her

charity to all oppressed nations, with as many of the rest of her beauties and virtues as either I could express

or they conceive. All which being with great admiration attentively heard and marvellously admired, I began

to sound the old man as touching Guiana and the state thereof, what sort of commonwealth it was, how

governed, of what strength and policy, how far it extended, and what nations were friends or enemies

adjoining, and finally of the distance, and way to enter the same. He told me that himself and his people, with

all those down the river towards the sea, as far as Emeria, the province of Carapana, were of Guiana, but that

they called themselves Orenoqueponi, and that all the nations between the river and those mountains in sight,

called Wacarima, were of the same cast and appellation; and that on the other side of those mountains of

Wacarima there was a large plain (which after I discovered in my return) called the valley of Amariocapana.

I asked what nations those were which inhabited on the further side of those mountains, beyond the valley of

Amariocapana. He answered with a great sigh (as a man which had inward feeling of the loss of his country

and liberty, especially for that his eldest son was slain in a battle on that side of the mountains, whom he most

entirely loved) that he remembered in his father's lifetime, when he was very old and himself a young man,

that there came down into that large valley of Guiana a nation from so far off as the sun slept (for such were

his own words), with so great a multitude as they could not be numbered nor resisted, and that they wore

large coats, and hats of crimson colour, which colour he expressed by shewing a piece of red wood

wherewith my tent was supported, and that they were called Orejones and Epuremei; that those had slain and

rooted out so many of the ancient people as there were leaves in the wood upon all the trees, and had now

made themselves lords of all, even to that mountain foot called Curaa, saving only of two nations, the one

called Iwarawaqueri and the other Cassipagotos; and that in the last battle fought between the Epuremei and

the Iwarawaqueri his eldest son was chosen to carry to the aid of the Iwarawaqueri a great troop of the

Orenoqueponi, and was there slain with all his people and friends, and that he had now remaining but one

son; and farther told me that those Epuremei had built a great town called Macureguarai at the said mountain

foot, at the beginning of the great plains of Guiana, which have no end; and that their houses have many

rooms, one over the other, and that therein the great king of the Orejones and Epuremei kept three thousand

men to defend the borders against them, and withal daily to invade and slay them; but that of late years, since

the Christians offered to invade his territories and those frontiers, they were all at peace, and traded one with

another, saving only the Iwarawaqueri and those other nations upon the head of the river of Caroli called

Cassipagotos, which we afterwards discovered, each one holding the Spaniard for a common enemy.

After he had answered thus far, he desired leave to depart, saying that he had far to go, that he was old and

weak, and was every day called for by death, which was also his own phrase. I desired him to rest with us that

night, but I could not entreat him; but he told me that at my return from the country above he would again

come to us, and in the meantime provide for us the best he could, of all that his country yielded. The same

night he returned to Orocotona, his own town; so as he went that day eightandtwenty miles, the weather

being very hot, the country being situate between four and five degrees of the equinoctial. This Topiawari is

held for the proudest and wisest of all the Orenoqueponi, and so he behaved himself towards me in all his

answers, at my return, as I marvelled to find a man of that gravity and judgment and of so good discourse,

that had no help of learning nor breed. The next morning we also left the port, and sailed westward up to the

river, to view the famous river called Caroli, as well because it was marvellous of itself, as also for that I

understood it led to the strongest nations of all the frontiers, that were enemies to the Epuremei, which are

subjects to Inga, emperor of Guiana and Manoa. And that night we anchored at another island called Caiama,

of some five or six miles in length; and the next day arrived at the mouth of Caroli. When we were short of it

as low or further down as the port of Morequito, we heard the great roar and fall of the river. But when we

came to enter with our barge and wherries, thinking to have gone up some forty miles to the nations of the

Cassipagotos, we were not able with a barge of eight oars to row one stone's cast in an hour; and yet the river

is as broad as the Thames at Woolwich, and we tried both sides, and the middle, and every part of the river.

So as we encamped upon the banks adjoining, and sent off our Orenoquepone which came with us from

Morequito to give knowledge to the nations upon the river of our being there, and that we desired to see the

lords of Canuria, which dwelt within the province upon that river, making them know that we were enemies

to the Spaniards; for it was on this river side that Morequito slew the friar, and those nine Spaniards which

came from Manoa, the city of Inga, and took from them 14,000 pesos of gold. So as the next day there came

down a lord or cacique, called Wanuretona, with many people with him, and brought all store of provisions to

entertain us, as the rest had done. And as I had before made my coming known to Topiawari, so did I

acquaint this cacique therewith, and how I was sent by her Majesty for the purpose aforesaid, and gathered

also what I could of him touching the estate of Guiana. And I found that those also of Caroli were not only

enemies to the Spaniards, but most of all to the Epuremei, which abound in gold. And by this Wanuretona I

had knowledge that on the head of this river were three mighty nations, which were seated on a great lake,

from whence this river descended, and were called Cassipagotos, Eparegotos, and Arawagotos (the Purigotos

and Arinagotos are still settled on the upper tributaries of the Caroni river, no such lake as that mentioned is

known to exist); and that all those either against the Spaniards or the Epuremei would join with us, and that if

we entered the land over the mountains of Curaa we should satisfy ourselves with gold and all other good

things. He told us farther of a nation called Iwarawaqueri, before spoken of, that held daily war with the

Epuremei that inhabited Macureguarai, and first civil town of Guiana, of the subjects of Inga, the emperor.

Upon this river one Captain George, that I took with Berreo, told me that there was a great silver mine, and

that it was near the banks of the said river. But by this time as well Orenoque, Caroli, as all the rest of the

rivers were risen four or five feet in height, so as it was not possible by the strength of any men, or with any

boat whatsoever, to row into the river against the stream. I therefore sent Captain Thyn, Captain Greenvile,

my nephew John Gilbert, my cousin Butshead Gorges, Captain Clarke, and some thirty shot more to coast the

river by land, and to go to a town some twenty miles over the valley called Amnatapoi; and they found guides

there to go farther towards the mountain foot to another great town called Capurepana, belonging to a cacique

called Haharacoa, that was a nephew to old Topiawari, king of Aromaia, our chiefest friend, because this

town and province of Capurepana adjoined to Macureguarai, which was a frontier town of the empire. And

the meanwhile myself with Captain Gifford, Captain Caulfield, Edward Hancock, and some halfadozen

shot marched overland to view the strange overfalls of the river of Caroli, which roared so far off; and also to

see the plains adjoining, and the rest of the province of Canuri. I sent also Captain Whiddon, William

Connock, and some eight shot with them, to see if they could find any mineral stone alongst the river's side.

When we were come to the tops of the first hills of the plains adjoining to the river, we beheld that wonderful

breach of waters which ran down Caroli; and might from that mountain see the river how it ran in three parts,

above twenty miles off, and there appeared some ten or twelve overfalls in sight, every one as high over the

other as a church tower, which fell with that fury, that the rebound of water made it seem as if it had been all

covered over with a great shower of rain; and in some places we took it at the first for a smoke that had risen

over some great town. For mine own part I was well persuaded from thence to have returned, being a very ill

footman; but the rest were all so desirous to go near the said strange thunder of waters, as they drew me on by

little and little, till we came into the next valley, where we might better discern the same. I never saw a more

beautiful country, nor more lively prospects; hills so raised here and there over the valleys; the river winding

into divers branches; the plains adjoining without bush or stubble, all fair green grass; the ground of hard

sand, easy to march on, either for horse or foot; the deer crossing in every path; the birds towards the evening

singing on every tree with a thousand several tunes; cranes and herons of white, crimson, and carnation,

perching in the river's side; the air fresh with a gentle easterly wind; and every stone that we stooped to take

up promised either gold or silver by his complexion. Your Lordship shall see of many sorts, and I hope some

of them cannot be bettered under the sun; and yet we had no means but with our daggers and fingers to tear

them out here and there, the rocks being most hard of that mineral spar aforesaid, which is like a flint, and is

altogether as hard or harder, and besides the veins lie a fathom or two deep in the rocks. But we wanted all

things requisite save only our desires and good will to have performed more if it had pleased God. To be

short, when both our companies returned, each of them brought also several sorts of stones that appeared very

fair, but were such as they found loose on the ground, and were for the most part but coloured, and had not

any gold fixed in them. Yet such as had no judgment or experience kept all that glistered, and would not be

persuaded but it was rich because of the lustre; and brought of those, and of marcasite withal, from Trinidad,

and have delivered of those stones to be tried in many places, and have thereby bred an opinion that all the

rest is of the same. Yet some of these stones I shewed afterward to a Spaniard of the Caracas, who told me

that it was El Madre del Oro, that is, the mother of gold, and that the mine was farther in the ground.

But it shall be found a weak policy in me, either to betray myself or my country with imaginations; neither

am I so far in love with that lodging, watching, care, peril, diseases, ill savours, bad fare, and many other

mischiefs that accompany these voyages, as to woo myself again into any of them, were I not assured that the

sun covereth not so much riches in any part of the earth. Captain Whiddon, and our chirurgeon, Nicholas

Millechamp, brought me a kind of stones like sapphires; what they may prove I know not. I shewed them to

some of the Orenoqueponi, and they promised to bring me to a mountain that had of them very large pieces

growing diamondwise; whether it be crystal of the mountain, Bristol diamond, or sapphire, I do not yet

know, but I hope the best; sure I am that the place is as likely as those from whence all the rich stones are

brought, and in the same height or very near. On the left hand of this river Caroli are seated those nations

which I called Iwarawaqueri before remembered, which are enemies to the Epuremei; and on the head of it,

adjoining to the great lake Cassipa, are situated those other nations which also resist Inga, and the Epuremei,

called Cassipagotos, Eparegotos, and Arawagotos. I farther understood that this lake of Cassipa is so large, as

it is above one day's journey for one of their canoas, to cross, which may be some forty miles; and that

thereinto fall divers rivers, and that great store of grains of gold are found in the summer time when the lake

There is also another goodly river beyond Caroli which is called Arui, which also runneth through the lake

Cassipa, and falleth into Orenoque farther west, making all that land between Caroli and Arui an island;

which is likewise a most beautiful country. Next unto Arui there are two rivers Atoica and Caura, and on that

branch which is called Caura are a nation of people whose heads appear not above their shoulders; which

though it may be thought a mere fable, yet for mine own part I am resolved it is true, because every child in

the provinces of Aromaia and Canuri affirm the same. They are called Ewaipanoma; they are reported to have

their eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the middle of their breasts, and that a long train of hair

groweth backward between their shoulders. The son of Topiawari, which I brought with me into England,

told me that they were the most mighty men of all the land, and use bows, arrows, and clubs thrice as big as

any of Guiana, or of the Orenoqueponi; and that one of the Iwarawaqueri took a prisoner of them the year

before our arrival there, and brought him into the borders of Aromaia, his father's country. And farther, when

I seemed to doubt of it, he told me that it was no wonder among them; but that they were as great a nation and

as common as any other in all the provinces, and had of late years slain many hundreds of his father's people,

and of other nations their neighbours. But it was not my chance to hear of them till I was come away; and if I

had but spoken one word of it while I was there I might have brought one of them with me to put the matter

out of doubt. Such a nation was written of by Mandeville, whose reports were holden for fables many years;

and yet since the East Indies were discovered, we find his relations true of such things as heretofore were

held incredible (Mandeville, or the author who assumed this name, placed his headless men in the East Indian

Archipelago, the fable is borrowed from older writers, Herodotus Whether it be true or no, the matter is not

great, neither can there be any profit in the imagination; for mine own part I saw them not, but I am resolved

When I came to Cumana in the West Indies afterwards by chance I spake with a Spaniard dwelling not far

from thence, a man of great travel. And after he knew that I had been in Guiana, and so far directly west as

Caroli, the first question he asked me was, whether I had seen any of the Ewaipanoma, which are those

without heads. Who being esteemed a most honest man of his word, and in all things else, told me that he had

seen many of them; I may not name him, because it may be for his disadvantage, but he is well known to

Monsieur Moucheron's son of London, and to Peter Moucheron, merchant, of the Flemish ship that was there

The fourth river to the west of Caroli is Casnero: which falleth into the Orenoque on this side of Amapaia.

And that river is greater than Danubius, or any of Europe: it riseth on the south of Guiana from the mountains

which divide Guiana from Amazons, and I think it to be navigable many hundred miles. But we had no time,

means, nor season of the year, to search those rivers, for the causes aforesaid, the winter being come upon us;

although the winter and summer as touching cold and heat differ not, neither do the trees ever sensibly lose

their leaves, but have always fruit either ripe or green, and most of them both blossoms, leaves, ripe fruit, and

green, at one time: but their winter only consisteth of terrible rains, and overflowing of the rivers, with many

great storms and gusts, thunder and lightnings, of which we had our fill ere we returned.

On the north side, the first river that falleth into the Orenoque is Cari. Beyond it, on the same side is the river

of Limo. Between these two is a great nation of Cannibals, and their chief town beareth the name of the river,

and is called Acamacari. At this town is a continual market of women for three or four hatchets apiece; they

are bought by the Arwacas, and by them sold into the West Indies. To the west of Limo is the river Pao,

beyond it Caturi, beyond that Voari, and Capuri (the Apure river), which falleth out of the great river of Meta,

by which Berreo descended from Nuevo Reyno de Granada. To the westward of Capuri is the province of

Amapaia, where Berreo wintered and had so many of his people poisoned with the tawny water of the

marshes of the Anebas. Above Amapaia, toward Nuevo Reyno, fall in Meto, Pato and Cassanar. To the west

of those, towards the provinces of the Ashaguas and Catetios, are the rivers of Beta, Dawney, and Ubarro;

and toward the frontier of Peru are the provinces of Thomebamba, and Caxamalca. Adjoining to Quito in the

north side of Peru are the rivers of Guiacar and Goauar; and on the other side of the said mountains the river

of Papamene which descendeth into Maranon or Amazons, passing through the province Motilones, where

Don Pedro de Orsua, who was slain by the traitor Aguirre before rehearsed, built his brigandines, when he

Between Dawney and Beta lieth a famous island in Orenoque (now called Baraquan, for above Meta it is not

known by the name of Orenoque) which is called Athule (cataract of Ature); beyond which ships of burden

cannot pass by reason of a most forcible overfall, and current of water; but in the eddy all smaller vessels may

be drawn even to Peru itself. But to speak of more of these rivers without the description were but tedious,

and therefore I will leave the rest to the description. This river of Orenoque is navigable for ships little less

than 1,000 miles, and for lesser vessels near 2,000. By it, as aforesaid, Peru, Nuevo Reyno and Popayan may

be invaded: it also leadeth to the great empire of Inga, and to the provinces of Amapaia and Anebas, which

abound in gold. His branches of Casnero, Manta, Caura descend from the middle land and valley which lieth

between the easter province of Peru and Guiana; and it falls into the sea between Maranon and Trinidad in

two degrees and a half. All of which your honours shall better perceive in the general description of Guiana,

Peru, Nuevo Reyno, the kingdom of Popayan, and Rodas, with the province of Venezuela, to the bay of

Uraba, behind Cartagena, westward, and to Amazons southward. While we lay at anchor on the coast of

Canuri, and had taken knowledge of all the nations upon the head and branches of this river, and had found

out so many several people, which were enemies to the Epuremei and the new conquerors, I thought it time

lost to linger any longer in that place, especially for that the fury of Orenoque began daily to threaten us with

dangers in our return. For no half day passed but the river began to rage and overflow very fearfully, and the

rains came down in terrible showers, and gusts in great abundance; and withal our men began to cry out for

want of shift, for no man had place to bestow any other apparel than that which he ware on his back, and that

was throughly washed on his body for the most part ten times in one day; and we had now been well near a

month every day passing to the westward farther and farther from our ships. We therefore turned towards the

east, and spent the rest of the time in discovering the river towards the sea, which we had not viewed, and

The next day following we left the mouth of Caroli, and arrived again at the port of Morequito where we

were before; for passing down the stream we went without labour, and against the wind, little less than a

hundred miles a day. As soon as I came to anchor, I sent away one for old Topiawari, with whom I much

desired to have further conference, and also to deal with him for some one of his country to bring with us into

England, as well to learn the language, as to confer withal by the way, the time being now spent of any longer

stay there. Within three hours after my messenger came to him, he arrived also, and with him such a rabble of

all sorts of people, and every one loaden with somewhat, as if it had been a great market or fair in England;

and our hungry companies clustered thick and threefold among their baskets, every one laying hand on what

he liked. After he had rested awhile in my tent, I shut out all but ourselves and my interpreter, and told him

that I knew that both the Epuremei and the Spaniards were enemies to him, his country and nations: that the

one had conquered Guiana already, and the other sought to regain the same from them both; and therefore I

desired him to instruct me what he could, both of the passage into the golden parts of Guiana, and to the civil

towns and apparelled people of Inga. He gave me an answer to this effect: first, that he could not perceive

that I meant to go onward towards the city of Manoa, for neither the time of the year served, neither could he

perceive any sufficient numbers for such an enterprise. And if I did, I was sure with all my company to be

buried there, for the emperor was of that strength, as that many times so many men more were too few.

Besides, he gave me this good counsel and advised me to hold it in mind (as for himself, he knew he could

not live till my return), that I should not offer by any means hereafter to invade the strong parts of Guiana

without the help of all those nations which were also their enemies; for that it was impossible without those,

either to be conducted, to be victualled, or to have aught carried with us, our people not being able to endure

the march in so great heat and travail, unless the borderers gave them help, to cart with them both their meat

and furniture. For he remembered that in the plains of Macureguarai three hundred Spaniards were

overthrown, who were tired out, and had none of the borderers to their friends; but meeting their enemies as

they passed the frontier, were environed on all sides, and the people setting the long dry grass on fire,

smothered them, so as they had no breath to fight, nor could discern their enemies for the great smoke. He

told me further that four days' journey from his town was Macureguarai, and that those were the next and

nearest of the subjects of Inga, and of the Epuremei, and the first town of apparelled and rich people; and that

all those plates of gold which were scattered among the borderers and carried to other nations far and near,

came from the said Macureguarai and were there made, but that those of the land within were far finer, and

were fashioned after the images of men, beasts, birds, and fishes. I asked him whether he thought that those

companies that I had there with me were sufficient to take that town or no; he told me that he thought they

were. I then asked him whether he would assist me with guides, and some companies of his people to join

with us; he answered that he would go himself with all the borderers, if the rivers did remain fordable, upon

this condition, that I would leave with him till my return again fifty soldiers, which he undertook to victual. I

answered that I had not above fifty good men in all there; the rest were labourers and rowers, and that I had

no provision to leave with them of powder, shot, apparel, or aught else, and that without those things

necessary for their defence, they should be in danger of the Spaniards in my absence, who I knew would use

the same measures towards mine that I offered them at Trinidad. And although upon the motion Captain

Caulfield, Captain Greenvile, my nephew John Gilbert and divers others were desirous to stay, yet I was

resolved that they must needs have perished. For Berreo expected daily a supply out of Spain, and looked

also hourly for his son to come down from Nuevo Reyno de Granada, with many horse and foot, and had also

in Valencia, in the Caracas, two hundred horse ready to march; and I could not have spared above forty, and

had not any store at all of powder, lead, or match to have left with them, nor any other provision, either

When I had given him reason that I could not at this time leave him such a company, he then desired me to

forbear him and his country for that time; for he assured me that I should be no sooner three days from the

coast but those Epuremei would invade him, and destroy all the remain of his people and friends, if he should

any way either guide us or assist us against them. He further alleged that the Spaniards sought his death; and

as they had already murdered his nephew Morequito, lord of that province, so they had him seventeen days in

a chain before he was king of the country, and led him like a dog from place to place until he had paid an

hundred plates of gold and divers chains of spleenstones for his ransom. And now, since he became owner

of that province, that they had many times laid wait to take him, and that they would be now more vehement

when they should understand of his conference with the English. /And because/, said he, /they would the

better displant me, if they cannot lay hands on me, they have gotten a nephew of mine called Eparacano,

whom they have christened Don Juan, and his son Don Pedro, whom they have also apparelled and armed, by

whom they seek to make a party against me in mine own country. He also hath taken to wife one Louiana, of

a strong family, which are borderers and neighbours; and myself now being old and in the hands of death am

not able to travel nor to shift as when I was of younger years./ He therefore prayed us to defer it till the next

year, when he would undertake to draw in all the borderers to serve us, and then, also, it would be more

seasonable to travel; for at this time of the year we should not be able to pass any river, the waters were and

He farther told me that I could not desire so much to invade Macureguarai and the rest of Guiana but that the

borderers would be more vehement than I. For he yielded for a chief cause that in the wars with the Epuremei

they were spoiled of their women, and that their wives and daughters were taken from them; so as for their

own parts they desired nothing of the gold or treasure for their labours, but only to recover women from the

Epuremei. For he farther complained very sadly, as it had been a matter of great consequence, that whereas

they were wont to have ten or twelve wives, they were now enforced to content themselves with three or four,

and that the lords of the Epuremei had fifty or a hundred. And in truth they war more for women than either

for gold or dominion. For the lords of countries desire many children of their own bodies to increase their

races and kindreds, for in those consist their greatest trust and strength. Divers of his followers afterwards

desired me to make haste again, that they might sack the Epuremei, and I asked them, of what? They

answered, Of their women for us, and their gold for you. For the hope of those many of women they more

desire the war than either for gold or for the recovery of their ancient territories. For what between the

subjects of Inga and the Spaniards, those frontiers are grown thin of people; and also great numbers are fled

After I received this answer of the old man, we fell into consideration whether it had been of better advice to

have entered Macureguarai, and to have begun a war upon Inga at this time, yea, or no, if the time of the year

and all things else had sorted. For mine own part, as we were not able to march it for the rivers, neither had

any such strength as was requisite, and durst not abide the coming of the winter, or to tarry any longer from

our ships, I thought it were evil counsel to have attempted it at that time, although the desire for gold will

answer many objections. But it would have been, in mine opinion, an utter overthrow to the enterprise, if the

same should be hereafter by her Majesty attempted. For then, whereas now they have heard we were enemies

to the Spaniards and were sent by her Majesty to relieve them, they would as good cheap have joined with the

Spaniards at our return, as to have yielded unto us, when they had proved that we came both for one errand,

and that both sought but to sack and spoil them. But as yet our desire gold, or our purpose of invasion, is not

known to them of the empire. And it is likely that if her Majesty undertake the enterprise they will rather

submit themselves to her obedience than to the Spaniards, of whose cruelty both themselves and the borderers

have already tasted. And therefore, till I had known her Majesty's pleasure, I would rather have lost the sack

of one or two towns, although they might have been very profitable, than to have defaced or endangered the

future hope of so many millions, and the great good and rich trade which England may be possessed of

thereby. I am assured now that they will all die, even to the last man, against the Spaniards in hope of our

succour and return. Whereas, otherwise, if I had either laid hands on the borderers or ransomed the lords, as

Berreo did, or invaded the subjects of Inga, I know all had been lost for hereafter.

After that I had resolved Topiawari, lord of Aromaia, that I could not at this time leave with him the

companies he desired, and that I was contented to forbear the enterprise against the Epuremei till the next

year, he freely gave me his only son to take with me into England; and hoped that though he himself had but

a short time to live, yet that by our means his son should be established after his death. And I left with him

one Francis Sparrow, a servant of Captain Gifford, who was desirous to tarry, and could describe a country

with his pen, and a boy of mine called Hugh Goodwin, to learn the language. I after asked the manner how

the Epuremei wrought those plates of gold, and how they could melt it out of the stone. He told me that the

most of the gold which they made in plates and images was not severed from the stone, but that on the lake of

Manoa, and in a multitude of other rivers, they gathered it in grains of perfect gold and in pieces as big as

small stones, and they put it to a part of copper, otherwise they could not work it; and that they used a great

earthen pot with holes round about it, and when they had mingled the gold and copper together they fastened

canes to the holes, and so with the breath of men they increased the fire till the metal ran, and then they cast it

into moulds of stone and clay, and so make those plates and images. I have sent your honours of two sorts

such as I could by chance recover, more to shew the manner of them than for the value. For I did not in any

sort make my desire of gold known, because I had neither time nor power to have a great quantity. I gave

among them many more pieces of gold than I received, of the new money of twenty shillings with her

Majesty's picture, to wear, with promise that they would become her servants thenceforth.

I have also sent your honours of the ore, whereof I know some is as rich as the earth yieldeth any, of which I

know there is sufficient, if nothing else were to be hoped for. But besides that we were not able to tarry and

search the hills, so we had neither pioneers, bars, sledges, nor wedges of iron to break the ground, without

which there is no working in mines. But we saw all the hills with stones of the colour of gold and silver, and

we tried them to be no marcasite, and therefore such as the Spaniards call El madre del oro or "the mother of

gold," which is an undoubted assurance of the general abundance; and myself saw the outside of many mines

of the spar, which I know to be the same that all covet in this world, and of those more than I will speak of.

Having learned what I could in Canuri and Aromaia, and received a faithful promise of the principallest of

those provinces to become servants to her Majesty, and to resist the Spaniards if they made any attempt in our

absence, and that they would draw in the nations about the lake of Cassipa and those of Iwarawaqueri, I then

parted from old Topiawari, and received his son for a pledge between us, and left with him two of ours as

aforesaid. To Francis Sparrow I gave instructions to travel to Macureguarai with such merchandises as I left

with them, thereby to learn the place, and if it were possible, to go on to the great city of Manoa. Which being

done, we weighed anchor and coasted the river on Guiana side, because we came upon the north side, by the

There came with us from Aromaia a cacique called Putijma, that commanded the province of Warapana,

which Putijma slew the nine Spaniards upon Caroli before spoken of; who desired us to rest in the port of his

country, promising to bring us unto a mountain adjoining to his town that had stones of the colour of gold,

which he performed. And after we had rested there one night I went myself in the morning with most of the

gentlemen of my company overland towards the said mountain, marching by a river's side called Mana,

leaving on the right hand a town called Tuteritona, standing in the province of Tarracoa, of which

Wariaaremagoto is principal. Beyond it lieth another town towards the south, in the valley of Amariocapana,

which beareth the name of the said valley; whose plains stretch themselves some sixty miles in length, east

and west, as fair ground and as beautiful fields as any man hath ever seen, with divers copses scattered here

and there by the river's side, and all as full of deer as any forest or park in England, and in every lake and

From the river of Mana we crossed another river in the said beautiful valley called Oiana, and rested

ourselves by a clear lake which lay in the middle of the said Oiana; and one of our guides kindling us fire

with two sticks, we stayed awhile to dry our shirts, which with the heat hung very wet and heavy on our

shoulders. Afterwards we sought the ford to pass over towards the mountain called Iconuri, where Putijma

foretold us of the mine. In this lake we saw one of the great fishes, as big as a wine pipe, which they call

manati, being most excellent and wholesome meat. But after I perceived that to pass the said river would

require halfaday's march more, I was not able myself to endure it, and therefore I sent Captain Keymis

with six shot to go on, and gave him order not to return to the port of Putijma, which is called Chiparepare,

but to take leisure, and to march down the said valley as far as a river called Cumaca, where I promised to

meet him again, Putijma himself promising also to be his guide. And as they marched, they left the towns of

Emperapana and Capurepana on the right hand, and marched from Putijma's house, down the said valley of

Amariocapana; and we returning the same day to the river's side, saw by the way many rocks like unto gold

From hence we rowed down the stream, coasting the province of Parino. As for the branches of rivers which I

overpass in this discourse, those shall be better expressed in the description, with the mountains of Aio, Ara,

and the rest, which are situate in the provinces of Parino and Carricurrina. When we were come as far down

as the land called Ariacoa, where Orenoque divideth itself into three great branches, each of them being most

goodly rivers, I sent away Captain Henry Thyn, and Captain Greenvile with the galley, the nearest way, and

took with me Captain Gifford, Captain Caulfield, Edward Porter, and Captain Eynos with mine own barge

and the two wherries, and went down that branch of Orenoque which is called Cararoopana, which leadeth

towards Emeria, the province of Carapana, and towards the east sea, as well to find out Captain Keymis,

whom I had sent overland, as also to acquaint myself with Carapana, who is one of the greatest of all the

lords of the Orenoqueponi. And when I came to the river of Cumaca, to which Putijma promised to conduct

Captain Keymis, I left Captain Eynos and Master Porter in the said river to expect his coming, and the rest of

In this branch called Cararoopana were also many goodly islands, some of six miles long, some of ten, and

some of twenty. When it grew towards sunset, we entered a branch of a river that fell into Orenoque, called

Winicapora; where I was informed of the mountain of crystal, to which in truth for the length of the way, and

the evil season of the year, I was not able to march, nor abide any longer upon the journey. We saw it afar

off; and it appeared like a white church tower of an exceeding height. There falleth over it a mighty river

which toucheth no part of the side of the mountain, but rusheth over the top of it, and falleth to the ground

with so terrible a noise and clamour, as if a thousand great bells were knocked one against another. I think

there is not in the world so strange an overfall, nor so wonderful to behold. Berreo told me that there were

diamonds and other precious stones on it, and that they shined very far off; but what it hath I know not,

neither durst he or any of his men ascend to the top of the said mountain, those people adjoining being his

Upon this river of Winicapora we rested a while, and from thence marched into the country to a town called

after the name of the river, whereof the captain was one Timitwara, who also offered to conduct me to the top

of the said mountain called Wacarima. But when we came in first to the house of the said Timitwara, being

upon one of their said feast days, we found them all as drunk as beggars, and the pots walking from one to

another without rest. We that were weary and hot with marching were glad of the plenty, though a small

quantity satisfied us, their drink being very strong and heady, and so rested ourselves awhile. After we had

fed, we drew ourselves back to our boats upon the river, and there came to us all the lords of the country, with

all such kind of victual as the place yielded, and with their delicate wine of pinas, and with abundance of hens

and other provisions, and of those stones which we call spleenstones. We understood by these chieftains of

Winicapora that their lord, Carapana, was departed from Emeria, which was now in sight, and that he was

fled to Cairamo, adjoining to the mountains of Guiana, over the valley called Amariocapana, being persuaded

by those ten Spaniards which lay at his house that we would destroy him and his country. But after these

caciques of Winicapora and Saporatona his followers perceived our purpose, and saw that we came as

enemies to the Spaniards only, and had not so much as harmed any of those nations, no, though we found

them to be of the Spaniards' own servants, they assured us that Carapana would be as ready to serve us as any

of the lords of the provinces which we had passed; and that he durst do no other till this day but entertain the

Spaniards, his country lying so directly in their way, and next of all other to any entrance that should be made

in Guiana on that side. And they further assured us, that it was not for fear of our coming that he was

removed, but to be acquitted of the Spaniards or any other that should come hereafter. For the province of

Cairoma is situate at the mountain foot, which divideth the plains of Guiana from the countries of the

Orenoqueponi; by means whereof if any should come in our absence into his towns, he would slip over the

mountains into the plains of Guiana among the Epuremei, where the Spaniards durst not follow him without

great force. But in mine opinion, or rather I assure myself, that Carapana being a notable wise and subtle

fellow, a man of one hundred years of age and therefore of great experience, is removed to look on, and if he

find that we return strong he will be ours; if not, he will excuse his departure to the Spaniards, and say it was

We therefore thought it bootless to row so far down the stream, or to seek any farther of this old fox; and

therefore from the river of Waricapana, which lieth at the entrance of Emeria, we returned again, and left to

the eastward those four rivers which fall from the mountains of Emeria into Orenoque, which are Waracayari,

Coirama, Akaniri, and Iparoma. Below those four are also these branches and mouths of Orenoque, which

fall into the east sea, whereof the first is Araturi, the next Amacura, the third Barima, the fourth Wana, the

fifth Morooca, the sixth Paroma, the last Wijmi. Beyond them there fall out of the land between Orenoque

and Amazons fourteen rivers, which I forbear to name, inhabited by the Arwacas and Cannibals.

It is now time to return towards the north, and we found it a wearisome way back from the borders of Emeria,

to recover up again to the head of the river Carerupana, by which we descended, and where we parted from

the galley, which I directed to take the next way to the port of Toparimaca, by which we entered first.

All the night it was stormy and dark, and full of thunder and great showers, so as we were driven to keep

close by the banks in our small boats, being all heartily afraid both of the billow and terrible current of the

river. By the next morning we recovered the mouth of the river of Cumaca, where we left Captain Eynos and

Edward Porter to attend the coming of Captain Keymis overland; but when we entered the same, they had

heard no news of his arrival, which bred in us a great doubt what might become of him. I rowed up a league

or two farther into the river, shooting off pieces all the way, that he might know of our being there; and the

next morning we heard them answer us also with a piece. We took them aboard us, and took our leave of

Putijma, their guide, who of all others most lamented our departure, and offered to send his son with us into

England, if we could have stayed till he had sent back to his town. But our hearts were cold to behold the

great rage and increase of Orenoque, and therefore departed, and turned toward the west, till we had

recovered the parting of the three branches aforesaid, that we might put down the stream after the galley.

The next day we landed on the island of Assapano, which divideth the river from that branch by which we

sent down to Emeria, and there feasted ourselves with that beast which is called armadillo, presented unto us

before at Winicapora. And the day following, we recovered the galley at anchor at the port of Toparimaca,

and the same evening departed with very foul weather, and terrible thunder and showers, for the winter was

come on very far. The best was, we went no less than 100 miles a day down the river; but by the way we

entered it was impossible to return, for that the river of Amana, being in the bottom of the bay of Guanipa,

cannot be sailed back by any means, both the breeze and current of the sea were so forcible. And therefore we

followed a branch of Orenoque called Capuri, which entered into the sea eastward of our ships, to the end we

might bear with them before the wind; and it was not without need, for we had by that way as much to cross

of the main sea, after we came to the river's mouth, as between Gravelin and Dover, in such boats as your

To speak of what passed homeward were tedious, either to describe or name any of the rivers, islands, or

villages of the Tivitivas, which dwell on trees; we will leave all those to the general map. And to be short,

when we were arrived at the seaside, then grew our greatest doubt, and the bitterest of all our journey

forepassed; for I protest before God, that we were in a most desperate estate. For the same night which we

anchored in the mouth of the river of Capuri, where it falleth into the sea, there arose a mighty storm, and the

river's mouth was at least a league broad, so as we ran before night close under the land with our small boats,

and brought the galley as near as we could. But she had as much ado to live as could be, and there wanted

little of her sinking, and all those in her; for mine own part, I confess I was very doubtful which way to take,

either to go over in the pestered (crowded) galley, there being but six foot water over the sands for two

leagues together, and that also in the channel, and she drew five; or to adventure in so great a billow, and in

so doubtful weather, to cross the seas in my barge. The longer we tarried the worse it was, and therefore I

took Captain Gifford, Captain Caulfield, and my cousin Greenvile into my barge; and after it cleared up about

midnight we put ourselves to God's keeping, and thrust out into the sea, leaving the galley at anchor, who

durst not adventure but by daylight. And so, being all very sober and melancholy, one faintly cheering

another to shew courage, it pleased God that the next day about nine o'clock, we descried the island of

Trinidad; and steering for the nearest part of it, we kept the shore till we came to Curiapan, where we found

Now that it hath pleased God to send us safe to our ships, it is time to leave Guiana to the sun, whom they

worship, and steer away towards the north. I will, therefore, in a few words finish the discovery thereof. Of

the several nations which we found upon this discovery I will once again make repetition, and how they are

affected. At our first entrance into Amana, which is one of the outlets of Orenoque, we left on the right hand

of us in the bottom of the bay, lying directly against Trinidad, a nation of inhuman Cannibals, which inhabit

the rivers of Guanipa and Berbeese. In the same bay there is also a third river, which is called Areo, which

riseth on Paria side towards Cumana, and that river is inhabited with the Wikiri, whose chief town upon the

said river is Sayma. In this bay there are no more rivers but these three before rehearsed and the four branches

of Amana, all which in the winter thrust so great abundance of water into the sea, as the same is taken up

fresh two or three leagues from the land. In the passages towards Guiana, that is, in all those lands which the

eight branches of Orenoque fashion into islands, there are but one sort of people, called Tivitivas, but of two

castes, as they term them, the one called Ciawani, the other Waraweeti, and those war one with another.

On the hithermost part of Orenoque, as at Toparimaca and Winicapora, those are of a nation called Nepoios,

and are the followers of Carapana, lord of Emeria. Between Winicapora and the port of Morequito, which

standeth in Aromaia, and all those in the valley of Amariocapana are called Orenoqueponi, and did obey

Morequito and are now followers of Topiawari. Upon the river of Caroli are the Canuri, which are governed

by a woman who is inheritrix of that province; who came far off to see our nation, and asked me divers

questions of her Majesty, being much delighted with the discourse of her Majesty's greatness, and wondering

at such reports as we truly made of her Highness' many virtues. And upon the head of Caroli and on the lake

of Cassipa are the three strong nations of the Cassipagotos. Right south into the land are the Capurepani and

Emparepani, and beyond those, adjoining to Macureguarai, the first city of Inga, are the Iwarawakeri. All

these are professed enemies to the Spaniards, and to the rich Epuremei also. To the west of Caroli are divers

nations of Cannibals and of those Ewaipanoma without heads. Directly west are the Amapaias and Anebas,

which are also marvellous rich in gold. The rest towards Peru we will omit. On the north of Orenoque,

between it and the West Indies, are the Wikiri, Saymi, and the rest before spoken of, all mortal enemies to the

Spaniards. On the south side of the main mouth of Orenoque are the Arwacas; and beyond them, the

To make mention of the several beasts, birds, fishes, fruits, flowers, gums, sweet woods, and of their several

religions and customs, would for the first require as many volumes as those of Gesnerus, and for the next

another bundle of Decades. The religion of the Epuremei is the same which the Ingas, emperors of Peru,

used, which may be read in Cieza and other Spanish stories; how they believe the immortality of the soul,

worship the sun, and bury with them alive their best beloved wives and treasure, as they likewise do in Pegu

in the East Indies, and other places. The Orenoqueponi bury not their wives with them, but their jewels,

hoping to enjoy them again. The Arwacas dry the bones of their lords, and their wives and friends drink them

in powder. In the graves of the Peruvians the Spaniards found their greatest abundance of treasure. The like,

also, is to be found among these people in every province. They have all many wives, and the lords fivefold

to the common sort. Their wives never eat with their husbands, nor among the men, but serve their husbands

at meals and afterwards feed by themselves. Those that are past their younger years make all their bread and

drink, and work their cottonbeds, and do all else of service and labour; for the men do nothing but hunt, fish,

I will enter no further into discourse of their manners, laws, and customs. And because I have not myself seen

the cities of Inga I cannot avow on my credit what I have heard, although it be very likely that the emperor

Inga hath built and erected as magnificent palaces in Guiana as his ancestors did in Peru; which were for their

riches and rareness most marvellous, and exceeding all in Europe, and, I think, of the world, China excepted,

which also the Spaniards, which I had, assured me to be true, as also the nations of the borderers, who, being

but savages to those of the inland, do cause much treasure to be buried with them. For I was informed of one

of the caciques of the valley of Amariocapana which had buried with him a little before our arrival a chair of

gold most curiously wrought, which was made either in Macureguarai adjoining or in Manoa. But if we

should have grieved them in their religion at the first, before they had been taught better, and have digged up

their graves, we had lost them all. And therefore I held my first resolution, that her Majesty should either

accept or refuse the enterprise ere anything should be done that might in any sort hinder the same. And if

Peru had so many heaps of gold, whereof those Ingas were princes, and that they delighted so much therein,

no doubt but this which now liveth and reigneth in Manoa hath the same humour, and, I am assured, hath

For the rest, which myself have seen, I will promise these things that follow, which I know to be true. Those

that are desirous to discover and to see many nations may be satisfied within this river, which bringeth forth

so many arms and branches leading to several countries and provinces, above 2,000 miles east and west and

800 miles south and north, and of these the most either rich in gold or in other merchandises. The common

soldier shall here fight for gold, and pay himself, instead of pence, with plates of halfafoot broad, whereas

he breaketh his bones in other wars for provant and penury. Those commanders and chieftains that shoot at

honour and abundance shall find there more rich and beautiful cities, more temples adorned with golden

images, more sepulchres filled with treasure, than either Cortes found in Mexico or Pizarro in Peru. And the

shining glory of this conquest will eclipse all those so farextended beams of the Spanish nation. There is no

country which yieldeth more pleasure to the inhabitants, either for those common delights of hunting,

hawking, fishing, fowling, and the rest, than Guiana doth; it hath so many plains, clear rivers, and abundance

of pheasants, partridges, quails, rails, cranes, herons, and all other fowl; deer of all sorts, porks, hares, lions,

tigers, leopards, and divers other sorts of beasts, either for chase or food. It hath a kind of beast called cama

or anta (tapir), as big as an English beef, and in great plenty. To speak of the several sorts of every kind I fear

would be troublesome to the reader, and therefore I will omit them, and conclude that both for health, good

air, pleasure, and riches, I am resolved it cannot be equalled by any region either in the east or west.

Moreover the country is so healthful, as of an hundred persons and more, which lay without shift most

sluttishly, and were every day almost melted with heat in rowing and marching, and suddenly wet again with

great showers, and did eat of all sorts of corrupt fruits, and made meals of fresh fish without seasoning, of

tortugas, of lagartos or crocodiles, and of all sorts good and bad, without either order or measure, and besides

lodged in the open air every night, we lost not any one, nor had one illdisposed to my knowledge; nor found

any calentura or other of those pestilent diseases which dwell in all hot regions, and so near the equinoctial

Where there is store of gold it is in effect needless to remember other commodities for trade. But it hath,

towards the south part of the river, great quantities of brazilwood, and divers berries that dye a most perfect

crimson and carnation; and for painting, all France, Italy, or the East Indies yield none such. For the more the

skin is washed, the fairer the colour appeareth, and with which even those brown and tawny women spot

themselves and colour their cheeks. All places yield abundance of cotton, of silk, of balsamum, and of those

kinds most excellent and never known in Europe, of all sorts of gums, of Indian pepper; and what else the

countries may afford within the land we know not, neither had we time to abide the trial and search. The soil

besides is so excellent and so full of rivers, as it will carry sugar, ginger, and all those other commodities

The navigation is short, for it may be sailed with an ordinary wind in six weeks, and in the like time back

again; and by the way neither leeshore, enemies' coast, rocks, nor sands. All which in the voyages to the

West Indies and all other places we are subject unto; as the channel of Bahama, coming from the West Indies,

cannot well be passed in the winter, and when it is at the best, it is a perilous and a fearful place; the rest of

the Indies for calms and diseases very troublesome, and the sea about the Bermudas a hellish sea for thunder,

This very year (1595) there were seventeen sail of Spanish ships lost in the channel of Bahama, and the great

Philip, like to have sunk at the Bermudas, was put back to St. Juan de Puerto Rico; and so it falleth out in that

navigation every year for the most part. Which in this voyage are not to be feared; for the time of year to

leave England is best in July, and the summer in Guiana is in October, November, December, January,

February, and March, and then the ships may depart thence in April, and so return again into England in June.

So as they shall never be subject to winter weather, either coming, going, or staying there: which, for my part,

I take to be one of the greatest comforts and encouragements that can be thought on, having, as I have done,

tasted in this voyage by the West Indies so many calms, so much heat, such outrageous gusts, such weather,

To conclude, Guiana is a country that hath yet her maidenhead, never sacked, turned, nor wrought; the face of

the earth hath not been torn, nor the virtue and salt of the soil spent by manurance. The graves have not been

opened for gold, the mines not broken with sledges, nor their images pulled down out of their temples. It hath

never been entered by any army of strength, and never conquered or possessed by any Christian prince. It is

besides so defensible, that if two forts be builded in one of the provinces which I have seen, the flood setteth

in so near the bank, where the channel also lieth, that no ship can pass up but within a pike's length of the

artillery, first of the one, and afterwards of the other. Which two forts will be a sufficient guard both to the

empire of Inga, and to an hundred other several kingdoms, lying within the said river, even to the city of

There is therefore great difference between the easiness of the conquest of Guiana, and the defence of it being

conquered, and the West or East Indies. Guiana hath but one entrance by the sea, if it hath that, for any

vessels of burden. So as whosoever shall first possess it, it shall be found unaccessible for any enemy, except

he come in wherries, barges, or canoas, or else in flatbottomed boats; and if he do offer to enter it in that

manner, the woods are so thick 200 miles together upon the rivers of such entrance, as a mouse cannot sit in a

boat unhit from the bank. By land it is more impossible to approach; for it hath the strongest situation of any

region under the sun, and it is so environed with impassable mountains on every side, as it is impossible to

victual any company in the passage. Which hath been well proved by the Spanish nation, who since the

conquest of Peru have never left five years free from attempting this empire, or discovering some way into it;

and yet of threeandtwenty several gentlemen, knights, and noblemen, there was never any that knew which

way to lead an army by land, or to conduct ships by sea, anything near the said country. Orellana, of whom

the river of Amazons taketh name, was the first, and Don Antonio de Berreo, whom we displanted, the last:

and I doubt much whether he himself or any of his yet know the best way into the said empire. It can

therefore hardly be regained, if any strength be formerly set down, but in one or two places, and but two or

three crumsters (Dutch, Kromsteven or Kromster, a vessel with a bent prow) or galleys built and furnished

upon the river within. The West Indies have many ports, watering places, and landings; and nearer than 300

miles to Guiana, no man can harbour a ship, except he know one only place, which is not learned in haste,

and which I will undertake there is not any one of my companies that knoweth, whosoever hearkened most

Besides, by keeping one good fort, or building one town of strength, the whole empire is guarded; and

whatsoever companies shall be afterwards planted within the land, although in twenty several provinces,

those shall be able all to reunite themselves upon any occasion either by the way of one river, or be able to

march by land without either wood, bog, or mountain. Whereas in the West Indies there are few towns or

provinces that can succour or relieve one the other by land or sea. By land the countries are either desert,

mountainous, or strong enemies. By sea, if any man invade to the eastward, those to the west cannot in many

months turn against the breeze and eastern wind. Besides, the Spaniards are therein so dispersed as they are

nowhere strong, but in Nueva Espana only; the sharp mountains, the thorns, and poisoned prickles, the sandy

and deep ways in the valleys, the smothering heat and air, and want of water in other places are their only and

best defence; which, because those nations that invade them are not victualled or provided to stay, neither

have any place to friend adjoining, do serve them instead of good arms and great multitudes.

The West Indies were first offered her Majesty's grandfather by Columbus, a stranger, in whom there might

be doubt of deceit; and besides it was then thought incredible that there were such and so many lands and

regions never written of before. This Empire is made known to her Majesty by her own vassal, and by him

that oweth to her more duty than an ordinary subject; so that it shall ill sort with the many graces and benefits

which I have received to abuse her Highness, either with fables or imaginations. The country is already

discovered, many nations won to her Majesty's love and obedience, and those Spaniards which have latest

and longest laboured about the conquest, beaten out, discouraged, and disgraced, which among these nations

were thought invincible. Her Majesty may in this enterprise employ all those soldiers and gentlemen that are

younger brethren, and all captains and chieftains that want employment, and the charge will be only the first

setting out in victualling and arming them; for after the first or second year I doubt not but to see in London a

ContractationHouse (the whole trade of Spanish America passed through the Casa de Contratacion at

Seville) of more receipt for Guiana than there is now in Seville for the West Indies.

And I am resolved that if there were but a small army afoot in Guiana, marching towards Manoa, the chief

city of Inga, he would yield to her Majesty by composition so many hundred thousand pounds yearly as

should both defend all enemies abroad, and defray all expenses at home; and that he would besides pay a

garrison of three or four thousand soldiers very royally to defend him against other nations. For he cannot but

know how his predecessors, yea, how his own great uncles, Guascar and Atabalipa, sons to GuianaCapac,

emperor of Peru, were, while they contended for the empire, beaten out by the Spaniards, and that both of late

years and ever since the said conquest, the Spaniards have sought the passages and entry of his country; and

of their cruelties used to the borderers he cannot be ignorant. In which respects no doubt but he will be

brought to tribute with great gladness; if not, he hath neither shot nor iron weapon in all his empire, and

And I further remember that Berreo confessed to me and others, which I protest before the Majesty of God to

be true, that there was found among the prophecies in Peru, at such time as the empire was reduced to the

Spanish obedience, in their chiefest temples, amongst divers others which foreshadowed the loss of the said

empire, that from Inglatierra those Ingas should be again in time to come restored, and delivered from the

servitude of the said conquerors. And I hope, as we with these few hands have displanted the first garrison,

and driven them out of the said country, so her Majesty will give order for the rest, and either defend it, and

hold it as tributary, or conquer and keep it as empress of the same. For whatsoever prince shall possess it,

shall be greatest; and if the king of Spain enjoy it, he will become unresistible. Her Majesty hereby shall

confirm and strengthen the opinions of all nations as touching her great and princely actions. And where the

south border of Guiana reacheth to the dominion and empire of the Amazons, those women shall hereby hear

the name of a virgin, which is not only able to defend her own territories and her neighbours, but also to

To speak more at this time I fear would be but troublesome: I trust in God, this being true, will suffice, and

that he which is King of all Kings, and Lord of Lords, will put it into her heart which is Lady of Ladies to

possess it. If not, I will judge those men worthy to be kings thereof, that by her grace and leave will undertake