The History of Herodotus Vol. 2 ........................................................................................................................1

Translated into English by G. C. Macaulay .............................................................................................1

e Herodotou diathesis en apasin epieikes, kai tois men agathois sunedomene, tois de kakois

This text was prepared from the third edition, printed in 1914, by MacMillan and Co., Limited, St. Martin's

Greek text has been transliterated and marked with brackets, as in the opening citation above.

1. In the meantime those of the Persians who had been left behind in Europe by Dareios, of whom Megabazos

was the commander, had subdued the people of Perinthos first of the Hellespontians, since they refused to be

subject to Dareios. These had in former times also been hardly dealt with by the Paionians: for the Paionians

from the Strymon had been commanded by an oracle of their god to march against the Perinthians; and if the

Perinthians, when encamped opposite to them, should shout aloud and call to them by their name, they were

to attack them; but if they should not shout to them, they were not to attack them: and thus the Paionians

proceeded to do. Now when the Perinthians were encamped opposite to them in the suburb of their city, a

challenge was made and a single combat took place in three different forms; for they matched a man against a

man, and a horse against a horse, and a dog against a dog. Then, as the Perinthians were getting the better in

two of the three, in their exultation they raised a shout of paion,[1] and the Paionians conjectured that this

was the very thing which was spoken of in the oracle, and said doubtless to one another, "Now surely the

oracle is being accomplished for us, now it is time for us to act." So the Paionians attacked the Perinthians

when they had raised the shout of paion, and they had much the better in the fight, and left but few of them

alive. 2. Thus it happened with respect to those things which had been done to them in former times by the

Paionians; and at this time, although the Perinthians proved themselves brave men in defence of their

freedom, the Persians and Megabazos got the better of them by numbers. Then after Perinthos had been

conquered, Megabazos marched his army through the length of Thracia, forcing every city and every race of

those who dwell there to submit to the king, for so it had been commanded him by Dareios, to subdue

3. Now the Thracian race is the most numerous, except the Indians, in all the world: and if it should come to

be ruled over by one man, or to agree together in one, it would be irresistible in fight and the strongest by far

of all nations, in my opinion. Since however this is impossible for them and cannot ever come to pass among

them,[2] they are in fact weak for that reason. They have many names, belonging to their various tribes in

different places; but they all follow customs which are nearly the same in all respects, except the Getai and

Trausians and those who dwell above the Crestonians. 4. Of these the practices of the Getai, who believe

themselves to be immortal, have been spoken of by me already:[3] and the Trausians perform everything else

in the same manner as the other Thracians, but in regard to those who are born and die among them they do

as follows:when a child has been born, the nearest of kin sit round it and make lamentation for all the evils

of which he must fulfil the measure, now that he is born,[3a] enumerating the whole number of human ills;

but when a man is dead, they cover him up in the earth with sport and rejoicing, saying at the same time from

what great evils he has escaped and is now in perfect bliss. 5. Those who dwell above the Crestonians do as

follows:each man has many wives, and when any man of them is dead, a great competition takes place

among his wives, with much exertion on the part of their friends, about the question of which of them was

most loved by their husband; and she who is preferred by the decision and so honoured, is first praised by

both men and women, then her throat is cut over the tomb by her nearest of kin, and afterwards she is buried

together with her husband; and the others are exceedingly grieved at it, for this is counted as the greatest

reproach to them. 6. Of the other Thracians the custom is to sell their children to be carried away out of the

country; and over their maidens they do not keep watch, but allow them to have commerce with whatever

men they please, but over their wives they keep very great watch; and they buy their wives for great sums of

money from their parents. To be pricked with figures is accounted a mark of noble rank, and not to be so

marked is a sign of low birth.[4] Not to work is counted most honourable, and to be a worker of the soil is

above all things dishonourable: to live on war and plunder is the most honourable thing. 7. These are their

most remarkable customs; and of the gods they worship only Ares and Dionysos and Artemis. Their kings,

however, apart from the rest of the people, worship Hermes more than all gods, and swear by him alone; and

they say that they are descended from Hermes. 8. The manner of burial for the rich among them is this:for

three days they expose the corpse to view, and they slay all kinds of victims and feast, having first made

lamentation. Then they perform the burial rites, either consuming the body with fire or covering it up in the

earth without burning; and afterwards when they have heaped up a mound they celebrate games with every

kind of contest, in which reasonably the greatest prizes are assigned for single combat.[5] This is the manner

9. Of the region lying further on towards the North of this country no one can declare accurately who the men

are who dwell in it; but the parts which lie immediately beyond the Ister are known to be uninhabited and

vast in extent. The only men of whom I can hear who dwell beyond the Ister are those who are said to be

called Sigynnai, and who use the Median fashion of dress. Their horses, it is said, have shaggy hair all over

their bodies, as much as five fingers long; and these are small and flatnosed and too weak to carry men, but

when yoked in chariots they are very highspirited; therefore the natives of the country drive chariots. The

boundaries of this people extend, it is said, to the parts near the Enetoi, who live on the Adriatic; and people

say that they are colonists from the Medes. In what way however these have come to be colonists from the

Medes I am not able for my part to conceive, but everything is possible in the long course of ages. However

that may be, the Ligurians who dwell in the region inland above Massalia call traders sigynnai, and the men

of Cyprus give the same name to spears. 10. Now the Thracians say that the other side of the Ister is occupied

by bees, and that by reason of them it is not possible to pass through and proceed further: but to me it seems

that when they so speak, they say that which is not probable; for these creatures are known to be intolerant of

cold, and to me it seems that the regions which go up towards the pole are uninhabitable by reason of the cold

climate. These then are the tales reported about this country; and however that may be, Megabazos was then

11. Meanwhile Dareios, so soon as he had crossed over the Hellespont and come to Sardis, called to mind the

service rendered to him by Histiaios the Milesian and also the advice of the Mytilenian Co�s, and having sent

for them to come to Sardis he offered them a choice of rewards. Histiaios then, being despot of Miletos, did

not make request for any government in addition to that, but he asked for the district of Myrkinos which

belonged to the Edonians, desiring there to found a city. Histiaios chose this for himself; but Co�s, not being

a despot but a man of the people, asked to be made despot of Mitylene. 12. After the desires of both had been

fulfilled, they betook themselves to that which they had chosen: and at this same time it chanced that Dareios

saw a certain thing which made him desire to command Megabazos to conquer the Paionians and remove

them forcibly from Europe into Asia: and the thing was this:There were certain Paionians named Pigres

and Mantyas, who when Dareios had crossed over into Asia, came to Sardis, because they desired themselves

to have rule over the Paionians, and with them they brought their sister, who was tall and comely. Then

having watched for a time when Dareios took his seat publicly in the suburb of the Lydian city, they dressed

up their sister in the best way they could, and sent her to fetch water, having a waterjar upon her head and

leading a horse after her by a bridle round her arm, and at the same time spinning flax. Now when the woman

passed out of the city by him, Dareios paid attention to the matter, for that which was done by the woman was

not of Persian nor yet of Lydian fashion, nor indeed after the manner of any people of Asia. He sent therefore

some of his spearmen, bidding them watch what the woman would do with the horse. They accordingly

followed after her; and she having arrived at the river watered the horse, and having watered him and filled

her jar with the water, she passed along by the same way, bearing the water upon her head, leading the horse

after her by a bridle round her arm, and at the same time turning the spindle. 13. Then Dareios, marvelling

both at that which he heard from those who went to observe and also at that which he saw himself, bade them

bring her into his presence: and when she was brought, her brothers also came, who had been watching these

things at no great distance off. So then when Dareios asked of what country she was, the young men said that

they were Paionians and that she was their sister; and he replied: "Who then are these Paionians, and where

upon the earth do they dwell?" and he asked them also what they desired, that they had come to Sardis. They

declared to him that they had come to give themselves up to him, and that Paionia was a country situated

upon the river Strymon, and that the Strymon was not far from the Hellespont, and finally that they were

colonists from the Teucrians of Troy. All these things severally they told him; and he asked whether all the

women of that land were as industrious as their sister; and they very readily replied to this also, saying that it

was so, for it was with a view to that very thing that they had been doing this. 14. Then Dareios wrote a letter

to Megabazos, whom he had left to command his army in Thrace, bidding him remove the Paionians from

their place of habitation and bring them to the king, both themselves and their children and their wives. Then

forthwith a horseman set forth to ride in haste bearing the message to the Hellespont, and having passed over

to the other side he gave the paper to Megabazos. So he having read it and having obtained guides from

Thrace, set forth to march upon Paionia: 15, and the Paionians, being informed that the Persians were coming

against them, gathered all their powers together and marched out in the direction of the sea, supposing that

the Persians when they invaded them would make their attack on that side. The Paionians then were prepared,

as I say, to drive off the army of Megabazos when it came against them; but the Persians hearing that the

Paionians had gathered their powers and were guarding the entrance which lay towards the sea, directed their

course with guides along the upper road; and passing unperceived by the Paionians they fell upon their cities,

which were left without men, and finding them without defenders they easily took possession of them. The

Paionians when they heard that their cities were in the hands of the enemy, at once dispersed, each tribe to its

own place of abode, and proceeded to deliver themselves up to the Persians. Thus then it happened that these

tribes of the Paionians, namely the Siropaionians,[6] the Paioplians and all up to the lake Prasias, were

removed from their place of habitation and brought to Asia; 16, but those who dwell about mount Pangaion,

and about the Doberians and Agrianians and Odomantians,[7] and about the lake Prasias itself, were not

conquered at all by Megabazos. He tried however to remove even those who lived in the lake and who had

their dwellings in the following manner:a platform fastened together and resting upon lofty piles stood in

the middle of the water of the lake, with a narrow approach to it from the mainland by a single bridge. The

piles which supported the platform were no doubt originally set there by all the members of the community

working together, but since that time they continue to set them by observance of this rule, that is to say, every

man who marries brings from the mountain called Orbelos three piles for each wife and sets them as

supports; and each man takes to himself many wives. And they have their dwelling thus, that is each man has

possession of a hut upon the platform in which he lives and of a trapdoor[8] leading through the platform

down to the lake: and their infant children they tie with a rope by the foot, for fear that they should roll into

the water. To their horses and beasts of burden they give fish for fodder; and of fish there is so great quantity

that if a man open the trapdoor and let down an empty basket by a cord into the lake, after waiting quite a

short time he draws it up again full of fish. Of the fish there are two kinds, and they call them paprax and

17. So then those of the Paionians who had been conquered were being brought to Asia: and Megabazos

meanwhile, after he had conquered the Paionians, sent as envoys to Macedonia seven Persians, who after

himself were the men of most repute in the army. These were being sent to Amyntas to demand of him earth

and water for Dareios the king. Now from lake Prasias there is a very short way into Macedonia; for first,

quite close to the lake, there is the mine from which after this time there came in regularly a talent of silver

every day to Alexander; and after the mine, when you have passed over the mountain called Dysoron, you are

in Macedonia. 18. These Persians then, who had been sent to Amyntas, having arrived came into the presence

of Amyntas and proceeded to demand earth and water for king Dareios. This he was willing to give, and also

he invited them to be his guests; and he prepared a magnificent dinner and received the Persians with friendly

hospitality. Then when dinner was over, the Persians while drinking pledges to one another[9] said thus:

"Macedonian guestfriend, it is the custom among us Persians, when we set forth a great dinner, then to bring

in also our concubines and lawful wives to sit beside us. Do thou then, since thou didst readily receive us and

dost now entertain us magnificently as thy guests, and since thou art willing to give to king Dareios earth and

water, consent to follow our custom." To this Amyntas replied: "Persians, among us the custom is not so, but

that men should be separate from women. Since however ye being our masters make this request in addition,

this also shall be given you." Having so said Amyntas proceeded to send for the women; and when they came

being summoned, they sat down in order opposite to the Persians. Then the Persians, seeing women of

comely form, spoke to Amyntas and said that this which had been done was by no means well devised; for it

was better that the women should not come at all, than that they should come and should not seat themselves

by their side, but sit opposite and be a pain to their eyes. So Amyntas being compelled bade them sit by the

side of the Persians; and when the women obeyed, forthwith the Persians, being much intoxicated, began to

touch their breasts, and some no doubt also tried to kiss them. 19. Amyntas seeing this kept quiet,

notwithstanding that he felt anger, because he excessively feared the Persians; but Alexander the son of

Amyntas, who was present and saw this, being young and without experience of calamity was not able to

endure any longer; but being impatient of it he said to Amyntas: "My father, do thou grant that which thy age

demands, and go away to rest, nor persevere longer in the drinking; but I will remain here and give to our

guests all that is convenient." On this Amyntas, understanding that Alexander was intending to do some

violence, said: "My son, I think that I understand thy words, as the heat of anger moves thee, namely that

thou desirest to send me away and then do some deed of violence: therefore I ask of thee not to do violence to

these men, that it may not be our ruin, but endure to see that which is being done: as to my departure,

however, in that I will do as thou sayest." 20. When Amyntas after having made of him this request had

departed, Alexander said to the Persians: "With these women ye have perfect freedom, guests, to have

commerce with all, if ye so desire, or with as many of them as ye will. About this matter ye shall be they who

give the word; but now, since already the hour is approaching for you to go to bed and I see that ye have well

drunk, let these women go away, if so it is pleasing to you, to bathe themselves; and when they have bathed,

then receive them back into your company." Having so said, since the Persians readily agreed, he dismissed

the women, when they had gone out, to the women's chambers; and Alexander himself equipped men equal

in number to the women and smoothfaced, in the dress of the women, and giving them daggers he led them

into the banquetingroom; and as he led them in, he said thus to the Persians: "Persians, it seems to me that

ye have been entertained with a feast to which nothing was wanting; for other things, as many as we had, and

moreover such as we were able to find out and furnish, are all supplied to you, and there is this especially

besides, which is the chief thing of all, that is, we give you freely in addition our mothers and our sisters, in

order that ye may perceive fully that ye are honoured by us with that treatment which ye deserve, and also in

order that ye may report to the king who sent you that a man of Hellas, ruler under him of the Macedonians,

entertained you well at board and bed." Having thus said Alexander caused a Macedonian man in the guise of

a woman to sit by each Persian, and they, when the Persians attempted to lay hands on them, slew them. 21.

So these perished by this fate, both they themselves and their company of servants; for there came with them

carriages and servants and all the usual pomp of equipage, and this was all made away with at the same time

as they. Afterwards in no long time a great search was made by the Persians for these men, and Alexander

stopped them with cunning by giving large sums of money and his own sister, whose name was Gygaia;

by giving, I say, these things to Bubares a Persian, commander of those who were searching for the men

who had been killed, Alexander stopped their search. 22. Thus the death of these Persians was kept

concealed. And that these descendants of Perdiccas are Hellenes, as they themselves say, I happen to know

myself, and not only so, but I will prove in the succeeding history that they are Hellenes.[10] Moreover the

Hellanodicai, who manage the games at Olympia, decided that they were so: for when Alexander wished to

contend in the games and had descended for this purpose into the arena, the Hellenes who were to run against

him tried to exclude him, saying that the contest was not for Barbarians to contend in but for Hellenes: since

however Alexander proved that he was of Argos, he was judged to be a Hellene, and when he entered the

23. Thus then it happened with regard to these things: and at the same time Megabazos had arrived at the

Hellespont bringing with him the Paionians; and thence after passing over the straits he came to Sardis. Then,

since Histiaios the Milesian was already engaged in fortifying with a wall the place which he had asked and

obtained from Dareios as a reward for keeping safe the bridge of boats (this place being that which is called

Myrkinos, lying along the bank of the river Strymon), Megabazos, having perceived that which was being

done by Histiaios, as soon as he came to Sardis bringing the Paionians, said thus to Dareios: "O king, what a

thing is this that thou hast done, granting permission to a Hellene who is skilful and cunning to found a city in

Thracia in a place where there is forest for shipbuilding in abundance and great quantity of wood for oars and

mines of silver and great numbers both of Hellenes and Barbarians living round, who when they have

obtained a leader will do that which he shall command them both by day and by night. Therefore stop this

man from doing so, that thou be not involved in a domestic war: and stop him by sending for him in a

courteous manner; but when thou hast got him in thy hands, then cause that he shall never again return to the

land of the Hellenes. 24. Thus saying Megabazos easily persuaded Dareios, who thought that he was a true

prophet of that which was likely to come to pass: and upon that Dareios sent a messenger to Myrkinos and

said as follows: "Hisiaios, king Dareios saith these things:By taking thought I find that there is no one

more sincerely well disposed than thou art to me and to my power; and this I know having learnt by deeds not

words. Now therefore, since I have it in my mind to accomplish great matters, come hither to me by all

means, that I may communicate them to thee." Histiaios therefore, trusting to these sayings and at the same

time accounting it a great thing to become a counsellor of the king, came to Sardis; and when he had come

Dareios spoke to him as follows: "Histiaios, I sent for thee for this reason, namely because when I had

returned from the Scythians and thou wert gone away out of the sight of my eyes, never did I desire to see

anything again within so short a time as I desired then both to see thee and that thou shouldst come to speech

with me; since I perceived that the most valuable of all possessions is a friend who is a man of understanding

and also sincerely welldisposed, both which qualities I know exist in thee, and I am able to bear witness of

them in regard to my affairs. Now therefore (for thou didst well in that thou camest hither) this is that which I

propose to thee:leave Miletos alone and also thy newly founded city in Thracia, and coming with me to

Susa, have whatsoever things I have, eating at my table and being my counseller." 25. Thus said Dareios, and

having appointed Artaphrenes[12] his own brother and the son of his father to be governor of Sardis, he

marched away to Susa taking with him Histiaios, after he had first named Otanes to be commander of those

who dwelt along the sea coasts. This man's father Sisamnes, who had been made one of the Royal Judges,

king Cambyses slew, because he had judged a cause unjustly for money, and flayed off all his skin: then after

he had torn away the skin he cut leathern thongs out of it and stretched them across the seat where Sisamnes

had been wont to sit to give judgment; and having stretched them in the seat, Cambyses appointed the son of

that Sisamnes whom he had slain and flayed, to be judge instead of his father, enjoining him to remember in

what seat he was sitting to give judgment. 26. This Otanes then, who was made to sit in that seat, had now

become the successor of Megabazos in the command: and he conquered the Byzantians and Calchedonians,

and he conquered Antandros in the land of Troas, and Lamponion; and having received ships from the

Lesbians he conquered Lemnos and Imbros, which were both at that time still inhabited by Pelasgians. 27. Of

these the Lemnians fought well, and defending themselves for a long time were at length brought to ruin;[13]

and over those of them who survived the Persians set as governor Lycaretos the brother of that Maiandrios

who had been king of Samos. This Lycaretos ruled in Lemnos till his death. And the cause of it[14] was

this:he continued to reduce all to slavery and subdue them, accusing some of desertion to the Scythians

and others of doing damage to the army of Dareios as it was coming back from Scythia.

28. Otanes then effected so much when he was made commander: and after this for a short time there was an

abatement[15] of evils; and then again evils began a second time to fall upon the Ionians, arising from Naxos

and Miletos. For Naxos was superior to all the other islands in wealth, and Miletos at the same time had just

then come to the very height of its prosperity and was the ornament[16] of Ionia; but before these events for

two generations of men it had been afflicted most violently by faction until the Parians reformed it; for these

the Milesians chose of all the Hellenes to be reformers of their State. 29. Now the Parians thus reconciled

their factions:the best men of them came to Miletos, and seeing that the Milesians were in a grievously

ruined state, they said that they desired to go over their land: and while doing this and passing through the

whole territory of Miletos, whenever they saw in the desolation of the land any field that was well cultivated,

they wrote down the name of the owner of that field. Then when they had passed through the whole land and

had found but few of such men, as soon as they returned to the city they called a general gathering and

appointed these men to manage the State, whose fields they had found well cultivated; for they said that they

thought these men would take care of the public affairs as they had taken care of their own: and the rest of the

Milesians, who before had been divided by factions, they commanded to be obedient to these men.

30. The Parians then had thus reformed the Milesians; but at the time of which I speak evils began to come to

Ionia from these States[17] in the following manner:From Naxos certain men of the wealthier class[18]

were driven into exile by the people, and having gone into exile they arrived at Miletos. Now of Miletos it

happened that Aristagoras son of Molpagoras was ruler in charge, being both a son inlaw and also a cousin

of Histiaios the son of Lysagoras, whom Dareios was keeping at Susa: for Histiaios was despot of Miletos,

and it happened that he was at Susa at this time when the Naxians came, who had been in former times

guestfriends of Histiaios. So when the Naxians arrived, they made request of Aristagoras, to see if

perchance he would supply them with a force, and so they might return from exile to their own land: and he,

thinking that if by his means they should return to their own State, he would be ruler of Naxos, but at the

same time making a pretext of the guestfriendship of Histiaios, made proposal to them thus: "I am not able

to engage that I can supply you with sufficient force to bring you back from exile against the will of those

Naxians who have control of the State; for I hear that the Naxians have an army which is eight thousand

shields strong and many ships of war: but I will use every endeavour to devise a means; and my plan is

this:it chances that Artaphrenes is my friend: now Artaphrenes, ye must know,[18a] is a son of Hystaspes

and brother of Dareios the king; and he is ruler of all the people of the seacoasts in Asia, with a great army

and many ships. This man then I think will do whatsoever we shall request of him." Hearing this the Naxians

gave over the matter to Aristagoras to manage as best he could, and they bade him promise gifts and the

expenses of the expedition, saying that they would pay them; for they had full expectation that when they

should appear at Naxos, the Naxians would do all their bidding, and likewise also the other islanders. For of

these islands, that is the Cyclades, not one was as yet subject to Dareios. 31. Aristagoras accordingly having

arrived at Sardis, said to Artaphrenes that Naxos was an island not indeed large in size, but fair nevertheless

and of fertile soil, as well as near to Ionia, and that there was in it much wealth and many slaves: "Do thou

therefore send an expedition against this land, and restore it to those who are now exiles from it: and if thou

shalt do this, first I have ready for thee large sums of money apart from the expenses incurred for the

expedition (which it is fair that we who conduct it should supply), and next thou wilt gain for the king not

only Naxos itself but also the islands which are dependent upon it, Paros and Andros and the others which are

called Cyclades; and setting out from these thou wilt easily attack Eub�a, an island which is large and

wealth, as large indeed as Cyprus, and very easy to conquer. To subdue all these a hundred ships are

sufficient." He made answer in these words: "Thou makest thyself a reporter of good things to the house of

the king; and in all these things thou advisest well, except as to the number of the ships: for instead of one

hundred there shall be prepared for thee two hundred by the beginning of the spring. And it is right that the

king himself also should join in approving this matter." 32. So Aristagoras hearing this went back to Miletos

greatly rejoiced; and Artaphrenes meanwhile, when he had sent to Susa and communicated that which was

said by Aristagoras, and Dareios himself also had joined in approving it, made ready two hundred triremes

and a very great multitude both of Persians and their allies, and appointed to be commander of these

Megabates a Persian, one of the Achaimenidai and a cousin to himself and to Dareios, to whose daughter

afterwards Pausanias the son of Cleombrotus the Lacedaemonian (at least if the story be true) betrothed

himself, having formed a desire to become a despot of Hellas. Having appointed Megabates, I say, to be

commander, Artaphrenes sent away the armament to Aristagoras. 33. So when Megabates had taken force

together with the Naxians, he sailed with the pretence of going to the Hellespont; but when he came to Chios,

he directed his ships to Caucasa, in order that he might from thence pass them over to Naxos with a North

Wind. Then, since it was not fated that the Naxians should be destroyed by this expedition, there happened an

event which I shall narrate. As Megabates was going round to visit the guards set in the several ships, it

chanced that in a ship of Myndos there was no one on guard; and he being very angry bade his spearmen find

out the commander of the ship, whose name was Skylax, and bind him in an oarhole of his ship in such a

manner[19] that his head should be outside and his body within. When Skylax was thus bound, some one

reported to Aristagoras that Megabates had bound his guestfriend of Myndos and was doing to him

shameful outrage. He accordingly came and asked the Persian for his release, and as he did not obtain

anything of that which he requested, he went himself and let him loose. Being informed of this Megabates

was exceedingly angry and broke out in rage against Aristagoras; and he replied: "What hast thou to do with

these matters? Did not Artaphrenes send thee to obey me, and to sail whithersoever I should order? Why dost

thou meddle with things which concern thee not?" Thus said Aristagoras; and the other being enraged at this,

when night came on sent men in a ship to Naxos to declare to the Naxians all the danger that threatened them.

34. For the Naxians were not at all expecting that this expedition would be against them: but when they were

informed of it, forthwith they brought within the wall the property which was in the fields, and provided for

themselves food and drink as for a siege, and strengthened their wall.[20] These then were making

preparations as for war to come upon them; and the others meanwhile having passed their ships over from

Chios to Naxos, found them well defended when they made their attack, and besieged them for four months.

Then when the money which the Persians had brought with them had all been consumed by them, and not

only that, but Aristagoras himself had spent much in addition, and the siege demanded ever more and more,

they built walls for the Naxian exiles and departed to the mainland again with ill success. 35. And so

Aristagoras was not able to fulfil his promise to Artaphrenes; and at the same time he was hard pressed by the

demand made to him for the expenses of the expedition, and had fears because of the ill success of the

armament and because he had become an enemy of Megabates; and he supposed that he would be deprived of

his rule over Miletos. Having all these various fears he began to make plans of revolt: for it happened also

that just at this time the man who had been marked upon the head had come from Hisiaios who was at Susa,

signifying that Aristagoras should revolt from the king. For Histiaios, desiring to signify to Aristagoras that

he should revolt, was not able to do it safely in any other way, because the roads were guarded, but shaved

off the hair of the most faithful of his slaves, and having marked his head by pricking it, waited till the hair

had grown again; and as soon as it was grown, he sent him away to Miletos, giving him no other charge but

this, namely that when he should have arrived at Miletos he should bid Aristagoras shave his hair and look at

his head: and the marks, as I have said before, signified revolt. This thing Histiaios was doing, because he

was greatly vexed by being detained at Susa. He had great hopes then that if a revolt occurred he would be let

go to the seacoast; but if no change was made at Miletos[20a] he had no expectation of ever returning

36. Accordingly Hisiaios with this intention was sending the messenger; and it chanced that all these things

happened to Aristagoras together at the same time. He took counsel therefore with his partisans, declaring to

them both his own opinion and the message from Hisiaios; and while all the rest expressed an opinion to the

same effect, urging him namely to make revolt, Hecataios the historian urged first that they should not

undertake war with the king of the Persians, enumerating all the nations over whom Dareios was ruler, and

his power: and when he did not succeed in persuading him, he counselled next that they should manage to

make themselves masters of the sea. Now this, he continued, could not come to pass in any other way, so far

as he could see, for he knew that the force of the Milesians was weak, but if the treasures should be taken[21]

which were in the temple at Branchidai, which Cr�sus the Lydian dedicated as offerings, he had great hopes

that they might become masters of the sea; and by this means they would not only themselves have wealth at

their disposal, but the enemy would not be able to carry the things off as plunder. Now these treasures were

of great value, as I have shown in the first part of the history.[22] This opinion did not prevail; but

nevertheless it was resolved to make revolt, and that one of them should sail to Myus, to make the force

which had returned from Naxos and was then there, and endeavour to seize the commanders who sailed in the

ships. 37. So Iatragoras was sent for this purpose and seized by craft Oliatos the son of Ibanollis of Mylasa,

and Histiaios the son of Tymnes of Termera, and Co�s the son of Erxander, to whom Dareios had given

Mytilene as a gift, and Aristagoras the son of Heracleides of Kyme, and many others; and then Aristagoras

openly made revolt and devised all that he could to the hurt of Dareios. And first he pretended to resign the

despotic power and give to Miletos equality,[23] in order that the Milesians might be willing to revolt with

him: then afterwards he proceeded to do this same thing in the rest of Ionia also; and some of the despots he

drove out, but those whom he had taken from the ships which had sailed with him to Naxis, these he

surrendered, because he desired to do a pleasure to their cities, delivering them over severally to that city

from which each one came. 38. Now the men of Mitylene, so soon as they received Co�s into their hands,

brought him out and stoned him to death; but the men of Kyme let their despot go, and so also most of the

others let them go. Thus then the despots were deposed in the various cities; and Aristagoras the Milesian,

after having deposed the despots, bade each people appoint commanders in their several cities, and then

himself set forth as an envoy to Lacedemon; for in truth it was necessary that he should find out some

39. Now at Sparta Anaxandrides the son of Leon was no longer surviving as king, but had brought his life to

an end; and Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides was holding the royal power, not having obtained it by merit

but by right of birth. For Anaxandrides had to wife his own sister's daughter and she was by him much

beloved, but no children were born to him by her. This being so, the Ephors summoned him before them and

said: "If thou dost not for thyself take thought in time, yet we cannot suffer this to happen, that the race of

Eurysthenes should become extinct. Do thou therefore put away from thee the wife whom thou now hast,

since, as thou knowest, she bears thee no children, and marry another: and in doing so thou wilt please the

Spartans." He made answer saying that he would do neither of these two things, and that they did not give

him honourable counsel, in that they advised him to send away the wife whom he had, though she had done

him no wrong, and to take to his house another; and in short he would not follow their advice. 40. Upon this

the Ephors and the Senators deliberated together and proposed to Anaxandrides as follows: "Since then we

perceive that thou art firmly attached to the wife whom thou now hast, consent to do this, and set not thyself

against it, lest the Spartans take some counsel about thee other than might be wished. We do not ask of thee

the putting away of the wife whom thou hast; but do thou give to her all that thou givest now and at the same

time take to thy house another wife in addition to this one, to bear thee children." When they spoke to him

after this manner, Anaxandrides consented, having two wives, a thing which was not by any means after the

Spartan fashion. 41. Then when no long time had elapsed, the wife who had come in afterwards bore this

Cleomenes of whom we spoke; and just when she was bringing to the light an heir to the kingdom of the

Spartans, the former wife, who had during the time before been childless, then by some means conceived,

chancing to do so just at that time: and though she was in truth with child, the kinsfolk of the wife who had

come in afterwards, when they heard of it cried out against her and said that she was making a vain boast, and

that she meant to pass off another child as her own. Since then they made a great show of indignation, as the

time was fast drawing near, the Ephors being incredulous sat round and watched the woman during the birth

of her child: and she bore Dorieos and then straightway conceived Leonidas and after him at once

Cleombrotos,nay, some even say that Cleombrotos and Leonidas were twins. The wife however who had

born Cleomenes and had come in after the first wife, being the daughter of Primetades the son of

Demarmenos, did not bear a child again. 42. Now Cleomenes, it is said, was not quite in his right senses but

on the verge of madness,[24] while Dorieos was of all his equals in age the first, and felt assured that he

would obtain the kingdom by merit. Seeing then that he had this opinion, when Anaxandrides died and the

Lacedemonians followed the usual custom established the eldest, namely Cleomenes, upon the throne,

Dorieos being indignant and not thinking it fit that he should be a subject of Cleomenes, asked the Spartans to

give him a company of followers and led them out to found a colony, without either inquiring of the Oracle at

Delphi to what land he should go to make a settlement, or doing any of the things which are usually done; but

being vexed he sailed away with his ships to Libya, and the Theraians were his guides thither. Then having

come to Kinyps[25] he made a settlement in the fairest spot of all Libya, along the banks of the river; but

afterwards in the third year he was driven out from thence by the Macai and the Libyans[26] and the

Carthaginians, and returned to Peloponnesus. 43. Then Antichares a man of Eleon gave him counsel out of

the oracles of La�os to make a settlement at Heracleia[27] in Sicily, saying that the whole land of Eryx

belonged to the Heracleidai, since Heracles himself had won it: and hearing this he went forthwith to Delphi

to inquire of the Oracle whether he would be able to conquer the land to which he was setting forth; and the

Pythian prophetess replied to him that he would conquer it. Dorieos therefore took with him the armament

which he conducted before to Libya, and voyaged along the coast of Italy.[28] 44. Now at this time, the men

of Sybaris say that they and their king Telys were about to make an expedition against Croton, and the men of

Croton being exceedingly alarmed asked Dorieos to help them and obtained their request. So Dorieos joined

them in an expedition against Sybaris and helped them to conquer Sybaris. This is what the men of Sybaris

say of the doings of Dorieos and his followers; but those of Croton say that no stranger helped them in the

war against the Sybarites except Callias alone, a diviner of Elis and one of the descendants of Iamos, and he

in the following manner:he ran away, they say, from Telys the despot of the Sybarites, when the sacrifices

did not prove favourable, as he was sacrificing for the expedition against Croton, and so he came to them. 45.

Such, I say, are the tales which these tell, and they severally produce as evidence of them the following

facts:the Sybarites point to a sacred enclosure and temple by the side of the driedup bed of the

Crathis,[29] which they say that Dorieos, after he had joined in the capture of the city, set up to Athene

surnamed "of the Crathis"; and besides they consider the death of Dorieos himself to be a very strong

evidence, thinking that he perished because he acted contrary to the oracle which was given to him; for if he

had not done anything by the way but had continued to do that for which he was sent, he would have

conquered the land of Eryx and having conquered it would have become possessor of it, and he and his army

would not have perished. On the other hand the men of Croton declare that many things were granted in the

territory of Croton as special gifts to Callias the Eleisan, of which the descendants of Callias were still in

possession down to my time, and that nothing was granted to Dorieos or the descendants of Dorieos: but if

Dorieos had in fact helped them in the way with Sybaris, many times as much, they say, would have been

given to him as to Callias. These then are the evidences which the two sides produce, and we may assent to

whichever of them we think credible. 46. Now there sailed with Dorieos others also of the Spartans, to be

jointfounders with him of the colony, namely Thessalos and Paraibates and Keleas and Euryleon; and these

when they had reached Sicily with all their armament, were slain, being defeated in battle by the Phenicians

and the men of Egesta; and Euryleon only of the jointfounders survived this disaster. This man then having

collected the survivors of the expedition, took possession of Minoa the colony of Selinus, and he helped to

free the men of Selinus from their despot Peithagoras. Afterwards, when he had deposed him, he laid hands

himself upon the despotism in Selinus and became sole ruler there, though but for a short time; for the men of

Selinus rose in revolt against him and slew him, notwithstanding that he had fled for refuge to the altar of

47. There had accompanied Dorieos also and died with him Philip the son of Butakides, a man of Croton,

who having betrothed himself to the daughter of Telys the Sybarite, became an exile from Croton; and then

being disappointed of this marriage he sailed away to Kyrene, whence he set forth and accompanied Dorieos

with a trireme of his own, himself supplying the expenses of the crew. Now this man had been a victor at the

Olympic games, and he was the most beautiful of the Hellenes who lived in his time; and on account of his

beauty he obtained from the men of Egesta that which none else ever obtained from them, for they

established a herotemple over his tomb, and they propitiate him still with sacrifices.

48. In this manner Dorieos ended his life: but if he had endured to be a subject of Cleomenes and had

remained in Sparta, he would have been king of Lacedemon; for Cleomenes reigned no very long time, and

49. However, Aristagoras the despot of Miletos arrived at Sparta while Cleomenes was reigning: and

accordingly with him he came to speech, having, as the Lacedemonians say, a tablet of bronze, on which was

engraved a map[31] of the whole Earth, with all the sea and all the rivers. And when he came to speech with

Cleomenes he said to him as follows: "Marvel not, Cleomenes, at my earnestness in coming hither, for the

case is this.That the sons of the Ionians should be slaves instead of free is a reproach and a grief most of all

indeed to ourselves, but of all others most to you, inasmuch as ye are the leaders of Hellas. Now therefore I

entreat you by the gods of Hellas to rescue from slavery the Ionians, who are your own kinsmen: and ye may

easily achieve this, for the Barbarians are not valiant in fight, whereas ye have attained to the highest point of

valour in that which relates to war: and their fighting is of this fashion, namely with bows and arrows and a

short spear, and they go into battle wearing trousers and with caps[32] on their heads. Thus they are easily

conquered. Then again they who occupy that continent have good things in such quantity as not all the other

nations of the world together possess; first gold, then silver and bronze and embroidered garments and beasts

of burden and slaves; all which ye might have for yourselves, if ye so desired. And the nations moreover

dwell in such order one after the other as I shall declare:the Ionians here; and next to them the Lydians,

who not only dwell in a fertile land, but are also exceedingly rich in gold and silver,"[33]and as he said

this he pointed to the map of the Earth, which he carried with him engraved upon the tablet,"and here next

to the Lydians," continued Aristagoras, "are the Eastern Phrygians, who have both the greatest number of

sheep and cattle[34] of any people that I know, and also the most abundant crops. Next to the Phrygians are

the Cappadokians, whom we call Syrians; and bordering upon them are the Kilikians, coming down to

this[35] sea, in which lies the island of Cyprus here; and these pay five hundred talents to the king for their

yearly tribute. Next to these Kilikians are the Armenians, whom thou mayest see here, and these also have

great numbers of sheep and cattle. Next to the Armenians are the Matienians occupying this country here; and

next to them is the land of Kissia here, in which land by the banks of this river Choaspes is situated that city

of Susa where the great king has his residence, and where the money is laid up in treasuries. After ye have

taken this city ye may then with good courage enter into a contest with Zeus in the matter of wealth. Nay, but

can it be that ye feel yourselves bound to take upon you the risk of[36] battles against Messenians and

Arcadians and Argives, who are equally matched against you, for the sake of land which is not much in

extent nor very fertile, and for confines which are but small, though these peoples have neither gold nor silver

at all, for the sake of which desire incites one to fight and to die,can this be, I say, and will ye choose some

other way now, when it is possible for you easily to have the rule over all Asia?" Aristagoras spoke thus, and

Cleomenes answered him saying: "Guestfriend from Miletos, I defer my answer to thee until the day after

tomorrow."[37] 50. Thus far then they advanced at that time; and when the appointed day arrived for the

answer, and they had come to the place agreed upon, Cleomenes asked Aristagoras how many days' journey

it was from the sea of the Ionians to the residence of the king. Now Aristagoras, who in other respects acted

cleverly and imposed upon him well, in this point made a mistake: for whereas he ought not to have told him

the truth, at least if he desired to bring the Spartans out to Asia, he said in fact that it was a journey up from

the sea of three months: and the other cutting short the rest of the account which Aristagoras had begun to

give of the way, said: "Guestfriend from Miletos, get thee away from Sparta before the sun has set; for thou

speakest a word which sounds not well in the ears of the Lacedemonians, desiring to take them a journey of

three months from the sea." 51. Cleomenes accordingly having so said went away to his house: but

Aristagoras took the suppliant's branch and went to the house of Cleomenes; and having entered in as a

suppliant, he bade Cleomenes send away the child and listen to him; for the daughter of Cleomenes was

standing by him, whose name was Gorgo, and this as it chanced was his only child, being of the age now of

eight or nine years. Cleomenes however bade him say that which he desired to say, and not to stop on account

of the child. Then Aristagoras proceeded to promise him money, beginning with ten talents, if he would

accomplish for him that for which he was asking; and when Cleomenes refused, Aristagoras went on

increasing the sums of money offered, until at last he had promised fifty talents, and at that moment the child

cried out: "Father, the stranger will do thee hurt,[38] if thou do not leave him and go." Cleomenes, then,

pleased by the counsel of the child, departed into another room, and Aristagoras went away from Sparta

altogether, and had no opportunity of explaining any further about the way up from the sea to the residence of

52. As regards this road the truth is as follows.Everywhere there are royal stages[39] and excellent

restingplaces, and the whole road runs through country which is inhabited and safe. Through Lydia and

Phrygia there extend twenty stages, amounting to ninetyfour and a half leagues;[40] and after Phrygia

succeeds the river Halys, at which there is a gate[40a] which one must needs pass through in order to cross

the river, and a strong guardpost is established there. Then after crossing over into Cappadokia it is

twentyeight stages, being a hundred and four leagues, by this way to the borders of Kilikia; and on the

borders of the Kilikians you will pass through two several gates and go by two several guardposts: then after

passing through these it is three stages, amounting to fifteen and a half leagues, to journey through Kilikia;

and the boundary of Kilikia and Armenia is a navigable river called Euphrates. In Armenia the number of

stages with restingplaces is fifteen, and of leagues fiftysix and a half, and there is a guardpost on the way:

then from Armenia, when one enters the land of Matiene,[41] there are thirtyfour stages, amounting to a

hundred and thirtyseven leagues; and through this land flow four navigable rivers, which cannot be crossed

but by ferries, first the Tigris, then a second and third called both by the same name,[42] though they are not

the same river nor do they flow from the same region (for the firstmentioned of them flows from the

Armenian land and the other[43] from that of the Matienians), and the fourth of the rivers is called Gyndes,

the same which once Cyrus divided into three hundred and sixty channels.[44] Passing thence into the

Kissian land, there are eleven stages, fortytwo and a half leagues, to the river Choaspes, which is also a

navigable stream; and upon this is built the city of Susa. The number of these stages amounts in all to one

hundred and eleven. 53. This is the number of stages with restingplaces, as one goes up from Sardis to Susa:

and if the royal road has been rightly measured as regards leagues, and if the league[45] is equal to thirty

furlongs,[46] (as undoubtedly it is), the number of furlongs from Sardis to that which is called the palace of

Memnon is thirteen thousand five hundred, the number of leagues being four hundred and fifty. So if one

travels a hundred and fifty furlongs each day, just ninety days are spent on the journey.[47] 54. Thus the

Milesian Aristagoras, when he told Cleomenes the Lacedemonian that the journey up from the sea to the

residence of the king was one of three months, spoke correctly: but if any one demands a more exact

statement yet than this, I will give him that also: for we ought to reckon in addition to this the length of the

road from Ephesos to Sardis; and I say accordingly that the whole number of furlongs from the sea of Hellas

to Susa (for by that name the city of Memnon is known) is fourteen thousand and forty; for the number of

furlongs from Ephesos to Sardis is five hundred and forty: thus the three months' journey is lengthened by

55. Aristagoras then being driven out of Sparta proceeded to Athens; which had been set free from the rule of

despots in the way which I shall tell.When Hipparchos the son of Peisistratos and brother of the despot

Hippias, after seeing a vision of a dream which signified it to him plainly,[48] had been slain by Aristogeiton

and Harmodios, who were originally by descent Gephyraians, the Athenians continued for four years after

this to be despotically governed no less than formerly,nay, even more. 56. Now the vision of a dream

which Hipparchos had was this:in the night before the Panathenaia it seemed to Hipparchos that a man

came and stood by him, tall and of fair form, and riddling spoke to him these verses:

"With enduring soul as a lion endure unendurable evil: No one of men who doth wrong shall escape from the

These verses, as soon as it was day, he publicly communicated to the interpreters of dreams; but afterwards

he put away thought of the vision[49] and began to take part in that procession during which he lost his life.

57. Now the Gephyraians, of whom were those who murdered Hipparchos, according to their own account

were originally descended from Eretria; but as I find by carrying inquiries back, they were Phenicians of

those who came with Cadmos to the land which is now called B�otia, and they dwelt in the district of

Tanagra, which they had had allotted to them in that land. Then after the Cadmeians had first been driven out

by the Argives, these Gephyraians next were driven out by the B�otians and turned then towards Athens: and

the Athenians received them on certain fixed conditions to be citizens of their State, laying down rules that

they should be excluded from a number of things not worth mentioning here. 58. Now these Phenicians who

came with Cadmos, of whom were the Gephyraians, brought in among the Hellenes many arts when they

settled in this land of B�otia, and especially letters, which did not exist, as it appears to me, among the

Hellenes before this time; and at first they brought in those which are used by the Phenician race generally,

but afterwards, as time went on, they changed with their speech the form of the letters also. During this time

the Ionians were the race of Hellenes who dwelt near them in most of the places where they were; and these,

having received letters by instruction of the Phenicians, changed their form slightly and so made use of them,

and in doing so they declared them to be called "phenicians," as was just, seeing that the Phenicians had

introduced them into Hellas. Also the Ionians from ancient time call paper "skins," because formerly, paper

being scarce, they used skins of goat and sheep; nay, even in my own time many of the Barbarians write on

such skins. 59. I myself too once saw Cadmeian characters in the temple of Ismenian Apollo at Thebes of the

B�otians, engraved on certain[49a] tripods, and in most respects resembling the Ionic letters: one of these

this inscription would be of an age contemporary with La�os the son of Labdacos, the son of Polydoros, the

"Me did Scaios offer to thee, fardarting Apollo, Victor in contest of boxing, a gift most fair in thine

now Scaios would be the son of Hippoco�n (at least if it were really he who offered it, and not another with

the same name as the son of Hippoco�n), being of an age contemporary with �dipus the son of La�os: 61,

"Me Laodamas offered to thee, fairaiming Apollo, He, of his wealth,[51] being king, as a gift most fair in

now it was in the reign of this very Laodamas the son of Eteocles that the Cadmeians were driven out by the

Argives and turned to go to the Enchelians; and the Gephyraians being then left behind were afterwards

forced by the B�otians to retire to Athens. Moreover they have temples established in Athens, in which the

other Athenians have no part, and besides others which are different from the rest, there is especially a temple

62. I have told now of the vision of a dream seen by Hipparchos, and also whence the Gephrynians were

descended, of which race were the murderers of Hipparchos; and in addition to this I must resume and

continue the story which I was about to tell at first, how the Athenians were freed from despots. When

Hippias was despot and was dealing harshly with the Athenians because of the death of Hipparchos, the

Alcmaionidai, who were of Athenian race and were fugitives from the sons of Peisistratos,[52] as they did not

succeed in their attempt made together with the other Athenian exiles to return by force, but met with great

disaster when they attempted to return and set Athens free, after they had fortified Leipsydrion which is

above Paionia, these Alomaionidai after that, still devising every means against the sons of Peisistratos,

accepted the contract to build and complete the temple at Delphi, that namely which now exists but then did

not as yet: and being wealthy and men of repute already from ancient time, they completed the temple in a

manner more beautiful than the plan required, and especially in this respect, that having agreed to make the

temple of common limestone,[53] they built the front parts of it in Parian marble. 63. So then, as the

Athenians say, these men being settled at Delphi persuaded the Pythian prophetess by gifts of money, that

whenever men of the Spartans should come to inquire of the Oracle, either privately or publicly sent, she

should propose to them to set Athens free. The Lacedemonians therefore, since the same utterance was

delivered to them on all occasions, sent Anchimolios the son of Aster, who was of repute among their

citizens, with an army to drive out the sons of Peisistratos from Athens, although these were very closely

connected with them by guestfriendship; for they held that the concerns of the god[53a] should be preferred

to those of men: and this force they sent by sea in ships. He therefore, having put in to shore at Phaleron,

disembarked his army; but the sons of Peisistratos being informed of this beforehand called in to their aid an

auxiliary force from Thessaly, for they had made an alliance with the Thessalians; and the Thessalians at their

request sent by public resolution a body of a thousand horse and also their king Kineas, a man of Conion.[54]

So having obtained these as allies, the sons of Peisistratos contrived as follows:they cut down the trees in

the plain of Phaleron and made this district fit for horsemen to ride over, and after that they sent the cavalry

to attack the enemy's camp, who falling upon it slew (besides many others of the Lacedemonians)

Anchimolios himself also: and the survivors of them they shut up in their ships. Such was the issue of the

first expedition from Lacedemon: and the burialplace of Anchimolios is at Alopecai in Attica, near the

temple of Heracles which is at Kynosarges. 64. After this the Lacedemonians equipped a larger expedition

and sent it forth against Athens; and they appointed to be commander of the army their king Cleomenes the

son of Anaxandrides, and sent it this time not by sea but by land. With these, when they had invaded the land

of Attica, first the Thessalian horse engaged battle; and in no long time they were routed and there fell of

them more than forty men; so the survivors departed without more ado and went straight back to Thessaly.

Then Cleomenes came to the city together with those of the Athenians who desired to be free, and began to

besiege the despots shut up in the Pelasgian wall. 64. And the Lacedemonians would never have captured the

sons of Peisistratos at all; for they on their side had no design to make a long blockade, and the others were

well provided with food and drink; so that they would have gone away back to Sparta after besieging them

for a few days only: but as it was, a thing happened just at this time which was unfortunate for those, and at

the same time of assistance to these; for the children of the sons of Peisistratos were captured, while being

secretly removed out of the country: and when this happened, all their matters were thereby cast into

confusion, and they surrendered receiving back their children on the terms which the Athenians desired,

namely that they should depart out of Attica within five days. After this they departed out of the country and

went to Sigeion on the Scamander, after their family had ruled over the Athenians for sixandthirty years.

These also[54a] were originally Pylians and sons of Neleus, descended from the same ancestors as the family

of Codros and Melanthos, who had formerly become kings of Athens being settlers from abroad. Hence too

Hippocrates had given to his son the name of Peisistratos as a memorial, calling him after Peisistratos the son

Thus the Athenians were freed from despots; and the things worthy to be narrated which they did or suffered

after they were liberated, up to the time when Ionia revolted from Dareios and Aristagoras the Milesian came

to Athens and asked them to help him, these I will set forth first before I proceed further.

66. Athens, which even before that time was great, then, after having been freed from despots, became

gradually yet greater; and in it two men exercised power, namely Cleisthenes a descendant of Alcmaion, the

same who is reported to have bribed the Pythian prophetess, and Isagoras, the son of Tisander, of a family

which was highly reputed, but of his original descent I am not able to declare; his kinsmen however offer

sacrifices to the Carian Zeus. These men came to party strife for power; and then Cleisthenes was being

worsted in the struggle, he made common cause with the people. After this he caused the Athenians to be in

ten tribes, who were formerly in four; and he changed the names by which they were called after the sons of

Ion, namely Geleon, Aigicoreus, Argades, and Hoples, and invented for them names taken from other heroes,

all native Athenians except Ajax, whom he added as a neighbour and ally, although he was no Athenian.

67. Now in these things it seems to me that this Cleisthenes was imitating his mother's father Cleisthenes the

despot of Sikyon: for Cleisthenes when he went to war with Argos first caused to cease in Sikyon the contests

of rhapsodists, which were concerned with the poems of Homer, because Argives and Argos are celebrated in

them almost everywhere; then secondly, since there was (as still there is) in the marketplace itself of the

Sikyonians a herotemple of Adrastos the son of Talaos, Cleisthenes had a desire to cast him forth out of the

land, because he was an Argive. So having come to Delphi he consulted the Oracle as to whether he should

cast out Adrastos; and the Pythian prophetess answered him saying that Adrastos was king of the Sikyonians,

whereas he was a stoner[55] of them. So since the god did not permit him to do this, he went away home and

considered means by which Adrastos should be brought to depart of his own accord: and when he thought

that he had discovered them, he sent to Thebes in B�otia and said that he desired to introduce into his city

Melanippos the son of Astacos, and the Thebans gave him leave. So Cleisthenes introduced Melanippos into

his city, and appointed for him a sacred enclosure within the precincts of the City Hall[56] itself, and

established him there in the strongest position. Now Cleisthenes introduced Melanippos (for I must relate this

also) because he was the greatest enemy of Adrastos, seeing that he had killed both his brother Mekisteus and

his soninlaw Tydeus: and when he had appointed the sacred enclosure for him, he took away the sacrifices

and festivals of Adrastos and gave them to Melanippos. Now the Sikyonians were accustomed to honour

Adrastos with very great honours; for this land was formerly the land of Polybos, and Adrastos was

daughter's son to Polybos, and Polybos dying without sons gave his kingdom to Adrastos: the Sikyonians

then not only gave other honours to Adrastos, but also with reference to his sufferings they specially

honoured him with tragic choruses, not paying the honour to Dionysos but to Adrastos. Cleisthenes however

gave back the choruses to Dionysos, and the other rites besides this he gave to Melannipos. 68. Thus he had

done to Adrastos; and he also changed the names of the Dorian tribes, in order that the Sikyonians might not

have the same tribes as the Argives; in which matter he showed great contempt of the Sikyonians, for the

names he gave were taken from the names of a pig and an ass by changing only the endings, except in the

case of his own tribe, to which he gave a name from his own rule. These last then were called Archelaoi,[57]

while of the rest those of one tribe were called Hyatai,[58] of another Oneatai,[59] and of the remaining tribe

Choireatai.[60] These names of tribes were used by the men of Sikyon not only in the reign of Cleisthenes,

but also beyond that for sixty years after his death; then however they considered the matter and changed

them into Hylleis, Pamphyloi, and Dymanatai, adding to these a fourth, to which they gave the name

69. Thus had the Cleisthenes of Sikyon done: and the Athenian Cleisthenes, who was his daughter's son and

was called after him, despising, as I suppose, the Ionians, as he the Dorians, imitated his namesake

Cleisthenes in order that the Athenians might not have the same tribes as the Ionians: for when at the time of

which we speak he added to his own party the whole body of the common people of the Athenians, which in

former time he had despised,[61] he changed the names of the tribes and made them more in number than

they had been; he made in fact ten rulers of tribes instead of four, and by tens also he distributed the demes in

the tribes; and having added the common people to his party he was much superior to his opponents. 70.

Then Isagoras, as he was being worsted in his turn, contrived a plan in opposition to him, that is to say, he

called in Cleomenes the Lacedemonian to help him, who had been a guestfriend to himself since the siege

of the sons of Peisistratos; moreover Cleomenes was accused of being intimate with the wife of Isagoras.

First then Cleomenes sent a herald to Athens demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and with him many

others of the Athenians, calling them the men who were under the curse:[62] this message he sent by

instruction of Isagoras, for the Alcmaionidai and their party were accused of the murder to which reference

was thus made, while he and his friends had no part in it. 71. Now the men of the Athenians who were "under

the curse" got this name as follows:there was one Kylon among the Athenians, a man who had gained the

victory at the Olympic games: this man behaved with arrogance, wishing to make himself despot; and having

formed for himself an association of men of his own age, he endeavoured to seize the Acropolis: but not

being able to get possession of it, he sat down as a suppliant before the image of the goddess.[63] These men

were taken from their place as suppliants by the presidents of the naucraries, who then administered affairs at

Athens, on the condition that they should be liable to any penalty short of death; and the Alcmaionidai are

accused of having put them to death. This had occurred before the time of Peisistratos. 72. Now when

Cleomenes sent demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and of those under the curse, Cleisthenes himself

retired secretly; but after that nevertheless Cleomenes appeared in Athens with no very large force, and

having arrived he proceeded to expel as accursed seven hundred Athenian families, of which Isagoras had

suggested to him the names. Having done this he next endeavoured to dissolve the Senate, and he put the

offices of the State into the hands of three hundred, who were the partisans of Isagoras. The Senate however

making opposition, and not being willing to submit, Cleomenes with Isagoras and his partisans seized the

Acropolis. Then the rest of the Athenians joined together by common consent and besieged them for two

days; and on the third day so many of them as were Lacedemonians departed out of the country under a truce.

Thus was accomplished for Cleomenes the ominous saying which was uttered to him: for when he had

ascended the Acropolis with the design of taking possession of it, he was going to the sanctuary of the

goddess, as to address her in prayer; but the priestess stood up from her seat before he had passed through the

door, and said, "Lacedemonian stranger, go back and enter not into the temple, for it is not lawful for Dorians

to pass in hither." He said: "Woman, I am not a Dorian, but an Achaian." So then, paying no attention to the

ominous speech, he made his attempt and then was expelled again with the Lacedemonians; but the rest of the

men the Athenians laid in bonds to be put to death, and among them Timesitheos the Delphian, with regard to

whom I might mention very great deeds of strength and courage which he performed. 73. These then having

been thus laid in bonds were put to death; and the Athenians after this sent for Cleisthenes to return, and also

for the seven hundred families which had been driven out by Cleomenes: and then they sent envoys to Sardis,

desiring to make an alliance with the Persians; for they were well assured that the Lacedemonians and

Cleomenes had been utterly made their foes. So when these envoys had arrived at Sardis and were saying that

which they had been commanded to say, Artaphrenes the son of Hystaspes, the governor of Sardis, asked

what men these were who requested to be allies of the Persians, and where upon the earth they dwelt; and

having heard this from the envoys, he summed up his answer to them thus, saying that if the Athenians were

willing to give earth and water to Dareios, he was willing to make alliance with them, but if not, he bade

them begone: and the envoys taking the matter upon themselves said that they were willing to do so, because

they desired to make the alliance. 74. These, when they returned to their own land, were highly censured: and

Cleomenes meanwhile, conceiving that he had been outrageously dealt with by the Athenians both with

words and with deeds, was gathering together an army from the whole of the Peloponnese, not declaring the

purpose for which he was gathering it, but desiring to take vengeance on the people of the Athenians, and

intending to make Isagoras despot; for he too had come out of the Acropolis together with Cleomenes.

Cleomenes then with a large army entered Eleusis, while at the same time the B�otians by agreement with

him captured Oinoe and Hysiai, the demes which lay upon the extreme borders of Attica, and the Chalkidians

on the other side invaded and began to ravage various districts of Attica. The Athenians then, though attacked

on more sides than one, thought that they would remember the B�otians and Chalkidians afterwards, and

arrayed themselves against the Peloponnesians who were in Eleusis. 75. Then as the armies were just about

the join battle, the Corinthians first, considering with themselves that they were not acting rightly, changed

their minds and departed; and after that Demaratos the son of Ariston did the same, who was king of the

Spartans as well as Cleomenes, though he had joined with him in leading the army out from Lacedemon and

had not been before this at variance with Cleomenes. In consequence of this dissension a law was laid down

at Sparta that it should not be permitted, when an army went out, that both the kings should go with it, for up

to this time both used to go with it, and that as one of the kings was set free from service, so one of the sons

of Tyndareus[64] also should be left behind; for before this time both of these two were called upon by them

for help and went with the armies. 76. At this time then in Eleusis the rest of the allies, seeing that the kings

of the Lacedemonians did not agree and also that the Corinthians had deserted their place in the ranks,

themselves too departed and got them away quickly. And this was the fourth time that the Dorians had come

to Attica, twice having invaded it to make war against it, and twice to help the mass of the Athenian

people,first when they at the same time colonised Megara (this expedition may rightly be designated as

taking place when Codros was king of the Athenians), for the second and third times when they came making

expeditions from Sparta to drive out the sons of Peisistratos, and fourthly on this occasion, when Cleomenes

at the head of the Peloponnesians invaded Eleusis: thus the Dorians invaded Athens then for the fourth time.

77. This army then having been ingloriously broken up, the Athenians after that, desiring to avenge

themselves, made expedition first against the Chalkidians; and the B�otians came to the Euripos to help the

Chalkidians. The Athenians, therefore, seeing those who had come to help,[64a] resolved first to attack the

B�otians before the Chalkidians. Accordingly they engaged battle with the B�otians, and had much the

better of them, and after having slain very many they took seven hundred of them captive. On this very same

day the Athenians passed over into Eub�a and engaged battle with the Chalkidians as well; and having

conquered these also, they left four thousand holders of allotments in the land belonging to the "Breeders of

Horses":[65] now the wealthier of the Chalkidians were called the Breeders of Horses. And as many of them

as they took captive, they kept in confinement together with the B�otians who had been captured, bound with

fetters; and then after a time they let them go, having fixed their ransom at two pounds of silver apiece:[66]

but their fetters, in which they had been bound, they hung up on the Acropolis; and these were still existing

even to my time hanging on walls which had been scorched with fire by the Mede,[67] and just opposite the

sanctuary which lies towards the West. The tenth part of the ransom also they dedicated for an offering, and

made of it a fourhorse chariot of bronze, which stands on the left hand as you enter the Propylaia in the

"Matched in the deeds of war with the tribes of B�otia and Chalkis The sons of Athens prevailed, conquered

and tamed them in fight: In chains of iron and darkness they quenched their insolent spirit; And to Athene

78. The Athenians accordingly increased in power; and it is evident, not by one instance only but in every

way, that Equality[68] is an excellent thing, since the Athenians while they were ruled by despots were not

better in war that any of those who dwelt about them, whereas after they had got rid of despots they became

far the first. This proves that when they were kept down they were wilfully slack, because they were working

for a master, whereas when they had been set free each one was eager to achieve something for himself.

79. These then were faring thus: and the Thebans after this sent to the god, desiring to be avenged on the

Athenians; the Pythian prophetess however said that vengeance was not possible for them by their own

strength alone, but bade them report the matter to the "manyvoiced" and ask help of those who were

"nearest" to them. So when those who were sent to consult the Oracle returned, they made a general assembly

and reported the oracle; and then the Thebans heard them say that they were to ask help of those who were

nearest to them, they said: "Surely those who dwell nearest to us are the men of Tanagra and Coroneia and

Thespiai; and these always fight zealously on our side and endure the war with us to the end: what need is

there that we ask of these? Rather perhaps that is not the meaning of the oracle." 80. While they commented

upon it thus, at length one perceived that which the oracle means to tell us. Asopos is said to have had two

daughters born to him, Thebe and Egina; and as these are sisters, I think that the god gave us for answer that

we should ask the men of Egina to become our helpers." Then as there seemed to be no opinion expressed

which was better than this, they sent forthwith and asked the men of Egina to help them, calling upon them in

accordance with the oracle; and they, when these made request, said that they sent with them the sons of

Aiacos to help them. 81. After that the Thebans, having made an attempt with the alliance of the sons of

Aiacos and having been roughly handled by the Athenians, sent again and gave them back the sons of Aiacos

and asked them for men. So the Eginetans, exalted by great prosperity and calling to mind an ancient grudge

against the Athenians, then on the request of the Thebans commenced a war against the Athenians without

notice: for while the Athenians were intent on the B�otians, they sailed against them to Attica with ships of

war, and they devastated Phaleron and also many demes in the remainder of the coast region, and so doing

82. Now the grudge which was due beforehand from the Eginetans to the Athenians came about from a

beginning which was as follows:The land of the Epidaurians yielded to its inhabitants no fruit; and

accordingly with reference to this calamity the Epidaurians went to inquire at Delphi, and the Pythian

prophetess bade them set up images of Damia and Auxesia, and said that when they had set up these, they

would meet with better fortune. The Epidaurians then asked further whether they should make images of

bronze or of stone; and the prophetess bade them not use either of these, but make them of the wood of a

cultivated olivetree. The Epidaurians therefore asked the Athenians to allow them to cut for themselves an

olivetree, since they thought that their olives were the most sacred; nay some say that at that time there were

no olives in any part of the earth except at Athens. The Athenians said that they would allow them on

condition that they should every year bring due offerings to Athene Polias[70] and to Erechtheus. The

Epidaurians, then, having agreed to these terms, obtained that which they asked, and they made images out of

these olivetrees and set them up: and their land bore fruit and they continued to fulfil towards the Athenians

that which they had agreed to do. 83. Now during this time and also before this the Eginetans were subject to

the Epidaurians, and besides other things they were wont to pass over to Epidauros to have their disputes with

one another settled by law:[71] but after this time they built for themselves ships and made revolt from the

Epidaurians, moved thereto by wilfulness. So as they were at variance with them, they continued to inflict

damage on them, since in fact they had command of the sea, and especially they stole away from them these

images of Damia and Auxesia, and they brought them and set them up in the inland part of their country at a

place called Oia, which is about twenty furlongs distant from their city. Having set them up in this spot they

worshipped them with sacrifices and choruses of women accompanied with scurrilous jesting, ten men being

appointed for each of the deities to provide the choruses: and the choruses spoke evil of no man, but only of

the women of the place. Now the Epidaurians also had the same rites; and they have also rites which may not

be divulged. 84. These images then having been stolen, the Epidaurians no longer continued to fulfil towards

the Athenians that which they had agreed. The Athenians accordingly sent and expressed displeasure to the

Epidaurians; and they declared saying that they were doing no wrong; for during the time when they had the

images in their country they continued to fulfil that which they had agreed upon, but since they had been

deprived of them, it was not just that they should make the offerings any more; and they bade them demand

these from the men of Egina, who had the images. So the Athenians sent to Egina and demanded the images

85. The Athenians then report that in one single trireme were despatched those of their citizens who were sent

by the State after this demand; who having come to Egina, attempted to tear up from off their pedestals the

images, (alleging that they were made of wood which belonged to the Athenians), in order to carry them back

with them: but not being able to get hold of them in this manner (say the Athenians) they threw ropes round

them and were pulling them, when suddenly, as they pulled, thunder came on and an earthquake at the same

time with the thunder; and the crew of the trireme who were pulling were made beside themselves by these,

and being brought to this condition they killed one another as if they were enemies, until at last but one of the

whole number was left; and he returned alone to Phaleron. 86. Thus the Athenians report that it came to pass:

but the Eginetans say that it was not with a single ship that the Athenians came; for a single ship, and even a

few more than one, they could have easily repelled, even if they had not happened to have ships of their own:

but they say that the Athenians sailed upon their country with a large fleet of ships, and they gave way before

them and did not fight a seabattle. They cannot however declare with certainty whether they gave way thus

because they admitted that they were not strong enough to fight the battle by sea, or because they intended to

do something of the kind which they actually did. The Athenians then, they say, as no one met them in fight,

landed from their ships and made for the images; but not being able to tear them up from their pedestals, at

last they threw ropes round them and began to pull, until the images, as they were being pulled, did both the

same thing (and here they report something which I cannot believe, but some other man may), for they say

that the images fell upon their knees to them and that they continue to be in that position ever since this time.

The Athenians, they say, were doing thus; and meanwhile they themselves (say the Eginetans), being

informed that the Athenians were about to make an expedition against them, got the Argives to help them;

and just when the Athenians had disembarked upon the Eginetan land, the Argives had come to their rescue,

and not having been perceived when they passed over from Epidauros to the island, they fell upon the

Athenians before these had heard anything of the matter, cutting them off secretly from the way to their ships;

and at this moment it was that the thunder and the earthquake came upon them. 87. This is the report which is

given by the Argives and Eginetans both, and it is admitted by the Athenians also that but one alone of them

survived and came back to Attica: only the Argives say that this one remained alive from destruction wrought

by them upon the army of Athens, while the Athenians say that the divine power was the destroyer. However,

even this one man did not remain alive, but perished, they say, in the following manner:when he returned

to Athens he reported the calamity which had happened; and the wives of the men who had gone on the

expedition to Egina, hearing it and being very indignant that he alone of all had survived, came round this

man and proceeded to stab him with the brooches of their mantles, each one of them asking of him where her

husband was. Thus he was slain; and to the Athenians it seemed that the deed of the women was a much more

terrible thing even than the calamity which had happened; and not knowing, it is said, how they should

punish the women in any other way, they changed their fashion of dress to that of Ionia,for before this the

women of the Athenians wore Dorian dress, very like that of Corinth,they changed it therefore to the linen

tunic, in order that they might not have use for brooches. 88. In truth however this fashion of dress is not

Ionian originally but Carian, for the old Hellenic fashion of dress for women was universally the same as that

which we now call Dorian. Moreover it is said that with reference to these events the Argives and Eginetans

made it a custom among themselves in both countries[72] to have the brooches made half as large again as

the size which was then established in use, and that their women should offer brooches especially in the

temple of these goddesses,[73] and also that they should carry neither pottery of Athens nor anything else of

Athenian make to the temple, but that it should be the custom for the future to drink there from pitchers made

89. The women of the Argives and Eginetans from this time onwards because of the quarrel with the

Athenians continued to wear brooches larger than before, and still do so even to my time; and the origin of

the enmity of the Athenians towards the Eginetans came in the manner which has been said. So at this time,

when the Thebans invaded them, the Eginetans readily came to the assistance of the B�otians, calling to

mind what occurred about the images. The Eginetans then were laying waste, as I have said, the coast regions

of Attica; and when the Athenians were resolved to make an expedition against the Eginetans, an oracle came

to them from Delphi bidding them stay for thirty years reckoned from the time of the wrong done by the

Eginetans, and in the oneandthirtieth year to appoint a sacred enclosure for Aiacos and then to begin the

war against the Eginetans, and they would succeed as they desired; but if they should make an expedition

against them at once, they would suffer in the meantime very much evil and also inflict very much, but at last

they would subdue them. When the Athenians heard the report of this, they appointed a sacred enclosure for

Aiacos, namely that which is now established close to the market place, but they could not endure to hear

that they must stay for thirty years, when they had suffered injuries from the Eginetans. 90. While however

they were preparing to take vengeance, a matter arose from the Lacedemonians which provided a hindrance

to them: for the Lacedemonians, having learnt that which had been contrived by the Alcmaionidai with

respect to the Pythian prophetess, and that which had been contrived by the Pythian prophetess against

themselves and the sons of Peisistratos, were doubly grieved, not only because they had driven out into exile

men who were their guestfriends, but also because after they had done this no gratitude was shown to them

by the Athenians. Moreover in addition to this, they were urged on by the oracles which said that many

injuries would be suffered by them from the Athenians; of which oracles they had not been aware of before,

but they had come to know them, since Cleomenes had brought them to Sparta. In fact Cleomenes had

obtained from the Acropolis of the Athenians those oracles which the sons of Peisistratos possessed before

and had left in the temple when they were driven out; and Cleomenes recovered them after they had been left

behind. 91. At this time, then, when the Lacedemonians had recovered the oracles and when they saw that the

Athenians were increasing in power and were not at all willing to submit to them, observing that the Athenian

race now that it was free was becoming[74] a match for their own, whereas when held down by despots it

was weak and ready to be ruled,perceiving, I say, all these things, they sent for Hippias the son of

Peisistratos to come from Sigeion on the Hellespont, whither the family of Peisistratos go for refuge;[75] and

when Hippias had come upon the summons, the Spartans sent also for envoys to come from their other allies

and spoke to them as follows: "Allies, we are conscious within ourselves that we have not acted rightly; for

incited by counterfeit oracles we drove out into exile men who were very closely united with us as

guestfriends and who undertook the task of rendering Athens submissive to us, and then after having done

this we delivered over the State to a thankless populace, which so soon as it had raised its head, having been

freed by our means drove out us and our king with wanton outrage; and now exalted with pride[76] it is

increasing in power, so that the neighbours of these men first of all, that is the B�otians and Chalkidians,

have already learnt, and perhaps some others also will afterwards learn, that they committed an error.[76a] As

however we erred in doing those things of which we have spoken, we will try now to take vengeance on

them, going thither together with you;[77] since it was for this very purpose that we sent for Hippias, whom

ye see here, and for you also, to come from your cities, in order that with common counsel and a common

force we might conduct him to Athens and render back to him that which we formerly took away."

92. Thus they spoke; but the majority of the allies did not approve of their words. The rest however kept

silence, but the Corinthian Socles[78] spoke as follows: (a) "Surely now the heaven shall be below the earth,

and the earth raised up on high above the heaven, and men shall have their dwelling in the sea, and fishes

shall have that habitation which men had before, seeing that ye, Lacedemonians, are doing away with free

governments[79] and are preparing to bring back despotism again into our cities, than which there is no more

unjust or more murderous thing among men. For if in truth this seems to you to be good, namely that the

cities should be ruled by despots, do ye yourselves first set up a despot in your own State, and then endeavour

to establish them also for others: but as it is, ye are acting unfairly towards your allies, seeing that ye have

had no experience of despots yourselves and provide with the greatest care at Sparta that this may never come

to pass. If however ye had had experience of it, as we have had, ye would be able to contribute juster

opinions of it than at present. (b) For the established order of the Corinthian State was this:the government

was an oligarchy, and the oligarchs, who were called Bacchiadai, had control over the State and made

marriages among themselves.[80] Now one of these men, named Amphion, had a daughter born to him who

was lame, and her name was Labda. This daughter, since none of the Bacchiadai wished to marry her, was

taken to wife by A�tion the son of Echecrates, who was of the deme of Petra, but by original descent a Lapith

and of the race of Caineus. Neither from this wife nor from another were children born to him, therefore he

set out to Delphi to inquire about offspring; and as he entered, forthwith the prophetess addressed him in

"'Much to be honoured art thou, yet none doth render thee honour.[81] Labda conceives, and a rolling rock

will she bear, which shall ruin Down on the heads of the kings, and with chastisement visit Corinthos.'

This answer given to A�tion was by some means reported to the Bacchiadai, to whom the oracle which had

come to Corinth before this was not intelligible, an oracle which had reference to the same thing as that of

"'An eagle conceives in the rocks[82] and shall bear a ravening lion, Strong and fierce to devour, who the

knees of many shall loosen. Ponder this well in your minds, I bid you, Corinthians, whose dwelling Lies

which had come to A�tion, forthwith they understood the former also, that it was in accord with that of

A�tion; and understanding this one also they kept quiet, desiring to destroy the offspring which should be

born to A�tion. Then, so soon as his wife bore a child, they sent ten of their own number to the deme in

which A�tion had his dwelling, to slay the child; and when these had come to Petra and had passed into the

court of A�tion's house, they asked for the child; and Labda, not knowing anything of the purpose for which

they had come, and supposing them to be asking for the child on account of friendly feeling towards its

father, brought it and placed it in the hands of one of them. Now they, it seems, had resolved by the way that

the first of them who received the child should dash it upon the ground. However, when Labda brought and

gave it, it happened by divine providence that the child smiled at the man who had received it; and when he

perceived this, a feeling of compassion prevented him from killing it, and having this compassion he

delivered it to the next man, and he to the third. Thus it passed through the hands of all the ten, delivered

from one to another, since none of them could bring himself to destroy its life. So they gave the child back to

its mother and went out; and then standing by the doors they abused and found fault with one another, laying

blame especially on the one who had first received the child, because he had not done according to that which

had been resolved; until at last after some time they determined again to enter and all to take a share in the

murder. (d) From the offspring of A�tion however it was destined that evils should spring up for Corinth: for

Labda was listening to all this as she stood close by the door, and fearing lest they should change their mind

and take the child a second time and kill it, she carried it and concealed it in the place which seemed to her

the least likely to be discovered, that is to say a cornchest,[84] feeling sure that if they should return and

come to a search, they were likely to examine everything: and this in fact happened. So when they had come,

and searching had failed to find it, they thought it best to return and say to those who had sent them that they

had done all that which they had been charged by them to do. (e) They then having departed said this; and

after this the son of A�tion grew, and because he had escaped this danger, the name of Kypselos was given

him as a surname derived from the cornchest. Then when Kypselos had grown to manhood and was seeking

divination, a twoedged[85] answer was given him at Delphi, placing trust in which he made an attempt upon

"'Happy is this man's lot of a truth, who enters my dwelling, Offspring of A�tion, he shall rule in famous

Such was the oracle: and Kypselos when he became despot was a man of this character,many of the

Corinthians he drove into exile, many he deprived of their wealth, and very many more of their lives. (f) And

when he had reigned for thirty years and had brought his life to a prosperous end, his son Periander became

his successor in the despotism. Now Periander at first was milder than his father; but after he had had

dealings through messengers with Thrasybulos the despot of Miletos, he became far more murderous even

than Kypselos. For he sent a messenger to Thrasybulos and asked what settlement of affairs was the safest for

him to make, in order that he might best govern his State: and Thrasybulos led forth the messenger who had

come from Periander out of the city, and entered into a field of growing corn; and as he passed through the

crop of corn, while inquiring and asking questions repeatedly[86] of the messenger about the occasion of his

coming from Corinth, he kept cutting off the heads of those ears of corn which he saw higher than the rest;

and as he cut off their heads he cast them away, until he had destroyed in this manner the finest and richest

part of the crop. So having passed through the place and having suggested no word of counsel, he dismissed

the messenger. When the messenger returned to Corinth, Periander was anxious to hear the counsel which

had been given; but he said that Thrasybulos had given him no counsel, and added that he wondered at the

deed of Periander in sending him to such a man, for the man was out of his senses and a waster of his own

goods,relating at the same time that which he had seen Thrasybulos do. (g) So Periander, understanding

that which had been done and perceiving that Thrasybulos counselled him to put to death those who were

eminent among his subjects, began then to display all manner of evil treatment to the citizens of the State; for

whatsoever Kypselos had left undone in killing and driving into exile, this Periander completed. And in one

day he stripped all the wives of the Corinthians of their clothing on account of his own wife Melissa. For

when he had sent messengers to the Thesprotians on the river Acheron to ask the Oracle of the dead about a

deposit made with him by a guestfriend, Melissa appeared and said she would not tell in what place the

deposit was laid, for she was cold and had no clothes, since those which he had buried with her were of no

use to her, not having been burnt; and this, she said, would be an evidence to him that she was speaking the

truth, namely that when the oven was cold, Periander had put his loaves into it. When the report of this was

brought back to Periander, the token made him believe, because he had had commerce with Melissa after she

was dead; and straightway after receiving the message he caused proclamation to be made that all the wives

of the Corinthians should come out to the temple of Hera. They accordingly went as to a festival in their

fairest adornment; and he having set the spearmen of his guard in ambush, stripped them all alike, both the

free women and their attendant; and having gathered together all their clothes in a place dug out, he set fire to

them, praying at the same time to Melissa. Then after he had done this and had sent a second time, the

apparition of Melissa told him in what spot he had laid the deposit entrusted to him by his guestfriend.

"Such a thing, ye must know, Lacedemonians, is despotism, and such are its deeds: and we Corinthians

marvelled much at first when we saw that ye were sending for Hippias, and now we marvel even more

because ye say these things; and we adjure you, calling upon the gods of Hellas, not to establish despotisms

in the cities. If however ye will not cease from your design, but endeavour to restore Hippias contrary to that

which is just, know that the Corinthians at least do not give their consent to that which ye do."

93. Socles being the envoy of Corinth thus spoke, and Hippias made answer to him, calling to witness the

same gods as he, that assuredly the Corinthians would more than all others regret the loss of the sons of

Peisistratos, when the appointed days should have come for them to be troubled by the Athenians. Thus

Hippias made answer, being acquainted with the oracles more exactly than any other man: but the rest of the

allies, who for a time had restrained themselves and kept silence, when they heard Socles speak freely, gave

utterance every one of them to that which they felt, and adopted the opinion of the Corinthian envoy, adjuring

94. Thus was this brought to an end: and Hippias being dismissed from thence had Anthemus offered to him

by Amyntas king of the Macedonians and Iolcos by the Thessalians. He however accepted neither of these,

but retired again to Sigeion; which city Peisistratos had taken by force of arms from the Mytilenians, and

having got possession of it, had appointed his own natural son Hegesistratos, born of an Argive woman, to be

despot of it: he however did not without a struggle keep possession of that which he received from

Peisistratos; for the Mytilenians and Athenians carried on war for a long time, having their strongholds

respectively at Achilleion and at Sigeion, the one side demanding that the place be restored to them, and the

Athenians on the other hand not admitting this demand, but proving by argument that the Aiolians had no

better claim to the territory of Ilion than they and the rest of the Hellenes, as many as joined with Menelaos in

exacting vengeance for the rape of Helen. 95. Now while these carried on the war, besides many other things

of various kinds which occurred in the battles, once when a fight took place and the Athenians were

conquering, Alcaios the poet, taking to flight, escaped indeed himself, but the Athenians retained possession

of his arms and hung them up on the walls of the temple of Athene which is at Sigeion. About this matter

Alcaios composed a song and sent it to Mytilene, reporting therein his misadventure to one Melanippos, who

was his friend. Finally Periander the son of Kypselos made peace between the Athenians and the

Mytilenians,[87] for to him they referred the matter as arbitrator; and he made peace between them on the

condition that each should continue to occupy that territory which they then possessed. 96. Sigeion then in

this matter had come under the rule of the Athenians. And when Hippias had returned to Asia from

Lacedemon, he set everything in motion, stirring up enmity between the Athenians and Artaphrenes, and

using every means to secure that Athens should come under the rule of himself and of Dareios. Hippias, I say,

was thus engaged; and the Athenians meanwhile hearing of these things sent envoys to Sardis, and

endeavoured to prevent the Persians from following the suggestions of the exiled Athenians. Artaphrenes

however commanded them, if they desired to be preserved from ruin, to receive Hippias back again. This

proposal the Athenians were not by any means disposed to accept when it was reported; and as they did not

accept this, it became at once a commonly received opinion among them that they were enemies of the

97. While they had these thoughts and had been set at enmity with the Persians, at this very time Aristagoras

the Milesian, ordered away from Sparta by Cleomenes the Lacedemonian, arrived at Athens; for this was the

city which had most power of all the rest besides Sparta. And Aristagoras came forward before the assembly

of the people and said the same things as he had said at Sparta about the wealth which there was in Asia, and

about the Persian manner of making war, how they used neither shield nor spear and were easy to overcome.

Thus I say he said, and also he added this, namely that the Milesians were colonists from the Athenians, and

that it was reasonable that the Athenians should rescue them, since they had such great power; and there was

nothing which he did not promise, being very urgent in his request, until at last he persuaded them: for it

would seem that it is easier to deceive many than one, seeing that, though he did not prove able to deceive

Cleomenes the Lacedemonian by himself, yet he did this to thirty thousand Athenians. The Athenians then, I

say, being persuaded, voted a resolution to despatch twenty ships to help the Ionians, and appointed to

command them Melanthios one of their citizens, who was in all things highly reputed. These ships proved to

98. Aristagoras however sailed on before and came to Miletos; and then having devised a plan from which no

advantage was likely to come for the Ionians (nor indeed was he doing what he did with a view to that, but in

order to vex king Dareios), he sent a man to Phrygia to the Piaonians who had been taken captive by

Megabazos from the river Strymon, and who were dwelling in a district and village of Phrygia apart by

themselves; and when the messenger came to the Paionians he spoke these words: "Paionians, Aristagoras the

despot of Miletos sent me to offer to you salvation, if ye shall be willing to do as he says; for now all Ionia

has revolted from the king and ye have an opportunity of coming safe to your own land: to reach the sea shall

be your concern, and after this it shall be thenceforth ours." The Paionians hearing this received it as a most

welcome proposal, and taking with them their children and their women they began a flight to the sea; some

of them however were struck with fear and remained in the place where they were. Having come to the coast

the Paionians crossed over thence to Chios, and when they were already in Chios there arrived in their track a

large body of Persian horsemen pursuing the Paionians. These, as they did not overtake them, sent over to

Chios to bid the Paionians return back: the Paionians however did not accept their proposal, but the men of

Chios conveyed them from Chios to Lesbos, and the Lesbians brought them to Doriscos, and thence they

99. Aristagoras meanwhile, when the Athenians had arrived with twenty ships, bringing with them also five

triremes of the Eretrians, he joined the expedition not for the sake of the Athenians but of the Milesians

themselves, to repay them a debt which they owed (for the Milesians in former times had borne with the

Eretrians the burden of all that war which they had with the Chalkidians at the time when the Chalkidians on

their side were helped by the Samians against the Eretrians and Milesians),when these, I say, had arrived

and the other allies were on the spot, Aristagoras proceeded to make a march upon Sardis. On this march he

did not go himself, but remained at Miletos and appointed others to be in command of the Milesians, namely

his brother Charopinos and of the other citizens one Hermophantos.[87a] 100. With this force then the

Ionians came to Ephesos, and leaving their ships at Coresos in the land of Ephesos, went up themselves in a

large body, taking Ephesians to guide them in their march. So they marched along by the river Ca�ster, and

then when they arrived after crossing the range of Tmolos, they took Sardis without any resistance, all except

the citadel, but the citadel Artaphrenes himself saved from capture, having with him a considerable force of

men. 101. From plundering this city after they had taken it they were prevented by this:the houses in

Sardis were mostly built of reeds, and even those of them which were of brick had their roofs thatched with

reeds: of these houses one was set on fire by a soldier, and forthwith the fire going on from house to house

began to spread over the whole town. So then as the town was on fire, the Lydians and all the Persians who

were in the city being cut off from escape, since the fire was prevailing in the extremities round about them,

and not having any way out of the town, flowed together to the marketplace and to the river Pactolos, which

brings down golddust for them from Tmolos, flowing through the middle of their marketplace, and then

runs out into the river Hermos, and this into the sea;to this Pactolos, I say, and to the marketplace the

Lydians and Persians gathered themselves together, and were compelled to defend themselves. The Ionians

then, seeing some of the enemy standing on their defence and others in great numbers coming on to the

attack, were struck with fear and retired to the mountain called Tmolos, and after that at nightfall departed to

102. Sardis was then destroyed by fire, and in it also the temple of the native goddess Hybebe; which the

Persians alleged afterwards as a reason for setting on fire in return the temples in the land of the Hellenes.

However at the time of which I speak the Persians who occupied districts within the river Halys, informed

beforehand of this movement, were gathering together and coming to the help of the Lydians; and, as it

chanced, they found when they came that the Ionians no longer were in Sardis; but they followed closely in

their track and came up with them at Ephesos: and the Ionians stood indeed against them in array, but when

they joined battle they had very much the worse; and besides other persons of note whom the Persians

slaughtered, there fell also Eualkides commander of the Eretrians, a man who had won wreaths in contests of

the games and who was much celebrated by Simonides of Keos: and those of them who survived the battle

103. Thus then they fought at that time; and after the battle the Athenians left the Ionians together, and when

Aristagoras was urgent in calling upon them by messengers for assistance, they said that they would not help

them: the Ionians, however, though deprived of the alliance of the Athenians, none the less continued to

prepare for the war with the king, so great had been the offences already committed by them against Dareios.

They sailed moreover to the Hellespont and brought under their power Byzantion and all the other cities

which are in those parts; and then having sailed forth out of the Hellespont, they gained in addition the most

part of Caria to be in alliance with them: for even Caunos, which before was not willing to be their ally, then,

after they had burnt Sardis, was added to them also. 104. The Cyprians too, excepting those of Amathus, were

added voluntarily to their alliance; for these also had revolted from the Medes in the following

manner:there was one Onesilos, younger brother of Gorgos king of Salamis, and son of Chersis, the son of

Siromos, the son of Euelthon. This man in former times too had been wont often to advise Gorgos to make

revolt from the king, and at this time, when he heard that the Ionians had revolted, he pressed him very hard

and endeavoured to urge him to it. Since however he could not persuade Gorgos, Onesilos watched for a time

when he had gone forth out of the city of Salamis, and then together with the men of his own faction he shut

him out of the gates. Gorgos accordingly being robbed of the city went for refuge to the Medes, and Onesilos

was ruler of Salamis and endeavoured to persuade all the men of Cyprus to join him in revolt. The others then

he persuaded; but since those of Amathus were not willing to do as he desired, he sat down before their city

105. Onesilos then was besieging Amathus; and meanwhile, when it was reported to king Dareios that Sardis

had been captured and burnt by the Athenians and the Ionians together, and that the leader of the league for

being about these things[88] was the Milesian Aristagoras, it is said that at first being informed of this he

made no account of the Ionians, because he knew that they at all events would not escape unpunished for

their revolt, but he inquired into who the Athenians were; and when he had been informed, he asked for his

bow, and having received it and placed an arrow upon the string, he discharged it upwards towards heaven,

and as he shot into the air he said: "Zeus, that it may be granted me to take vengeance upon the Athenians!"

Having so said he charged one of his attendants, that when dinner was set before the king he should say

always three times: "Master, remember the Athenians." 106. When he had given this charge, he called into

his presence Histiaios the Milesian, whom Dareios had now been keeping with him for a long time, and said:

"I am informed, Histiaios, that thy deputy, to whom thou didst depute the government of Miletos, has made

rebellion against me; for he brought in men against me from the other continent and persuaded the Ionians

also,who shall pay the penalty to me for that which they did,these, I say, he persuaded to go together

with them, and thus he robbed me of Sardis. Now therefore how thinkest thou that this is well? and how

without thy counsels was anything of this kind done? Take heed lest thou afterwards find reason to blame

thyself for this." Histiaios replied: "O king, what manner of speech is this that thou hast uttered, saying that I

counselled a matter from which it was likely that any vexation would grow for thee, either great or small?

What have I to seek for in addition to that which I have, that I should do these things; and of what am I in

want? for I have everything that thou hast, and I am thought worthy by thee to hear all thy counsels. Nay, but

if my deputy is indeed acting in any such manner as thou hast said, be assured that he has done it merely on

his own account. I however, for my part, do not even admit the report to be true, that the Milesians and my

deputy are acting in any rebellious fashion against thy power: but if it prove that they are indeed doing

anything of that kind, and if that which thou hast heard, O king, be the truth, learn then what a thing thou

didst in removing me away from the seacoast; for it seems that the Ionians, when I had gone out of the sight

of their eyes, did that which they had long had a desire to do; whereas if I had been in Ionia, not a city would

have made the least movement. Now therefore as quickly as possible let me set forth to go to Ionia, that I may

order all these matters for thee as they were before, and deliver into thy hands this deputy of Miletos who

contrived these things: and when I have done this after thy mind, I swear by the gods of the royal house that I

will not put off from me the tunic which I wear when I go down to Ionia, until I have made Sardinia tributary

to thee, which is the largest of all islands." 107. Thus saying Histiaios endeavoured to deceive the king, and

Dareios was persuaded and let him go, charging him, when he should have accomplished that which he had

108. In the meantime, while the news about Sardis was going up to the king, and while Dareios, after doing

that which he did with the bow, came to speech with Histiaios, and Histiaios having been let go by Dareios

was making his journey to the seacoast,during all that time the events were happening which here

follow.As Onesilos of Salamis was besieging those of Amathus, it was reported to him that Artybios a

Persian, bringing with him in ships a large Persian army, was to be expected shortly to arrive in Cyprus.

Being informed of this, Onesilos sent heralds to different places in Ionia to summon the Ionians to his

assistance; and they took counsel together and came without delay with a large force. Now the Ionians

arrived in Cyprus just at the time when the Persians having crossed over in ships from Kilikia were

proceeding by land to attack Salamis, while the Phenicians with the ships were sailing round the headland

which is called the "Keys of Cyprus." 109. This being the case, the despots of Cyprus called together the

commanders of the Ionians and said: "Ionians, we of Cyprus give you a choice which enemy ye will rather

fight with, the Persians or the Phenicians: for if ye will rather array yourselves on land and make trial of the

Persians in fight, it is time now for you to disembark from your ships and array yourselves on the land, and

for us to embark in your ships to contend against the Phenicians; but if on the other hand ye will rather make

trial of the Phenicians,whichever of these two ye shall choose, ye must endeavour that, so far as it rests

with you, both Ionia and Cyprus shall be free." To this the Ionians replied: "We were sent out by the common

authority of the Ionians to guard the sea, and not to deliver our ships to the Cyprians and ourselves fight with

the Persians on land. We therefore will endeavour to do good service in that place to which we were

appointed; and ye must call to mind all the evils which ye suffered from the Medes, when ye were in slavery

to them, and prove yourselves good men." 110. The Ionians made answer in these words; and afterwards,

when the Persians had come to the plain of Salamis, the kings of the Cyprians set in order their array,

choosing the best part of the troops of Salamis and of Soloi to be arrayed against the Persians and setting the

other Cyprians against the rest of the enemy's troops; and against Artybios, the commander of the Persians,

111. Now Artybios was riding a horse which had been trained to rear up against a hoplite. Onesilos

accordingly being informed of this, and having a shieldbearer, by race of Caria, who was of very good

repute as a soldier and full of courage besides,[89] said to this man: "I am informed that the horse of Artybios

rears upright and works both with his feet and his mouth against any whom he is brought to attack. Do thou

therefore consider the matter, and tell me forthwith which of the two thou wilt rather watch for and strike, the

horse or Artybios himself." To this his attendant replied: "O king, I am ready to do both or either of these two

things, and in every case to do that which thou shalt appoint for me; but I will declare to thee the way in

which I think it will be most suitable[90] for thy condition. I say that it is right for one who is king and

commander to fight with a king and commander; for if thou shalt slay the commander of the enemy, it turns

to great glory for thee; and again, if he shall slay thee, which heaven forbid, even death when it is at the hands

of a worthy foe is but half to be lamented: but for us who are under thy command it is suitable to fight with

the others who are under his command and with his horse: and of the tricks of the horse have thou no fear at

all, for I engage to thee that after this at least he shall never stand against any man more." Thus he spoke; and

shortly afterwards the opposed forces joined battle both on land and with their ships. 112. On that day the

Ionians for their part greatly distinguished themselves and overcame the Phenicians, and of them the Samians

were best: and meanwhile on land, when the armies met, they came to close quarters and fought; and as

regards the two commanders, what happened was this:when Artybios came to fight with Onesilos sitting

upon his horse, Onesilos, as he had concerted with his shieldbearer, struck at Artybios himself, when he

came to fight with him; and when the horse put its hoofs against the shield of Onesilos, then the Carian struck

with a falchion[91] and smote off the horse's feet. 113 So Artybios the commander of the Persians fell there

on the spot together with his horse: and while the others also were fighting, Stesenor the despot of Curion

deserted them, having with him a large force of men,now these Curians are said to be settlers from

Argos,and when the Curians had deserted, forthwith also the warchariots of the men of Salamis

proceeded to do the same as the Curians. When these things took place, the Persians had the advantage over

the Cyprians; and after their army had been put to rout, many others fell and among them Onesilos the son of

Chersis, he who brought about the revolt of the Cyprians, and also the king of the Solians, Aristokypros the

son of Philokypros,that Philokypros whom Solon the Athenian, when he came to Cyprus, commended in

verse above all other despots. 114. So the men of Amathus cut off the head of Onesilos, because he had

besieged them; and having brought it to Amathus they hung it over the gate of the city: and as the head hung

there, when it had now become a hollow, a swarm of bees entered into it and filled it with honeycomb. This

having so come to pass, the Amathusians consulted an Oracle about the head, and they received an answer

bidding them take it down and bury it and sacrifice to Onesilos every year as a hero; and if they did this, it

would go better with them. 115. The Amathusians accordingly continued to do so even to my time. But the

Ionians who had fought the seafight in Cyprus, when they perceived that the fortunes of Onesilos were

ruined and that the cities of the Cyprians were besieged, except Salamis, and that this city had been delivered

over by the Salaminians to Gorgos the former king,as soon as they perceived this, the Ionians sailed away

back to Ionia. Now of the cities in Cyprus Soloi held out for the longest time under the siege; and the Persians

116. The Cyprians then, after they had made themselves free for one year, had again been reduced to slavery

afresh: and meanwhile Daurises, who was married to a daughter of Dareios, and Hymaies and Otanes, who

were also Persian commanders and were married also to daughters of Dareios, after they had pursued those

Ionians who had made the expedition to Sardis and defeating them in battle had driven them by force to their

ships,after this distributed the cities amongst themselves and proceeded to sack them. 117. Daurises

directed his march to the cities on the Hellespont, and he took Dardanos and Abydos and Percote and

Lampsacos and Paisos, of these he took on each day one; and as he was marching from Paisos against the city

of Parion, the report came that the Carians had made common cause with the Ionians and were in revolt from

the Persians. He turned back therefore from the Hellespont and marched his army upon Caria. 118. And, as it

chanced, a report of this was brought to the Carians before Daurises arrived; and the Carians being informed

of it gathered together at the place which is called the "White Pillars" and at the river Marsyas, which flows

from the region of Idrias and runs out into the Maiander. When the Carians had been gathered together there,

among many other counsels which were given, the best, as it seems to me, was that of Pixodaros the son of

Mausolos, a man of Kindye, who was married to the daughter of the king of the Kilikians, Syennesis. The

opinion of this man was to the effect that the Carians should cross over the Maiander and engage battle with

the Persians having the river at their backs, in order that the Carians, not being able to fly backwards and

being compelled to remain where they were, might prove themselves even better men in fight than they

naturally would. This opinion did not prevail; but they resolved that the Persians rather than themselves

should have the Maiander at their backs, evidently[92] in order that if there should be a flight of the Persians

and they should be worsted in the battle, they might never return home, but might fall into the river. 119.

After this, when the Persians had come and had crossed the Maiander, the Carians engaged with the Persians

on the river Marsyas and fought a battle which was obstinately contested and lasted long; but at length they

were worsted by superior numbers: and of the Persians there fell as many as two thousand, but of the Carians

ten thousand. Then those of them who escaped were shut up in Labraunda[93] within the sanctuary of Zeus

Stratios, which is a large sacred grove of planetrees; now the Carians are the only men we know who offer

sacrifices to Zeus Stratios. These men then, being shut up there, were taking counsel together about their

safety, whether they would fare better if they delivered themselves over to the Persians or if they left Asia

altogether. 120. And while they were thus taking counsel, there came to their aid the Milesians and their

allies. Then the Carians dismissed the plans which they were before considering and prepared to renew the

war again from the beginning: and when the Persians came to attack them, they engaged with them and

fought a battle, and they were worsted yet more completely than before; and while many were slain of all

parties,[94] the Milesians suffered most. 121. Then afterwards the Carians repaired this loss and retrieved

their defeat; for being informed that the Persians had set forth to march upon their cities, they laid an ambush

on the road which is by Pedasos,[95] and the Persians falling into it by night were destroyed both they and

their commanders, namely Daurises and Amorges and Sisimakes; and with them died also Myrsos the son of

Gyges. Of this ambush the leader was Heracleides the son of Ibanollis, a man of Mylasa.

122. These then of the Persians were thus destroyed; and meanwhile Hymaies, who was another of those who

pursued after the Ionians that had made the expedition to Sardis, directed his march to the Propontis and took

Kios in Mysia; and having conquered this city, when he was informed that Daurises had left the Hellespont

and was marching towards Caria, he left the Propontis and led his army to the Hellespont: and he conquered

all the Aiolians who occupy the district of Ilion, and also the Gergithes, who were left behind as a remnant of

the ancient Teucrians. While conquering these tribes Hymaies himself ended his life by sickness in the land

of Troas. 123. He thus brought his life to an end; and Artaphrenes the governor of the province of Sardis was

appointed with Otanes the third of the commanders to make the expedition against Ionia and that part of

Aiolia which bordered upon it. Of Ionia these took the city of Clazomenai, and of the Aiolians Kyme.

124. While the cities were thus being taken, Aristagoras the Milesian, being, as he proved in this instance, not

of very distinguished courage, since after having disturbed Ionia and made preparation of great matters[96]

he counselled running away when he saw these things, (moreover it had become clear to him that it was

impossible to overcome king Dareios),he, I say, having regard to these things, called together those of his

own party and took counsel with them, saying that it was better that there should be a refuge prepared for

them, in case that they should after all be driven out from Miletos, and proposing the question whether he

should lead them from thence to Sardinia, to form a colony there, or to Myrkinos in the land of the Edonians,

which Histiaios had been fortifying, having received it as a gift from Dareios. This was the question proposed

by Aristagoras. 125. Now the opinion of Hecataios the son of Hegesander the historian[97] was that he

should not take a colony to either of these places, but build a wall of defence for himself in the island of

Leros and keep still, if he should be forced to leave Miletos; and afterwards with this for his starting point he

would be able to return to Miletos. 126. This was the counsel of Hecataios; but Aristagoras was most inclined

to go forth to Myrkinos. He therefore entrusted the government of Miletos to Pythagoras, a man of repute

among the citizens, and he himself sailed away to Thrace, taking with him every one who desired to go; and

he took possession of the region for which he had set out. But starting from this to make war, he perished by

the hands of the Thracians, that is both Aristagoras himself and his army, when he was encamped about a

2. eggenetai: many MSS. and some Editors read en genetai, "and the race can never become united."

4. to astikton is probably for to me estikhthai: but possibly the meaning may be, "those who are not so marked

5. "the greatest prizes are assigned for single combat in proportion" (as it is more difficult).

7. The words "and about the Doberians and Agrianians and Odomantians" are marked by Stein as an

interpolation, on the ground that the two tribes first mentioned are themselves Paionian; but Doberians are

8. theres katarraktes: the MSS. have thures katapaktes (which can hardly be right, since the Ionic form would

be katapektes), meaning "fastened down." Stein suggests thures katepaktes (from katepago), which might

mean "a door closed downwards," but the word is not found. (The Medicean MS. has e written over the last

12. The best MSS. give this form throughout, which is also used by �schylus: cp. iii. 70, note 60.

14. toutou: it is doubtful whether this means his power or his death. Perhaps something has dropped out after

15. anesis: a conjectural emendation of aneos. (Perhaps however, the word was rather ananeosis, "after a

short time there was a renewal of evils"). Grote wishes to translate this clause, "after a short time there was an

abatement of evils," being of opinion that the anesis kakon lasted about eight years. However the expression

ou pollon khronon is so loose that it might well cover the required period of time.

20. kai to teikhos esaxanto: esaxanto from satto, which generally means "load." Various conjectures have

been made, e.g. kai to teikhos ephraxanto, or kata takhos esaxanto, the comma after pota being removed.

20a. me de neoteron ti poieuses tes Miletou, "if Miletos made no change (i.e. rebellion)."

24. akromantes: cp. akrakholos. It may mean "somewhat mad," so akrozumos, "slightly leavened," and other

25. Kinupa: for this Stein reads by conjecture Aibuen and afterwards para Kinupa potamon for para

potamon: but Kinyps was the name of the district about the river (iv. 198), and the name of the river is easily

26. Makeon te kai Libuon. The Macai were of course Libyans, therefore perhaps we should read (with

27. Stein thinks that Heracleia Minoa on the S. coast of Sicily cannot be meant, because too distant to be

considered part of the "land of Eryx." Evidently however this expression is very vague, and there seems no

28. para ten Italion: the name applied anciently only to the South West of the peninsula.

29. Krathin, the MSS. give krastin here, and krastie below for Krathie. Sybaris was situated between the

33. poluargurotatoi: this seems to include gold also, for which Lydia was famous.

36. If anaballesthai is the true reading here, it cannot mean, "put off to another time," as Stein translates it;

for the form of the sentence proves that it is to be taken as a question, coordinate with that which follows:

peri men khores ara ou polles khreon esti umeas makhas anaballesthai, parekhon de tes Asies arkhein allo ti

38. diaphthereei se. It is impossible to reproduce the double meaning of diaphtheirein, "to destroy," and "to

corrupt with bribes." The child was apparently alarmed by the vehement gestures of Aristagoras and

39. stathmoi: "stations," the distance between them averaging here about 120 stades.

40. parasaggai: the "parasang," as estimated at 30 stades, would be nearly 3� English miles.

41. In the MSS. this clause follows the account of the four rivers, and the distance through Matiene is given

as "four stages" with no number of leagues added. By transposing the clause we avoid placing the rivers in

Armenia instead of Matiene; and by making the number of stages thirtyfour, with a corresponding number

of leagues, we make the total right at the end and give the proper extension to Matiene.

48. Omitting to eoutou pathei which stands in the MSS. before enargestaten. If the words are retained, we

49. apeipamenos ten opsin, which some translate "he made offerings to avert the dream."

50. anetheken eon: various conjectures have been made here, e.g. anetheken elon, anetheken ion, anetheke

theo, anetheken eont, anetheke neon: the last, which is Bentley's, is perhaps the best; but it is doubtful

51. autos: the MSS. have auton. If autos is right, the meaning is "from his own property."

54. Koniaion. There is no such place as Conion known in Thessaly, but we cannot correct the text with any

61. proteron aposmenon, tote panta: most of the MSS. read panton for panta. The Editors propose various

corrections, e.g. proteron apospenon panton, tote k.t.l., "which before were excluded from everything," or

proteron apospenon, tote panton metadidous, "giving the people, which before he had despised, a share of all

rights": or panton is corrected to epanion, "on his return from exile," temporary exile being supposed as the

68. isegorin: probably not "equal freedom of speech," but practically the same as isonomie, ch. 37.

69. Lit. "penetrated the Athenian greatly": most MSS. and Editors read esineonto (or esinonto) for esikneonto,

70. i.e. "Athene (protectress) of the city," who shared with Erechtheus the temple on the Acropolis called the

72. eti tode poiesai nomon einai, para sphisi ekateroisi k.t.l. The Editors punctuate variously, and alterations

74. ginoito: some MSS. read an ginoito, "would become": so Stein and many other Editors.

76a. Or, altering oste to os ge or osper, "as the neighbours of these men first of all, that is the B�otians and

Chalkidians, have already learnt, and perhaps some others will afterwards learn that they have committed an

error." The word amarton would thus be added as an afterthought, with reference primarily to the

77. peiresometha spheas ama umin apikomenoi tisasthai: some MSS. read akeomenoi and omit tisasthai.

Hence it has been proposed to read peisesometha sphea ama umin akeomenoi, "we will endeavour to remedy

78. So the name is given by the better class of MSS. Others, followed by most Editors, make it "Sosicles."

81. Eetion, outis se tiei polutiton eonta: the play upon Eetion and tio can hardly be rendered. The "rolling

82. aietos en petresi kuei, with a play upon the names Eetion (Aeton) and Petre again.

83. ophruoenta, "situated on a brow or edge," the regular descriptive epithet of Corinth.

85. amphidexion: commonly translated "ambiguous," but in fact the oracle is of the clearest, so much so that

Abicht cuts the knot by inserting ouk. Stein explains it to mean "doubly favourable," amphoterothen dexion. I

understand it to mean "twoedged" (cp. amphekes), in the sense that while promising success to Kypselos

and his sons, it prophesies also the deposition of the family in the generation after, and so acts (or cuts) both

87a. Or (according to some MSS.), "another of the citizens, named Hermophantos."

88. tes sulloges oste tauta sunuphanthenai, "the assembling together so that these things were woven."

90. plospheresteron, or perhaps plopheresteron, "to be preferred"; so one MS.: plospheres ordinarily means

95. en Pedaso: the MSS. vary between en Pidaso, epi daso, and epi lasoisi, and Valla's translation has "in

1. Aristagoras accordingly, after having caused Ionia to revolt, thus brought his life to an end; and meanwhile

Histiaios the despot of Miletos, having been let go by Dareios had arrived at Sardis: and when he came from

Susa, Artaphrenes the governor of Sardis asked him for what reason he supposed the Ionians had revolted;

and he said that he could not tell, and moreover he expressed wonder at that which had happened, pretending

that he knew nothing of the state of affairs. Then Artaphrenes seeing that he was using dissimulation said,

having knowledge of the truth about the revolt: "Thus it is with thee, Histiaios, about these matters,this

shoe was stitched by thee, and put on by Aristagoras." 2. Thus said Artaphrenes with reference to the revolt;

and Histiaios fearing Artaphrenes because he understood the matter, ran away the next night at nightfall and

went to the sea coast, having deceived king Dareios, seeing that he had engaged to subdue Sardinia the

largest of islands, and instead of that he was endeavouring to take upon himself leadership of the Ionians in

the war against Dareios. Then having crossed over to Chios he was put in bonds by the Chians, being accused

by them of working for a change of their State by suggestion of Dareios. When however the Chians learnt the

whole story and heard that he was an enemy to the king, they released him. 3. Then Histiaios, being asked by

the Ionians for what reason he had so urgently charged Aristagoras to revolt from the king and had wrought

so great an evil for the Ionians, did not by any means declare to them that which had been in truth the cause,

but reported to them that king Dareios had resolved to remove the Phenicians from their land and to settle

them in Ionia, and the Ionians in Phenicia; and for this reason, he said, he had given the charge. Thus he

attempted to alarm the Ionians, although the king had never resolved to do so at all.

4. After this Histiaios acting through a messenger, namely Hermippos a man of Atarneus, sent papers to the

Persians who were at Sardis, implying that he had already talked matters over with them about a revolt: and

Hermippos did not deliver them to those to whom he was sent, but bore the papers and put them into the

hands of Artaphrenes. He then, perceiving all that was being done, bade Hermippos bear the papers sent by

Histiaios and deliver them to those to whom he was sent to bear them, and to deliver to him the replies sent

back by the Persians to Histiaios. These things having been discovered, Artaphrenes upon that put to death

5. As regards Sardis therefore there was confusion of the design; and when Histiaios had been disappointed

of this hope, the Chians attempted to restore him to Miletos at the request of Histiaios himself. The Milesians,

however, who had been rejoiced before to be rid of Aristagoras, were by no means eager to receive another

despot into their land, seeing that they had tasted of liberty: and in fact Histiaios, attempting to return to

Miletos by force and under cover of night, was wounded in the thigh by one of the Milesians. He then, being

repulsed from his own city, returned to Chios; and thence, as he could not persuade the Chians to give him

ships, he crossed over to Mytilene and endeavoured to persuade the Lesbians to give him ships. So they

manned eight triremes and sailed with Histiaios to Byzantion, and stationing themselves there they captured

the ships which sailed out of the Pontus, excepting where the crews of them said that they were ready to do

6. While Histiaios and the men of Mytilene were acting thus, a large army both of sea and land forces was

threatening to attack Miletos itself; for the commanders of the Persians had joined together to form one single

army and were marching upon Miletos, considering the other towns of less account. Of their naval force the

most zealous were the Phenicians, and with them also served the Cyprians, who had just been subdued, and

the Kilikians and Egyptians. 7. These, I say, were advancing upon Miletos and the rest of Ionia; and

meanwhile the Ionians being informed of this were sending deputies[1] chosen from themselves to the

Panionion.[2] When these had arrived at that place and took counsel together, they resolved not to gather a

landarmy to oppose the Persians, but that the Milesians should defend their walls by themselves, and that

the Ionians should man their fleet, leaving out not one of their ships, and having done so should assemble as

soon as possible at Lade, to fight a seabattle in defence of Miletos. Now Lade is a small island lying

opposite the city of the Milesians. 8. Then the Ionians manned their ships and came thither, and with them

also those Aiolians who inhabit Lesbos; and they were drawn up in order thus:the extremity of the line

towards the East was held by the Milesians themselves, who furnished eighty ships; next to them were the

Prienians with twelve ships and the men of Myus with three; next to those of Myus were the Teians with

seventeen ships, and after the Teians the Chians with a hundred; after these were stationed the men of

Erythrai and of Phocaia, the former furnishing eight ships and the latter three; next to the Phocaians were the

Lesbians with seventy ships, and last, holding the extremity of the line towards the West, were stationed the

Samians with sixty ships. Of all these the total number proved to be three hundred and fiftythree triremes. 9.

These were the ships of the Ionians; and of the Barbarians the number of ships was six hundred. When these

too were come to the Milesian coast and their whole landarmy was also there, then the commanders of the

Persians, being informed of the number of the Ionian ships, were struck with fear lest they should be unable

to overcome them, and thus on the one hand should not be able to conquer Miletos from not having command

of the sea, and at the same time should run a risk of being punished by Dareios. Reflecting upon these things

they gathered together the despots of the Ionians who were exiles with the Medes, having been deposed from

their governments by Aristagoras the Milesian, and who chanced to be then joining in the expedition against

Miletos,of these men they called together those who were present and spoke to them as follows: "Ionians,

now let each one of you show himself a benefactor of the king's house, that is to say, let each one of you

endeavour to detach his own countrymen from the body of the alliance: and make your proposals promising

at the same time that they shall suffer nothing unpleasant on account of the revolt, and neither their temples

nor their private houses shall be burnt, nor shall they have any worse treatment than they had before this; but

if they will not do so, but will by all means enter into a contest with us, threaten them and tell them this,

which in truth shall happen to them, namely that if they are worsted in the fight they shall be reduced to

slavery, and we shall make their sons eunuchs, and their maidens we shall remove to Bactria, and deliver

their land to others." 10. They thus spoke; and the despots of Ionia sent each one by night to his own people

announcing to them this. The Ionians however, that is those to whom these messages came, continued

obstinate and would not accept the thought of treason to their cause; and each people thought that to them

11. This happened as soon as the Persians came to Miletos; and after this the Ionians being gathered together

at Lade held meetings; and others no doubt also made speeches to them, but especially the Phocaian

commander Dionysios, who said as follows: "Seeing that our affairs are set upon the razor's edge, Ionians,

whether we shall be free or slaves, and slaves too to be dealt with as runaways, now therefore if ye shall be

willing to take upon yourselves hardships, ye will have labour for the time being, but ye will be able to

overcome the enemy and be free; whereas if ye continue to be selfindulgent and without discipline, I have

no hope for you that ye will not pay the penalty to the king for your revolt. Nay, but do as I say, and deliver

yourselves over to me; and I engage, if the gods grant equal conditions, that either the enemy will not fight

with us, or that fighting he shall be greatly discomfited." 12. Hearing this the Ionians delivered themselves to

Dionysios; and he used to bring the ships out every day in single file,[3] that he might practise the rowers by

making the ships break through one another's line,[4] and that he might get the fightingmen in the ships

under arms; an then for the rest of the day he would keep the ships at anchor; and thus he gave the Ionians

work to do during the whole day. For seven days then they submitted and did that which he commanded; but

on the day after these the Ionians, being unaccustomed to such toils and being exhausted with hard work and

hot sun, spoke to one another thus: "Against which of the deities have we offended, that we thus fill up the

measure of evil? for surely we have delivered ourselves to a Phocaian, an impostor, who furnishes but three

ships: and he has taken us into his hands and maltreats us with evil dealing from which we can never recover;

and many of us in fact have fallen into sicknesses, and many others, it may be expected, will suffer the same

thing shortly; and for us it is better to endure anything else in the world rather than these ills, and to undergo

the slavery which will come upon us, whatever that shall be, rather than to be oppressed by that which we

have now. Come, let us not obey him after this any more." So they said, and forthwith after this every one

refused to obey him, and they pitched their tents in the island like an army, and kept in the shade, and would

13. Perceiving this which was being done by the Ionians, the commanders of the Samians then at length

accepted from Aiakes the son of Syloson those proposals which Aiakes sent before at the bidding of the

Persians, asking them to leave the alliance of the Ionians; the Samians, I say, accepted these proposals,

perceiving that there was great want of discipline on the part of the Ionians, while at the same time it was

clear to them that it was impossible to overcome the power of the king; and they well knew also that even if

they should overcome the present naval force of Dareios,[5] another would be upon them five times as large.

Having found an occasion[6] then, so soon as they saw that the Ionians refused to be serviceable, they

counted it gain for themselves to save their temples and their private property. Now Aiakes, from whom the

Samians accepted the proposals, was the son of Syloson, the son of Aiakes, and being despot of Samos he

had been deprived of his rule by Aristagoras the Milesian, like the other despots of Ionia. 14. So when the

Phenicians sailed to the attack, the Ionians also put out their ships from shore against them, sailing in single

file:[3] and when they came near and engaged battle with one another, as regards what followed I am not able

exactly to record which of the Ionians showed themselves cowards or good men in this seafight, for they

throw blame upon one another. The Samians however, it is said, according to their agreement with Aiakes put

up their sails then and set forth from their place in the line to sail back to Samos, excepting only eleven ships:

of these the captains stayed in their places and took part in the seafight, refusing to obey the commanders of

their division; and the public authority of the Samians granted them on account of this to have their names

written up on a pillar with their fathers' names also,[6a] as having proved themselves good men; and this

pillar exists still in the marketplace. Then the Lesbians also, when they saw that those next them in order

were taking to flight, did the same things as the Samians had done, and so also most of the Ionians did the

very same thing. 15. Of those which remained in their places in the seafight the Chians suffered very

severely,[7] since they displayed brilliant deeds of valour and refused to play the coward. These furnished, as

was before said, a hundred ships and in each of them forty picked men of their citizens served as

fightingmen;[8] and when they saw the greater number of their allies deserting them, they did not think fit

to behave like the cowards among them, but left along with a few only of their allies they continued to fight

and kept breaking through the enemy's line; until at last, after they had conquered many ships of the enemy,

they lost the greater number of their own. 16. The Chians then with the remainder of their ships fled away to

their own land; but those of the Chians whose ships were disabled by the damage which they had received,

being pursued fled for refuge to Mycale; and their ships they ran ashore there and left them behind, while the

men proceeded over the mainland on foot: and when the Chians had entered the Ephesian territory on their

way, then since[8a] they came into it by night and at a time when a festival of Thesmophoria was being

celebrated by the women of the place, the Ephesians, not having heard beforehand how it was with the

Chians and seeing that an armed body had entered their land, supposed certainly that they were robbers and

had a design upon the women; so they came out to the rescue in a body and slew the Chians.

17. Such was the fortune which befell these men: but Dionysios the Phocaian, when he perceived that the

cause of the Ionians was ruined, after having taken three ships of the enemy sailed away, not to Pocaia any

more, for he knew well that it would be reduced to slavery together with the rest of Ionia, and he sailed

forthwith straight to Phenicia; and having there sunk merchant ships and taken a great quantity of goods, he

sailed thence to Sicily. Then with that for his startingpoint he became a freebooter, not plundering any

18. The Persians, then, being conquerors of the Ionians in the sea fight, besieged Miletos by land and sea,

undermining the walls and bringing against it all manner of engines; and they took it completely[9] in the

sixth year from the revolt of Aristagoras, and reduced the people to slavery; so that the disaster agreed with

the oracle which had been uttered with reference to Miletos. 19. For when the Argives were inquiring at

Delphi about the safety of their city, there was given to them an oracle which applied to both, that is to say,

part of it had reference to the Argives themselves, while that which was added afterwards referred to the

Milesians. The part of it which had reference to the Argives I will record when I reach that place in the

history,[10] but that which the Oracle uttered with reference to the Milesians, who were not there present, is

"And at that time, O Miletos, of evil deeds the contriver, Thou shalt be made for many a glorious gift and a

banquet: Then shall thy wives be compelled to wash the feet of the longhaired, And in Didyma then my

At the time of which I speak these things came upon the Milesians, since most of the men were killed by the

Persians, who are long haired, and the women and children were dealt with as slaves; and the temple at

Didyma, with the sacred building and the sanctuary of the Oracle, was first plundered and then burnt. Of the

things in this temple I have made mention frequently in other parts of the history.[11] 20. After this the

Milesians who had been taken prisoner were conducted to Susa; and king Dareios did to them no other evil,

but settled them upon the Sea called Erythraian, in the city of Ampe, by which the Tigris flows when it runs

out into the sea. Of the Milesian land the Persians themselves kept the surroundings of the city and the plain,

21. When the Milesians suffered this treatment from the Persians, the men of Sybaris, who were dwelling in

Laos and Skidros, being deprived of their own city, did not repay like with like: for when Sybaris was taken

by the men of Croton, the Milesians all from youth upwards shaved their heads and put on great mourning:

for these cities were more than all others of which we know bound together by ties of friendship. Not like the

Sybarites were the Athenians; for these made it clear that they were grieved at the capture of Miletos, both in

many other ways and also by this, that when Phrynichos had composed a drama called the "Capture of

Miletos" and had put it on the stage, the body of spectators fell to weeping, and the Athenians moreover fined

the poet a thousand drachmas on the ground that he had reminded them of their own calamities; and they

22. Miletos then had been stripped bare of its former inhabitants: but of the Samians they who had substance

were by no means satisfied with that which had been concerted by the commanders of their fleet with the

Medes; and taking counsel forthwith after the seafight it seemed good to them, before their despot Aiakes

arrived in the country, to sail away and make a colony, and not to stay behind and be slaves of the Medes and

of Aiakes: for just at this time the people of Zancle in Sicily were sending messengers to Ionia and inviting

the Ionians to come to the "Fair Strand,"[11a] desiring there to found a city of Ionians. Now this which is

called the Fair Strand is in the land of the Sikelians and on that side of Sicily which lies towards Tyrsenia. So

when these gave the invitation, the Samians alone of all the Ionians set forth, having with them those of the

Milesians who had escaped: and in the course of this matter it happened as follows:23. The Samians as

they made their way towards Sicily reached Locroi Epizephyroi, and at the same time the people of Zancle,

both themselves and their king, whose name was Skythes, were encamped about a city of the Sikelians,

desiring to conquer it. Perceiving these things, Anaxilaos the despot of Rhegion, being then at variance with

those of Zancle, communicated with the Samians and persuaded them that they ought to leave the Fair Strand

alone, to which they were sailing, and take possession of Zancle instead, since it was left now without men to

defend it. The Samians accordingly did as he said and took possession of Zancle; and upon this the men of

Zancle, being informed that their city was possessed by an enemy, set out to rescue it, and invited

Hippocrates the despot of Gela to help them, for he was their ally. When however Hippocrates also with his

army had come up to their rescue, first he put Skythes the ruler of the Zanclaians in fetters, on the ground that

he had been the cause of the city being lost, and together with him his brother Pythogenes, and sent them

away to the town of Incyos;[12] then he betrayed the cause of the remaining Zanclaians by coming to terms

with the Samians and exchanging oaths with them; and in return for this it had been promised by the Samians

that Hippocrates should receive as his share the half of all the movable goods in the city and of the slaves,

and the whole of the property in the fields round. So the greater number of the Zanclaians he put in bonds and

kept himself as slaves, but the chief men of them, three hundred in number, he gave to the Samians to put to

death; which however the Samians did not do. 24. Now Skythes the ruler of the Zanclaians escaped from

Incyos to Himera, and thence he came to Asia and went up to the court of Dareios: and Dareios accounted

him the most righteous of all the men who had come up to him from Hellas; for he obtained leave of the king

and went away to Sicily, and again came back from Sicily to the king; and at last he brought his life to an end

among the Persians in old age and possessing great wealth. The Samians then, having got rid of the rule of

25. After the seabattle which was fought for Miletos, the Phenicians by the command of the Persians

restored to Samos Aiakes the son of Syloson, since he had been to them of much service and had done for

them great things; and the Samians alone of all who revolted from Dareios, because of the desertion of their

ships which were in the seafight,[13] had neither their city nor their temples burnt. Then after the capture of

Miletos the Persians forthwith got possession of Caria, some of the cities having submitted to their power

26. Thus it came to pass as regards these matters: and meanwhile Histiaios the Milesian, who was at

Byzantion and was seizing the merchant vessels of the Ionians as they sailed forth out of the Pontus, received

the report of that which had happened about Miletos. Upon that he entrusted the matters which had to do with

the Hellespont to Bisaltes the son of Apollophanes, a man of Abydos, while he himself with the Lesbians

sailed to Chios; and when a body of the Chians who were on guard did not allow him to approach, he fought

with them at that spot in the Chian land which is called the "Hollows."[14] Histiaios then not only slew many

of these, but also, taking Polichne of the Chians as his base, he conquered with the help of the Lesbians the

remainder of the Chians as well, since they had suffered great loss by the seafight. 27. And heaven is wont

perhaps to give signs beforehand whenever great evils are about to happen to a city or a race of men; for to

the Chians also before these events remarkable signs had come. In the first place when they had sent to

Delphi a chorus of a hundred youths, two only returned home, the remaining ninetyeight of them having

been seized by a plague and carried off; and then secondly in their city about the same time, that is shortly

before the seafight, as some children were being taught[15] in school the roof fell in upon them, so that of a

hundred and twenty children only one escaped. These signs God showed to them beforehand; and after this

the seafight came upon them and brought their State down upon its knees; and as the Chians had suffered

28. Thence Histiaios made an expedition against Thasos, taking with him a large force of Ionians and

Aiolians; and while he was encamped about the town of Thasos, a report came to him that the Phenicians

were sailing up from Miletos to conquer the rest of Ionia. Being informed of this he left Thasos unconquered

and himself hastened to Lesbos, taking with him his whole army. Then, as his army was in want of food,[16]

he crossed over from Lesbos to reap the corn in Atarneus and also that in the plain of the Ca�cos, which

belonged to the Mysians. In these parts there chanced to be a Persian named Harpagos commanding a

considerable force; and this man fought a battle with him after he had landed, and he took Histiaios himself

prisoner and destroyed the greater part of his army. 29. And Histiaios was taken prisoner in the following

manner:As the Hellenes were fighting with the Persians at Malene in the district of Atarneus, after they

had been engaged in close combat for a long time, the cavalry at length charged and fell upon the Hellenes;

and the cavalry in fact decided the battle.[17] So when the Hellenes had been turned to flight, Histiaios

trusting that he would not be put to death by the king on account of his present fault, conceived a love of life,

so that when he was being caught in his flight by a Persian and was about to be run through by him in the

moment of his capture, he spoke in Persian and made himself known, saying that he was Histiaios the

Milesian. 30. If then upon being taken prisoner he had been brought to king Dareios, he would not, as I think,

have suffered any harm, but Dareios would have forgiven the crime with which he was charged; as it was,

however, for this very reason and in order that he might not escape from punishment and again become

powerful with the king, Artaphrenes the governor of Sardis and Harpagos who had captured him, when he

had reached Sardis on his way to the king, put him to death there and then, and his body they impaled, but

embalmed his head and brought it up to Dareios at Susa. Dareios having been informed of this, found fault

with those who had done so, because they had not brought him up to his presence alive; and he bade wash the

head of Histiaios and bestow upon it proper care, and then bury it, as that of one who had been greatly a

31. Thus it happened about Histiaios; and meanwhile the Persian fleet, after wintering near Miletos, when it

put to sea again in the following year conquered without difficulty the islands lying near the mainland, Chios,

Lesbos, and Tenedos; and whenever they took one of the islands, the Barbarians, as each was conquered,

swept the inhabitants off it;[18] and this they do in the following manner: they extend themselves from the

sea on the North to the sea on the South, each man having hold of the hand of the next, and then they pass

through the whole island hunting the people out of it. They took also the Ionian cities on the mainland in the

same manner, except that they did not sweep off the inhabitants thus, for it was not possible. 32. Then the

commanders of the Persians proved not false to the threats with which they had threatened the Ionians when

these were encamped opposite to them: for in fact when they conquered the cities, they chose out the most

comely of the boys and castrated them, making eunuchs of them, and the fairest of the maidens they carried

off by force to the king; and not only this, but they also burnt the cities together with the temples. Thus for

the third time had the Ionians been reduced to slavery, first by the Lydians and then twice in succession by

33. Departing from Ionia the fleet proceeded to conquer all the places of the Hellespont on the left as one

sails in, for those on the right had been subdued already by the Persians themselves, approaching them by

land. Now the cities of the Hellespont in Europe are these:first comes the Chersonese, in which there are

many cities, then Perinthos, the strongholds of the Thracian border, Selymbria, and Byzantion. The people of

Byzantion and those of Calchedon opposite did not even wait for the coming of the Persian ships, but had left

their own land first and departed, going within the Euxine; and there they settled in the city of

Mesambria.[19] So the Phenicians, having burnt these places which have been mentioned, directed their

course next to Proconnesos and Artake; and when they had delivered these also to the flames, they sailed

back to the Chersonese to destroy the remaining cities which they had not sacked when they touched there

before: but against Kyzicos they did not sail at all; for the men of Kyzicos even before the time when the

Phenicians sailed in had submitted to the king of their own accord, and had made terms with Oibares the son

of Megabazos, the Persian governor at Daskyleion.[20] 34. In the Chersonese then the Phenicians made

themselves masters of all the other cities except the city of Cardia. Of these cities up to that time Miltiades

the son of Kimon, the son of Stesagoras, had been despot, Miltiades the son of Kypselos having obtained this

government in the manner which here follows:The inhabitants of this Chersonese were Dolonkian

Thracians; and these Dolonkians, being hard pressed in war by the Apsinthians, sent their kings to Delphi to

consult the Oracle about the war. And the Pythian prophetess answered them that they must bring into their

land as founder of a settlement the man who should first offer them hospitality as they returned from the

temple. The Dolonkians then passed along the Sacred Road through the land of the Phokians and of the

B�otians, and as no man invited them, they turned aside and came to Athens. 35. Now at that time in Athens

the government was held by Peisistratos, but Miltiades also the son of Kypselos had some power, who

belonged to a family which kept four horse chariot teams, and who was descended originally from Aiacos

and Egina, though in more recent times his family was Athenian, Philaios the son of Ajax having been the

first of his house who became an Athenian. This Miltiades was sitting in the entrance of his own dwelling,

and seeing the Dolonkians going by with dress that was not of the native Athenian fashion and with spears,

he shouted to them; and when they approached, he offered them lodging and hospitality. They then having

accepted and having been entertained by him, proceeded to declare all the utterances of the Oracle; and

having declared it they asked him to do as the god had said: and Miltiades when he heard it was at once

disposed to agree, because he was vexed by the rule of Peisistratos and desired to be removed out of the way.

He set out therefore forthwith to Delphi to inquire of the Oracle whether he should do that which the

Dolonkians asked of him: 36, and as the Pythian prophetess also bade him do so, Miltiades the son of

Kypselos, who had before this been victor at Olympia with a fourhorse chariot, now taking with him of the

Athenians everyone who desired to share in the expedition, sailed with the Dolonkians and took possession of

the land: and they who had invited him to come to them made him despot over them. First then he made a

wall across the isthmus of the Chersonese from the city of Cardia to Pactye, in order that the Apsinthians

might not be able to invade the land and do them damage. Now the number of furlongs[21] across the

isthmus at this place is sixandthirty, and from this isthmus the Chersonese within is altogether four

hundred and twenty furlongs in length. 37. Having made a wall then across the neck of the Chersonese and

having in this manner repelled the Apsinthians, Miltiades made war upon the people of Lampsacos first of all

others; and the people of Lampsacos laid an ambush and took him prisoner. Now Miltiades had come to be a

friend[22] of Cr�sus the Lydian; and Cr�sus accordingly, being informed of this event, sent and commanded

the people of Lampsacos to let Miltiades go; otherwise he threatened to destroy them utterly like a

pinetree.[23] Then when the people of Lampsacos were perplexed in their counsels as to what that saying

should mean with which Cr�sus had threatened them, namely that he would destroy them utterly like a

pinetree, at length one of the elder men with difficulty perceived the truth, and said that a pine alone of all

trees when it has been cut down does not put forth any further growth but perishes, being utterly destroyed.

The people of Lampsacos therefore fearing Cr�sus loosed Miltiades and let him go. 38. He then escaped by

means of Cr�sus, but afterwards he brought his life to an end leaving no son to succeed him, but passing over

his rule and his possessions to Stesagoras, who was the son of Kimon, his brother on the mother's side:[24]

and the people of the Chersonese still offer sacrifices to him after his death as it is usual to do to a founder,

and hold in his honour a contest of horseraces and athletic exercises, in which none of the men of

Lampsacos are allowed to contend. After this there was war with those of Lampsacos; and it happened to

Stesagoras also that he died without leaving a son, having been struck on the head with an axe in the City

Hall by a man who pretended to be a deserter, but who proved himself to be in fact an enemy and a rather hot

one moreover. 39. Then after Stesagoras also had ended his life in this manner, Miltiades son of Kimon and

brother of that Stesagoras who was dead, was sent in a trireme to the Chersonese to take possession of the

government by the sons of Peisistratos, who had dealt well with him at Athens also, pretending that they had

had no share in the death of his father Kimon, of which in another part of the history I will set forth how it

came to pass.[25] Now Miltiades, when he came to the Chersonese, kept himself within his house, paying

honours in all appearance[26] to the memory of his brother Stesagoras; and the chief men of the inhabitants

of the Chersonese in every place, being informed of this, gathered themselves together from all the cities and

came in a body to condole with him, and when they had come they were laid in bonds by him. Miltiades then

was in possession of the Chersonese, supporting a body of five hundred mercenary troops; and he married the

40. Now this Miltiades son of Kimon had at the time of which we speak but lately returned[27] to the

Chersonese; and after he had returned, there befell him other misfortunes worse than those which had

befallen him already; for two years before this he had been a fugitive out of the land from the Scythians, since

the nomad Scythians provoked by king Dareios had joined all in a body and marched as far as this

Chersonese, and Miltiades had not awaited their attack but had become a fugitive from the Chersonese, until

at last the Scythians departed and the Dolonkians brought him back again. These things happened two years

before the calamities which now oppressed him: 41, and now, being informed that the Phenicians were at

Tenedos, he filled five triremes with the property which he had at hand and sailed away for Athens. And

having set out from the city of Cardia he was sailing through the gulf of Melas; and as he passed along by the

shore of the Chersonese, the Phenicians fell in with his ships, and while Miltiades himself with four of his

ships escaped to Imbros, the fifth of his ships was captured in the pursuit by the Phenicians. Of this ship it

chanced that Metiochos the eldest of the sons of Miltiades was in command, not born of the daughter of

Oloros the Thracian, but of another woman. Him the Phenicians captured together with his ship; and being

informed about him, that he was the son of Miltiades, they brought him up to the king, supposing that they

would lay up for themselves a great obligation; because it was Miltiades who had declared as his opinion to

the Ionians that they should do as the Scythians said, at that time when the Scythians requested them to break

up the bridge of boats and sail away to their own land. Dareios however, when the Phenicians brought up to

him Metiochos the son of Miltiades, did Metiochos no harm but on the contrary very much good; for he gave

him a house and possessions and a Persian wife, by whom he had children born who have been ranked as

42. In the course of this year there was done by the Persians nothing more which tended to strife with the

Ionians, but these things which follow were done in this year very much to their advantage. Artaphrenes

the governor of Sardis sent for envoys from all the cities and compelled the Ionians to make agreements

among themselves, so that they might give satisfaction for wrongs and not plunder one another's land. This he

compelled them to do, and also he measured their territories by parasangs,that is the name which the

Persians give to the length of thirty furlongs,[28]he measured, I say, by these, and appointed a certain

amount of tribute for each people, which continues still unaltered from that time even to my own days, as it

was appointed by Artaphrenes; and the tribute was appointed to be nearly of the same amount for each as it

had been before. 43. These were things which tended to peace for the Ionians; but at the beginning of the

spring, the other commanders having all been removed by the king, Mardonios the son of Gobryas came

down to the sea, bringing with him a very large landarmy and a very large naval force, being a young man

and lately married to Artozostra daughter of king Dareios. When Mardonios leading this army came to

Kilikia, he embarked on board a ship himself and proceeded together with the other ships, while other leaders

led the landarmy to the Hellespont. Mardonios however sailing along the coast of Asia came to Ionia: and

here I shall relate a thing which will be a great marvel to those of the Hellenes who do not believe that to the

seven men of the Persians Otanes declared as his opinion that the Persians ought to have popular rule;[29] for

Mardonios deposed all the despots of the Ionians and established popular governments in the cities. Having

so done he hastened on to the Hellespont; and when there was collected a vast number of ships and a large

landarmy, they crossed over the Hellespont in the ships and began to make their way through Europe, and

their way was directed against Eretria and Athens. 44. These, I say, furnished them the pretence for the

expedition, but they had it in their minds to subdue as many as they could of the Hellenic cities; and in the

first place they subdued with their ships the Thasians, who did not even raise a hand to defend themselves:

then with the landarmy they gained the Macedonians to be their servants in addition to those whom they had

already; for all the nations on the East of the Macedonians[30] had become subject to them already before

this. Crossing over then from Thasos to the opposite coast, they proceeded on their way near the land as far as

Acanthos, and then starting from Acanthos they attempted to get round Mount Athos; but as they sailed

round, there fell upon them a violent North Wind, against which they could do nothing, and handled them

very roughly, casting away very many of their ships on Mount Athos. It is said indeed that the number of the

ships destroyed was three hundred,[30a], and more than twenty thousand men; for as this sea which is about

Athos is very full of sea monsters, some were seized by these and so perished, while others were dashed

against the rocks; and some of them did not know how to swim and perished for that cause, others again by

reason of cold. 45. Thus fared the fleet; and meanwhile Mardonios and the landarmy while encamping in

Macedonia were attacked in the night by the Brygian Thracians, and many of them were slain by the

Brygians and Mardonios himself was wounded. However not even these escaped being enslaved by the

Persians, for Mardonios did not depart from that region until he had made them subject. But when he had

subdued these, he proceeded to lead his army back, since he had suffered great loss with his land army in

fighting against the Brygians and with his fleet in going round Athos. So this expedition departed back to

46. In the next year after this Dareios first sent a messenger to the men of Thasos, who had been accused by

their neighbours of planning revolt, and bade them take away the wall around their town and bring their ships

to Abdera. The Thasians in fact, as they had been besieged by Histiaios the Milesian and at the same time had

large revenues coming in, were using their money in building ships of war and in surrounding their city with

a stronger wall. Now the revenues came to them from the mainland and from the mines: from the goldmines

in Scapte Hyle[31] there came in generally eighty talents a year, and from those in Thasos itself a smaller

amount than this but so much that in general the Thasians, without taxes upon the produce of their soil, had a

revenue from the mainland and from the mines amounting yearly to two hundred talents, and when the

amount was highest, to three hundred. 47. I myself saw these mines, and by much the most marvellous of

them were those which the Phenicians discovered, who made the first settlement in this island in company

with Thasos; and the island had the name which it now has from this Thasos the Phenician. These Phenician

mines are in that part of Thasos which is between the places called Ainyra and Koinyra and opposite

Samothrake, where there is a great mountain which has been all turned up in the search for metal. Thus it is

with this matter: and the Thasians on the command of the king both razed their walls and brought all their

48. After this Dareios began to make trial of the Hellenes, what they meant to do, whether to make war with

him or to deliver themselves up. He sent abroad heralds therefore, and appointed them to go some to one

place and others to another throughout Hellas, bidding them demand earth and water for the king. These, I

say, he sent to Hellas; and meanwhile he was sending abroad other heralds to his own tributary cities which

lay upon the seacoast, and he bade them have ships of war built and also vessels to carry horses. 49. They

then were engaged in preparing these things; and meanwhile when the heralds had come to Hellas, many of

those who dwelt upon the mainland gave that for which the Persian made demand,[32] and all those who

dwelt in the islands did so, to whomsoever they came to make their demand. The islanders, I say, gave earth

and water to Dareios, and among them also those of Egina, and when these had done so, the Athenians went

forthwith urgent against them, supposing that the Eginetans had given with hostile purpose against

themselves, in order to make an expedition against them in combination with the Persians; and also they were

glad to get hold of an occasion against them. Accordingly they went backward and forwards to Sparta and

accused the Eginetans of that which they had done, as having proved themselves traitors to Hellas. 50. In

consequence of this accusation Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, king of the Spartans, crossed over to

Egina meaning to seize those of the Eginetans who were the most guilty; but as he was attempting to seize

them, certain of the Eginetans opposed him, and among them especially Crios the son of Polycritos, who said

that he should not with impunity carry off a single Eginetan, for he was doing this (said he) without authority

from the Spartan State, having been persuaded to it by the Athenians with money; otherwise he would have

come and seized them in company with the other king: and this he said by reason of a message received from

Demaratos. Cleomenes then as he departed from Egina, asked Crios[33] what was his name, and he told him

the truth; and Cleomenes said to him: "Surely now, O Ram, thou must cover over thy horns with bronze for

51. Meanwhile Demaratos the son of Ariston was staying behind in Sparta and bringing charges against

Cleomenes, he also being king of the Spartans but of the inferior house; which however is inferior in no other

way (for it is descended from the same ancestor), but the house of Eurysthenes has always been honoured

more, apparently because he was the elder brother. 52. For the Lacedemonians, who herein agree with none

of the poets, say that Aristodemos the son of Aristomachos, the son of Cleodaios, the son of Hyllos, being

their king, led them himself (and not the sons of Aristodemos) to this land which they now possess. Then

after no long time the wife of Aristodemos, whose name was Argeia,she was the daughter, they say, of

Autesion, the son of Tisamenes, the son of Thersander, the son of Polyneikes,she, it is said, brought forth

twins; and Aristodemos lived but to see his children and then ended his life by sickness. So the

Lacedemonians of that time resolved according to established custom to make the elder of the children their

king; but they did not know which of them they should take, because they were like one another and of equal

size; and when they were not able to make out, or even before this, they inquired of their mother; and she said

that even she herself did not know one from the other. She said this, although she knew in truth very well,

because she desired that by some means both might be made kings. The Lacedemonians then were in a strait;

and being in a strait they sent to Delphi to inquire what they should do in the matter. And the Pythian

prophetess bade them regard both children as their kings, but honour most the first in age.[34] The

prophetess, they say, thus gave answer to them; and when the Lacedemonians were at a loss none the less

how to find out the elder of them, a Messenian whose name was Panites made a suggestion to them: this

Panites, I say, suggested to the Lacedemonians that they should watch the mother and see which of the

children she washed and fed before the other; and if she was seen to do this always in the same order, then

they would have all that they were seeking and desiring to find out, but if she too was uncertain and did it in a

different order at different times, it would be plain to them that even she had no more knowledge than any

other, and they must turn to some other way. Then the Spartans following the suggestion of the Messenian

watched the mother of the sons of Aristodemos and found that she gave honour thus to the firstborn both in

feeding and in washing; for she did not know with that design she was being watched. They took therefore

the child which was honoured by its mother and brought it up as the firstborn in the public hall,[35] and to it

was given the name of Eurysthenes, while the other was called Procles. These, when they had grown up, both

themselves were at variance, they say, with one another, though they were brothers, throughout the whole

time of their lives, and their descendants also continued after the same manner.

53. This is the report given by the Lacedemonians alone of all the Hellenes; but this which follows I write in

accordance with that which is reported by the Hellenes generally,I mean that the names of these kings of

the Dorians are rightly enumerated by the Hellenes up to Perseus the son of Danae (leaving the god out of

account),[36] and proved to be of Hellenic race; for even from that time they were reckoned as Hellenes. I

said "up to Perseus" and did not take the descent from a yet higher point, because there is no name mentioned

of a mortal father for Perseus, as Amphitryon is for Heracles. Therefore with reason, as is evident, I have said

"rightly up to Perseus"; but if one enumerates their ancestors in succession going back from Danae the

daughter of Acrisios, the rulers of the Dorians will prove to be Egyptians by direct descent. 54. Thus I have

traced the descent according to the account given by the Hellenes; but as the story is reported which the

Persians tell, Perseus himself was an Assyrian and became a Hellene, whereas the ancestors of Perseus were

not Hellenes; and as for the ancestors of Acrisios, who (according to this account) belonged not to Perseus in

any way by kinship, they say that these were, as the Hellenes report, Egyptians. 55. Let it suffice to have said

so much about these matters; and as to the question how and by what exploits being Egyptians they received

the sceptres of royalty over the Dorians, we will omit these things, since others have told about them; but the

56. These are the royal rights which have been given by the Spartans to their kings, namely, two priesthoods,

of Zeus Lakedaimon and Zeus Uranios;[37] and the right of making war against whatsoever land they please,

and that no man of the Spartans shall hinder this right, or if he do, he shall be subject to the curse; and that

when they go on expeditions the kings shall go out first and return last; that a hundred picked men shall be

their guard upon expeditions; and that they shall use in their goings forth to war as many cattle as they desire,

and take both the hides and the backs of all that are sacrificed. 57. These are their privileges in war; and in

peace moreover things have been assigned to them as follows:if any sacrifice is performed at the public

charge, it is the privilege of the kings to sit down at the feast before all others, and that the attendants shall

begin with them first, and serve to each of them a portion of everything double of that which is given to the

other guests, and that they shall have the first pouring of libations and the hides of the animals slain in

sacrifice; that on every new moon and seventh day of the month there shall be delivered at the public charge

to each one of these a fullgrown victim in the temple of Apollo, and a measure[38] of barleygroats and a

Laconian "quarter"[39] of wine; and that at all the games they shall have seats of honour specially set apart

for them: moreover it is their privilege to appoint as protectors of strangers[40] whomsoever they will of the

citizens, and to choose each two "Pythians:" now the Pythians are men sent to consult the god at Delphi, and

they eat with the kings at the public charge. And if the kings do not come to the dinner, it is the rule that there

shall be sent out for them to their houses two quarts[41] of barleygroats for each one and half a pint[42] of

wine; but if they are present, double shares of everything shall be given them, and moreover they shall be

honoured in this same manner when they have been invited to dinner by private persons. The kings also, it is

ordained, shall have charge of the oracles which are given, but the Pythians also shall have knowledge of

them. It is the rule moreover that the kings alone give decision on the following cases only, that is to say,

about the maiden who inherits her father's property, namely who ought to have her, if her father have not

betrothed her to any one, and about public ways; also if any man desires to adopt a son, he must do it in

presence of the kings: and it is ordained that they shall sit in council with the Senators, who are in number

eightandtwenty, and if they do not come, those of the Senators who are most closely related to them shall

have the privileges of the kings and give two votes besides their own, making three in all.[42a] 58. These

rights have been assigned to the kings for their lifetime by the Spartan State; and after they are dead these

which follow:horsemen go round and announce that which has happened throughout the whole of the

Laconian land, and in the city women go about and strike upon a copper kettle. Whenever this happens so,

two free persons of each household must go into mourning, a man and a woman, and for those who fail to do

this great penalties are appointed. Now the custom of the Lacedemonians about the deaths of their kings is the

same as that of the Barbarians who dwell in Asia, for most of the Barbarians practise the same customs as

regards the death of their kings. Whensoever a king of the Lacedemonians is dead, then from the whole

territory of Lacedemon, not reckoning the Spartans, a certain fixed number of the "dwellers round"[43] are

compelled to go to the funeral ceremony: and when there have been gathered together of these and of the

Helots and of the Spartans themselves many thousands in the same place, with their women intermingled,

they beat their foreheads with a good will and make lamentation without stint, saying that this one who has

died last of their kings was the best of all: and whenever any of their kings has been killed in war, they

prepare an image to represent him, laid upon a couch with fair coverings, and carry it out to be buried. Then

after they have buried him, no assembly is held among them for ten days, nor is there any meeting for choice

of magistrates, but they have mourning during these days. In another respect too these resemble the Persians;

that is to say, when the king is dead and another is appointed king, this king who is newly coming in sets free

any man of the Spartans who was a debtor to the king or to the State; while among the Persians the king who

comes to the throne remits to all the cities the arrears of tribute which are due. 60. In the following point also

the Lacedemonians resemble the Egyptians; that is to say, their heralds and fluteplayers and cooks inherit the

crafts of their fathers, and a fluteplayer is the son of a fluteplayer, a cook of a cook, and a herald of a herald;

other men do not lay hands upon the office because they have loud and clear voices, and so shut them out of

61. Thus are these things done: and at this time of which we speak,[44] while Cleomenes was in Egina doing

deeds[45] which were for the common service of Hellas, Demaratos brought charges against him, not so

much because he cared for the Eginetans as because he felt envy and jealousy of him. Then Cleomenes, after

he returned from Egina, planned to depose Demaratos from being king, making an attempt upon him on

account of this matter which follows:Ariston being king in Sparta and having married two wives, yet had

no children born to him; and since he did not acknowledge that he himself was the cause of this, he married a

third wife; and he married her thus:he had a friend, a man of the Spartans, to whom of all the citizens

Ariston was most inclined; and it chanced that this man had a wife who was of all the women in Sparta the

fairest by far, and one too who had become the fairest from having been the foulest. For as she was mean in

her aspect, her nurse, considering that she was the daughter of wealthy persons and was of uncomely aspect,

and seeing moreover that her parents were troubled by it,perceiving I say these things, her nurse devised as

follows:every day she bore her to the temple of Helen, which is in the place called Therapne, lying above

the temple of Phoebus; and whenever the nurse bore her thither, she placed her before the image and prayed

the goddess to deliver the child from her unshapeliness. And once as the nurse was going away out of the

temple, it is said that a woman appeared to her, and having appeared asked her what she was bearing in her

arms; and she told her that she was bearing a child; upon which the other bade her show the child to her, but

she refused, for it had been forbidden to her by the parents to show it to any one: but the woman continued to

urge her by all means to show it to her. So then perceiving that the woman earnestly desired to see it, the

nurse showed her the child. Then the woman stroking the head of the child said that she should be the fairest

of all the women in Sparta; and from that day her aspect was changed. Afterwards when she came to the age

for marriage, she was married to Agetos the son of Alkeides, this friend of Ariston of whom we spoke. 62.

Now Ariston it seems was ever stung by the desire of this woman, and accordingly he contrived as

follows:he made an engagement himself with his comrade, whose wife this woman was, that he would

give him as a gift one thing of his own possessions, whatsoever he should choose, and he bade his comrade

make return to him in similar fashion. He therefore, fearing nothing for his wife, because he saw that Ariston

also had a wife, agreed to this; and on these terms they imposed oaths on one another. After this Ariston on

his part gave that which Agetos had chosen from the treasures of Ariston, whatever the thing was; and he

himself, seeking to obtain from him the like return, endeavoured then to take away the wife of his comrade

from him: and he said that he consented to give anything else except this one thing only, but at length being

compelled by the oath and by the treacherous deception,[46] he allowed her to be taken away from him. 63.

Thus had Ariston brought into his house the third wife, having dismissed the second: and this wife, not

having fulfilled the ten months[47] but in a shorter period of time, bore him that Demaratos of whom we

were speaking; and one of his servants reported to him as he was sitting in council[48] with the Ephors, that a

son had been born to him. He then, knowing the time when he took to him his wife, and reckoning the

months upon his fingers, said, denying with an oath, "The child would not be mine." This the Ephors heard,

but they thought it a matter of no importance at the moment; and the child grew up and Ariston repented of

that which he had said, for he thought Demaratos was certainly his own son; and he gave him the name

"Demaratos" for this reason, namely because before these things took place the Spartan people all in a

body[49] had made a vow[50] praying that a son might be born to Ariston, as one who was preeminent in

renown over all the kings who had ever arisen in Sparta. 64. For this reason the name Demaratos[51] was

given to him. And as time went on Ariston died, and Demaratos obtained the kingdom: but it was fated

apparently that these things should become known and should cause Demaratos to be deposed from the

kingdom; and therefore[52] Demaratos came to be at variance greatly with Cleomenes both at the former

time when he withdrew his army from Eleusis, and also now especially, when Cleomenes had crossed over to

take those of the Eginetans who had gone over to the Medes. 65. Cleomenes then, being anxious to take

vengeance on him, concerted matters with Leotychides the son of Menares, the son of Agis, who was of the

same house as Demaratos, under condition that if he should set him up as king instead of Demaratos, he

would go with him against the Eginetans. Now Leotychides had become a bitter foe of Demaratos on account

of this matter which follows:Leotychides had betrothed himself to Percalos the daughter of Chilon son of

Demarmenos; and Demaratos plotted against him and deprived Leotychides of his marriage, carrying off

Percalos himself beforehand, and getting her for his wife. Thus had arisen the enmity of Leotychides against

Demaratos; and now by the instigation of Cleomenes Leotychides deposed against Demaratos, saying that he

was not rightfully reigning over the Spartans, not being a son of Ariston: and after this deposition he

prosecuted a suit against him, recalling the old saying which Ariston uttered at the time when his servant

reported to him that a son was born to him, and he reckoning up the months denied with an oath, saying that

it was not his. Taking his stand upon this utterance, Leotychides proceeded to prove that Demaratos was not

born of Ariston nor was rightfully reigning over Sparta; and he produced as witnesses those Ephors who

chanced then to have been sitting with Ariston in council and to have heard him say this. 66. At last, as there

was contention about those matters, the Spartans resolved to ask the Oracle at Delphi whether Demaratos was

the son of Ariston. The question then having been referred by the arrangement of Cleomenes to the Pythian

prophetess, thereupon Cleomenes gained over to his side Cobon the son of Aristophantos, who had most

power among the Delphians, and Cobin persuaded Perialla the prophetess of the Oracle[53] to say that which

Cleomenes desired to have said. Thus the Pythian prophetess, when those who were sent to consult the god

asked her their question, gave decision that Demaratos was not the son of Ariston. Afterwards however these

things became known, and both Cobon went into exile from Delphi and Perialla the prophetess of the Oracle

67. With regard to the deposing of Demaratos from the kingdom it happened thus: but Demaratos became an

exile from Sparta to the Medes on account of a reproach which here follows:After he had been deposed

from the kingdom Demaratos was holding a public office to which he had been elected. Now it was the time

of the Gymnopaidiai; and as Demaratos was a spectator of them, Leotychides, who had now become king

himself instead of Demaratos, sent his attendant and asked Demaratos in mockery and insult what kind of a

thing it was to be a magistrate after having been king; and he vexed at the question made answer and said that

he himself had now had experience of both, but Leotychides had not; this question however, he said, would

be the beginning either of countless evil or countless good fortune for the Lacedemonians. Having thus said,

he veiled his head and went forth out of the theatre to his own house; and forthwith he made preparations and

sacrificed an ox to Zeus, and after having sacrificed he called his mother. 68. Then when his mother had

come, he put into her hands some of the inner parts[54] of the victim, and besought her, saying as follows:

"Mother, I beseech thee, appealing to the other gods and above all to this Zeus the guardian of the

household,[55] to tell me the truth, who is really and truly my father. For Leotychides spoke in his contention

with me, saying that thou didst come to Ariston with child by thy former husband; and others besides,

reporting that which is doubtless an idle tale,[56] say that thou didst go in to one of the servants, namely the

keeper of the asses, and that I am his son. I therefore entreat thee by the gods to tell me the truth; for if thou

hast done any of these things which are reported, thou hast not done them alone, but with many other women;

and the report is commonly believed in Sparta that there was not in Ariston seed which should beget children;

for if so, then his former wives also would have borne children." 69. Thus he spoke, and she made answer as

follows: "My son, since thou dost beseech me with entreaties to speak the truth, the whole truth shall be told

to thee. When Ariston had brought me into his house, on the third night[57] there came to me an apparition in

the likeness of Ariston, and having lain with me it put upon me the garlands which it had on; and the

apparition straitway departed, and after this Ariston came; and when he saw me with garlands, he asked who

it was who had given me them; and I said that he had given them, but he did not admit it; and I began to take

oath of it, saying that he did not well to deny it, for he had come (I said) a short time before and had lain with

me and given me the garlands. Then Ariston, seeing that I made oath of it, perceived that the matter was of

the gods; and first the garlands were found to be from the herotemple which stands by the outer door of the

house, which they call the temple of Astrabacos,[58] and secondly the diviners gave answer that it was this

same hero. Thus, my son, thou hast all, as much as thou desirest to learn; for either thou art begotten of this

hero and the hero Astrabacos is thy father, or Ariston is thy father, for on that night I conceived thee: but as to

that wherein thy foes most take hold of thee, saying that Ariston himself, when thy birth was announced to

him, in the hearing of many declared that thou wert not his son, because the time, the ten months namely, had

not yet been fulfilled, in ignorance of such matters he cast forth that saying; for women bring forth children

both at the ninth month and also at the seventh, and not all after they have completed ten months; and I bore

thee, my son, at the seventh month: and Ariston himself also perceived after no long time that he had uttered

this saying in folly. Do not thou then accept any other reports about thy begetting, for thou hast heard in all

the full truth; but to Leotychides and to those who report these things may their wives bear children by

keepers of asses!" 70. Thus she spoke; and he, having learnt that which he desired to learn, took supplies for

travelling and set forth to go to Elis, pretending that he was going to Delphi to consult the Oracle: but the

Lacedemonians, suspecting that he was attempting to escape, pursued after him; and it chanced that before

they came Demaratos had passed over to Zakynthos from Elis; and the Lacedemonians crossing over after

him laid hands on his person and carried away his attendants from him. Afterwards however, since those of

Zakynthos refused to give him up, he passed over from thence to Asia, to the presence of king Dareios; and

Dareios both received him with great honour as a guest, and also gave him land and cities. Thus Demaratos

had come to Asia, and such was the fortune which he had had, having been distinguished in the estimation of

the Lacedemonians[59] in many other ways both by deeds and by counsels, and especially having gained for

them an Olympic victory with the fourhorse chariot, being the only one who achieved this of all the kings

71. Demaratos being deposed, Leotychides the son of Menares succeeded to the kingdom; and he had born to

him a son Zeuxidemos, whom some of the Spartans called Kyniscos. This Zeuxidemos did not become king

of Sparta, for he died before Leotychides, leaving a son Archidemos: and Leotychides having lost

Zeuxidemos married a second wife Eurydame, the sister of Menios and daughter of Diactorides, by whom he

had no male issue, but a daughter Lampito, whom Archidemos the son of Zeuxidemos took in marriage, she

being given to him by Leotychides. 72. Leotychides however did not himself[60] live to old age in Sparta,

but paid a retribution for Demaratos as follows:he went as commander of the Lacedemonians to invade

Thessaly, and when he might have reduced all to subjection, he accepted gifts of money amounting to a large

sum; and being taken in the act there in the camp, as he was sitting upon a glove full of money, he was

brought to trial and banished from Sparta, and his house was razed to the ground. So he went into exile to

Tegea and ended his life there. 73. These things happened later; but at this time, when Cleomenes had

brought to a successful issue the affair which concerned Demaratos, forthwith he took with him Leotychides

and went against the Eginetans, being very greatly enraged with them because of their insults towards him.

So the Eginetans on their part, since both the kings had come against them, thought fit no longer to resist; and

the Spartans selected ten men who were the most considerable among the Eginetans both by wealth and by

birth, and took them away as prisoners, and among others also Crios[61] the son of Polycritos and Casambos

the son of Aristocrates, who had the greatest power among them; and having taken these away to the land of

Attica, they deposited them as a charge with the Athenians, who were the bitterest enemies of the Eginetans.

74. After this Cleomenes, since it had become known that he had devised evil against Demaratos, was seized

by fear of the Spartans and retired to Thessaly. Thence he came to Arcadia, and began to make mischief[62]

and to combine the Arcadians against Sparta; and besides other oaths with which he caused them to swear

that they would assuredly follow him whithersoever he should lead them, he was very desirous also to bring

the chiefs of the Arcadians to the city of Nonacris and cause them to swear by the water of Styx; for near this

city it is said by the Arcadians[63] that there is the water of Styx, and there is in fact something of this kind: a

small stream of water is seen to trickle down from a rock into a hollow ravine, and round the ravine runs a

wall of rough stones. Now Nonacris, where it happens that this spring is situated, is a city of Arcadia near

Pheneos. 75. The Lacedemonians, hearing that Cleomenes was acting thus, were afraid, and proceeded to

bring him back to Sparta to rule on the same terms as before: but when he had come back, forthwith a disease

of madness seized him (who had been even before this somewhat insane[64]), and whenever he met any of

the Spartans, he dashed his staff against the man's face. And as he continued to do this and had gone quite out

of his senses, his kinsmen bound him in stocks. Then being so bound, and seeing his warder left alone by the

rest, he asked him for a knife; and the warder not being at first willing to give it, he threatened him with that

which he would do to him afterwards if he did not; until at last the warder fearing the threats, for he was one

of the Helots, gave him a knife. Then Cleomenes, when he had received the steel, began to maltreat himself

from the legs upwards: for he went on cutting his flesh lengthways from the legs to the thighs and from the

thighs to the loins and flanks, until at last he came to the belly; and cutting this into strips he died in that

manner. And this happened, as most of the Hellenes report, because he persuaded the Pythian prophetess to

advise that which was done about Demaratos; but as the Athenians alone report, it was because when he

invaded Eleusis he laid waste the sacred enclosure of the goddesses;[65] and according to the report of the

Argives, because from their sanctuary dedicated to Argos he caused to come down those of the Argives who

had fled for refuge from the battle and slew them, and also set fire to the grove itself, holding it in no regard.

76. For when Cleomenes was consulting the Oracle at Delphi, the answer was given him that he should

conquer Argos; so he led the Spartans and came to the river Erasinos, which is said to flow from the

Stymphalian lake; for this lake, they say, running out into a viewless chasm, appears again above ground in

the land of Argos; and from thence onwards this water is called by the Argives Erasinos: having come, I say,

to this river, Cleomenes did sacrifice to it; and since the sacrifices were not at all favourable for him to cross

over, he said that he admired the Erasinos for not betraying the men of its country, but the Argives should not

even so escape. After this he retired back from thence and led his army down to Thyrea; and having done

sacrifice to the Sea by slaying a bull, he brought them in ships to the land of Tiryns and Nauplia. 77. Being

informed of this, the Argives came to the rescue towards the sea; and when they had got near Tiryns and were

at the place which is called Hesipeia,[66] they encamped opposite to the Lacedemonians leaving no very

wide space between the armies. There the Argives were not afraid of the open fighting, but only lest they

should be conquered by craft; for to this they thought referred the oracle which the Pythian prophetess gave

"But when the female at length shall conquer the male in the battle, Conquer and drive him forth, and glory

shall gain among Argives, Then many wives of the Argives shall tear both cheeks in their mourning; So that a

man shall say some time, of the men that came after, 'Quelled by the spear it perished, the threecoiled

The conjunction of all these things caused fear to the Argives, and with a view to this they resolved to make

use of the enemy's herald; and having so resolved they proceeded to do as follows:whenever the Spartan

herald proclaimed anything to the Lacedemonians, the Argives also did that same thing. 78. So Cleomenes,

perceiving that the Argives were doing whatever the herald of the Lacedemonians proclaimed, passed the

word to the Lacedemonians that when the herald should proclaim that they were to get breakfast, then they

should take up their arms and go to attack the Argives. This was carried out even so by the Lacedemonians;

for as the Argives were getting breakfast according to the herald's proclamation, they attacked them; and

many of them they slew, but many more yet took refuge in the sacred grove of Argos, and upon these they

kept watch, sitting round about the place. Then Cleomenes did this which follows:79. He had with him

deserters, and getting information by inquiring of these, he sent a herald and summoned forth those of the

Argives who were shut up in the sanctuary, mentioning each by name; and he summoned them forth saying

that he had received their ransom. Now among the Peloponnesians ransom is two pounds weight of silver[68]

appointed to be paid for each prisoner. So Cleomenes summoned forth about fifty of the Argives one by one

and slew them; and it chanced that the rest who were in the enclosure did not perceive that this was being

done; for since the grove was thick, those within did not see how it fared with those who were without, at

least until one of them climbed up a tree and saw from above that which was being done. Accordingly they

then no longer came forth when they were called. 80. So Cleomenes thereupon ordered all the Helots to pile

up brushwood round the sacred grove; and they obeying, he set fire to the grove. And when it was now

burning, he asked one of the deserters to what god the grove was sacred, and the man replied that it was

sacred to Argos. When he heard that, he groaned aloud and said, "Apollo who utterest oracles, surely thou

hast greatly deceived me, saying that I should conquer Argos: I conjecture that the oracle has had its

fulfilment for me already." 81. After this Cleomenes sent away the greater part of his army to go back to

Sparta, but he himself took a thousand of the best men and went to the temple of Hera to sacrifice: and when

he wished to sacrifice upon the altar, the priest forbade him, saying that it was not permitted by religious rule

for a stranger to sacrifice in that place. Cleomenes however bade the Helots take away the priest from the

altar and scourge him, and he himself offered the sacrifice. Having so done he returned back to Sparta; 82,

and after his return his opponents brought him up before the Ephors, saying that he had received gifts and

therefore had not conquered Argos, when he might easily have conquered it. He said to them,but whether

he was speaking falsely or whether truly I am not able with certainty to say,however that may be, he spoke

and said that when he had conquered the sanctuary of Argos, it seemed to him that the oracle of the god had

had its fulfilment for him; therefore he did not think it right to make an attempt on the city, at least until he

should have had recourse to sacrifice, and should have learnt whether the deity[69] permitted him or whether

she stood opposed to him: and as he was sacrificing for augury[70] in the temple of Hera, a flame of fire

blazed forth from the breasts of the image; and thus he knew the certainty of the matter, namely that he would

not conquer Argos: for if fire had blazed forth from the head of the image, he would have been conqueror of

the city from top to bottom,[71] but since it blazed from the breasts, everything had been accomplished for

him which the god desired should come to pass. Thus speaking he seemed to the Spartans to speak credibly

83. Argos however was so bereft of men that their slaves took possession of all the State, ruling and

managing it until the sons of those who had perished grew to be men. Then these, endeavouring to gain Argos

back to themselves, cast them out; and the slaves being driven forth gained possession of Tiryns by fighting.

Now for a time these two parties had friendly relations with one another; but afterwards there came to the

slaves a prophet named Cleander, by race a Phigalian from Arcadia: this man persuaded the slaves to attack

their masters, and in consequence of this there was war between them for a long time, until at last with

84. The Argives then say that this was the reason why Cleomenes went mad and had an evil end: but the

Spartans themselves say that Cleomenes was not driven mad by any divine power, but that he had become a

drinker of unmixed wine from having associated with Scythians, and that he went mad in consequence of

this: for the nomad Scythians, they say, when Dareios had made invasion of their land, desired eagerly after

this to take vengeance upon him; and they sent to Sparta and tried to make an alliance, and to arrange that

while the Scythians themselves attempted an invasion of Media by the way of the river Phasis, the Spartans

should set forth from Ephesos and go up inland, and then that they should meet in one place: and they say

that Cleomenes when the Scythians had come for this purpose, associated with them largely, and that thus

associating more than was fit, he learnt the practice of drinking wine unmixed with water; and for this cause

(as the Spartans think) he went mad. Thenceforth, as they say themselves, when they desire to drink stronger

wine, they say "Fill up in Scythian fashion."[73] Thus the Spartans report about Cleomenes; but to me it

85. Now when the Eginetans heard that Cleomenes had met his end, they sent messengers to Sparta to

denounce Leotychides for the matter of the hostages which were being kept at Athens: and the

Lacedemonians caused a court to assemble and judged that the Eginetans had been dealt with outrageously by

Leotychides; and they condemned him to be taken to Egina and delivered up in place of the men who were

being kept at Athens. Then when the Eginetans were about to take Leotychides, Theasides the son of

Leoprepes, a man of repute in Sparta, said to them: "What are ye proposing[74] to do, men of Egina? Do ye

mean to take away the king of the Spartans, thus delivered up to you by his fellowcitizens? If the Spartans

now being in anger have decided so, beware lest at some future time, if ye do this, they bring an evil upon

your land which may destroy it." Hearing this the Eginetans abstained from taking him; but they came to an

agreement that Leotychides should accompany them to Athens and restore the men to the Eginetans.

86. When however Leotychides came to Athens and asked for the deposit back, the Athenians, not being

willing to give up the hostages, produced pretexts for refusing, and alleged that two kings had deposited them

and they did not think it right to give them back to the one without the other: so since the Athenians said that

(a) "Athenians, do whichever thing ye yourselves desire; for ye know that if ye give them up, ye do that

which religion commands, and if ye refuse to give them up, ye do the opposite of this: but I desire to tell you

what kind of a thing came to pass once in Sparta about a deposit. We Spartans report that there was in

Lacedemon about two generations before my time on Glaucos the son of Epikydes. This man we say attained

the highest merit in all things besides, and especially he was well reported of by all who at that time dwelt in

Lacedemon for his uprightness: and we relate that in due time[75] it happened to him thus:a man of

Miletos came to Sparta and desired to have speech with him, alleging the reasons which follow: 'I am a

Milesian,' he said, 'and I am come hither desiring to have benefit from thy uprightness, Glaucos; for as there

was much report of thy uprightness throughout all the rest of Hellas and also in Ionia, I considered with

myself that Ionia is ever in danger, whereas Peloponnesus is safely established, and also that we never see

wealth continue in the possession of the same persons long;reflecting, I say, on these things and taking

counsel with myself, I resolved to turn into money the half of my possessions, and to place it with thee, being

well assured that if it were placed with thee I should have it safe. Do thou therefore, I pray thee, receive the

money, and take and keep these tallies; and whosoever shall ask for the money back having the tokens

answering to these, to him do thou restore it.' (b) The stranger who had come from Miletos said so much; and

Glaucos accepted the deposit on the terms proposed. Then after a long time had gone by, there came to Sparta

the sons of him who had deposited the money with Glaucos; and they came to speech with Glaucos, and

producing the tokens asked for the money to be given back: but he repulsed them answering them again thus:

'I do not remember the matter, nor does my mind bring back to me any knowledge of those things whereof ye

speak; but I desire to recollect and do all that is just; for if I received it, I desire to restore it honestly; and if

on the other hand I did not receive it at all, I will act towards you in accordance with the customs of the

Hellenes:[76] therefore I defer the settling of the matter with you for three months from now.' (c) The

Milesians accordingly went away grieved, for they supposed that they had been robbed of the money; but

Glaucos set forth to Delphi to consult the Oracle: and when he inquired of the Oracle whether he should rob

them of the money by an oath, the Pythian prophetess rebuked him with these lines:

"'Glaucos, thou, Epikydes' son, yea, this for the moment, This, to conquer their word by an oath and to rob, is

more gainful. Swear, since the lot of death waits also for him who swears truly. But know thou that Oath has

a son, one nameless and handless and footless, Yet without feet he pursues, without hands he seizes, and

wholly He shall destroy the race and the house of the man who offendeth. But for the man who swears truly

Having heard this Glaucos entreated that the god would pardon him for that which he had said, but the

prophetess said that to make trial of the god and to do the deed were things equivalent. (d) Glaucos then,

having sent for the Milesians, gave back to them the money: but the reason for which, O Athenians, I set forth

to relate to you this story, shall now be told. At the present time there is no descendant of Glaucos existing,

nor any hearth which is esteemed to be that of Glaucos, but he has been utterly destroyed and rooted up out of

Sparta. Thus it is good not even to entertain a thought about a deposit other than that of restoring it, when

87. When Leotychides had thus spoken, since not even so were the Athenians willing to listen to him, he

departed back; and the Eginetans, before paying the penalty for their former wrongs wherein they did outrage

to the Athenians to please the Thebans,[77] acted as follows:complaining of the conduct of the Athenians

and thinking that they were being wronged, they made preparations to avenge themselves upon the

Athenians; and since the Athenians were celebrating a fouryearly festival[78] at Sunion, they lay in wait for

the sacred ship which was sent to it and took it, the vessel being full of men who were the first among the

Athenians; and having taken it they laid the men in bonds. 88. The Athenians after they had suffered this

wrong from the Eginetans no longer delayed to contrive all things possible to their hurt. And there was[79] in

Egina a man of repute, one Nicodromos the son of Cnithos:[80] this man had cause of complaint against the

Eginetans for having before this driven him forth out of the island; and hearing now that the Athenians had

resolved to do mischief to the Eginetans, he agreed with the Athenians to deliver up Egina to them, telling

them on what day he would make his attempt and by what day it would be necessary for them to come to his

assistance. 89. After this Nicodromos, according as he had agreed with the Athenians, seized that which is

called the old city, but the Athenians did not come to his support at the proper time; for, as it chanced, they

had not ships sufficient to fight with the Eginetans; so while they were asking the Corinthians to lend them

ships, during this time their cause went to ruin. The Corinthians however, being at this time exceedingly

friendly with them, gave the Athenians twenty ships at their request; and these they gave by selling them at

five drachmas apiece, for by the law it was not permitted to give them as a free gift. Having taken these ships

of which I speak and also their own, the Athenians with seventy ships manned in all sailed to Egina, and they

were later by one day than the time agreed. 90. Nicodromos meanwhile, as the Athenians did not come to his

support at the proper time, embarked in a ship and escaped from Egina, and with him also went others of the

Eginetans; and the Athenians gave them Sunion to dwell in, starting from whence these men continued to

plunder the Eginetans who were in the island. 91. This happened afterwards: but at the time of which we

speak the welltodo class among the Eginetans prevailed over the men of the people, who had risen against

them in combination with Nicodromos, and then having got them into their power they were bringing their

prisoners forth to execution. From this there came upon them a curse which they were not able to expiate by

sacrifice, though they devised against it all they could; but they were driven forth from the island before the

goddess became propitious to them. For they had taken as prisoners seven hundred of the men of the people

and were bringing them forth to execution, when one of them escaped from his bonds and fled for refuge to

the entrance of the temple of Demeter the Giver of Laws,[81] and he took hold of the latch of the door and

clung to it; and when they found that they could not drag him from it by pulling him away, they cut off his

hands and so carried him off, and those hands remained clinging to the latch of the door. 92. Thus did the

Eginetans to one another: and when the Athenians came, they fought against them with seventy ships, and

being worsted in the seafight they called to their assistance the same whom they had summoned before,

namely the Argives. These would no longer come to their help, having cause of complaint because the ships

of Egina compelled by Cleomenes had put in to the land of Argos and their crews had landed with the

Lacedemonians; with whom also had landed men from ships of Sikyon in this same invasion: and as a

penalty for this there was laid upon them by the Argives a fine of a thousand talents, five hundred for each

State. The Sikyonians accordingly, acknowledging that they had committed a wrong, had made an agreement

to pay a hundred talents and be free from the penalty; the Eginetans however did not acknowledge their

wrong, but were more stubborn. For this reason then, when they made request, none of the Argives now came

to their help at the charge of the State, but volunteers came to the number of a thousand; and their leader was

a commander named Eurybates, a man who had practised the five contests.[82] Of these men the greater

number never returned back, but were slain by the Athenians in Egina; and the commander himself,

Eurybates, fighting in single combat[83] killed in this manner three men and was himself slain by the fourth,

Sophanes namely of Dekeleia. 93. The Eginetans however engaged in contest with the Athenians in ships,

when these were in disorder, and defeated them; and they took of them four ships together with their crews.

94. So the Athenians were at war with the Eginetans; and meanwhile the Persian was carrying forward his

design, since he was put in mind ever by his servant to remember the Athenians, and also because of the sons

of Peisistratos were near at hand and brought charges continually against the Athenians, while at the same

time Dareios himself wished to take hold of this pretext and subdue those nations of Hellas which had not

given him earth and water. Mardonios then, since he had fared miserably in his expedition, he removed from

his command; and appointing other generals to command he despatched them against Eretria and Athens,

namely Datis, who was a Mede by race, and Artaphrenes the son of Artaphrenes, a nephew of the king: and

he sent them forth with the charge to reduce Athens and Eretria to slavery and to bring the slaves back into

his presence. 95. When these who had been appointed to command came in their march from the king to the

Ale�an plain in Kilikia, taking with them a large and wellequipped landarmy, then while they were

encamping there, the whole naval armament came up, which had been appointed for several nations to

furnish; and there came to them also the ships for carrying horses, which in the year before Dareios had

ordered his tributaries to make ready. In these they placed their horses, and having embarked the landarmy

in the ships they sailed for Ionia with six hundred triremes. After this they did not keep their ships coasting

along the mainland towards the Hellespont and Thrace, but they started from Samos and made their voyage

by the Icarian Sea[84] and between the islands; because, as I think, they feared more than all else the voyage

round Athos, seeing that in the former year[85] while making the passage by this way they had come to great

disaster. Moreover also Naxos compelled them, since it had not been conquered at the former time.[86] 96.

And when they had arrived at Naxos, coming against it from the Icarian Sea (for it was against Naxos first

that the Persians intended to make expedition, remembering the former events), the Naxians departed

forthwith fleeing to the mountains, and did not await their attack; but the Persians made slaves of those of

them whom they caught and set fire to both the temples and the town. Having so done they put out to sea to

97. While these were doing thus, the Delians also had left Delos and fled away to Tenos; and when the

armament was sailing in thither, Datis sailed on before and did not allow the ships to anchor at the island of

Delos, but at Rhenaia on the other side of the channel; and he himself, having found out by inquiry where the

men of Delos were, sent a herald and addressed them thus: "Holy men, why are ye fled away and departed,

having judged of me that which is not convenient? for even I of myself have wisdom at least so far, and

moreover it has been thus commanded me by the king, not to harm at all that land in which the two divinities

were born, neither the land itself nor the inhabitants of it. Now therefore return to your own possessions and

dwell in your island." Thus he proclaimed by a herald to the Delians; and after this he piled up and burned

upon the altar three hundred talents' weight of frankincense. 98. Datis having done these things sailed away

with his army to fight against Eretria first, taking with him both Ionians and Aiolians; and after he had put out

to sea from thence, Delos was moved, not having been shaken (as the Delians reported to me) either before

that time or since that down to my own time; and this no doubt the god[86a] manifested as a portent to men

of the evils that were about to be; for in the time of Dareios the son of Hystaspes and Xerxes the son of

Dareios and Artoxerxes the son of Xerxes, three generations following upon one another, there happened

more evils to Hellas than during the twenty other generations which came before Dareios, some of the evils

coming to it from the Persians, and others from the leaders themselves of Hellas warring together for

supremacy. Thus it was not unreasonable that Delos should be moved, which was before unmoved. [And in

Now in the Hellenic tongue the names which have been mentioned have this meaningDareios means

"compeller,"[88] Xerxes "warrior,"[89] Artoxerxes "great warrior."[90] Thus then might the Hellenes rightly

99. The Barbarians then, when they had departed from Delos, touched at the islands as they went, and from

them received additional forces and took sons of the islanders as hostages: and when in sailing round about

the islands they put in also to Carystos, seeing that the Carystians would neither give them hostages nor

consent to join in an expedition against cities that were their neighbours, meaning Eretria and Athens, they

began to besiege them and to ravage their land; until at last the Carystians also came over to the will of the

Persians. 100. The Eretrians meanwhile being informed that the armament of the Persians was sailing to

attack them, requested the Athenians to help them; and the Athenians did not refuse their support, but gave as

helpers those four thousand to whom had been allotted the land of the wealthy[91] Chalkidians. The Eretrians

however, as it turned out, had no sound plan of action, for while they sent for the Athenians, they had in their

minds two different designs: some of them, that is, proposed to leave the city and go to the heights of Eub�a;

while others of them, expecting to win gain for themselves from the Persian, were preparing to surrender the

place. Having got knowledge of how things were as regards both these plans, Aischines the son of Nothon,

one of the leaders of the Eretrians, told the whole condition of their affairs to those of the Athenians who had

come, and entreated them to depart and go to their own land, that they might not also perish. So the

Athenians did according to this counsel given to them by Aischines. 101. And while these passed over to

Oropos and saved themselves, the Persians sailed on and brought their ships to land about Temenos and

Chioreai and Aigilea in the Eretrian territory; and having taken possession of these places,[91a] forthwith

they began to disembark their horses and prepared to advance against the enemy. The Eretrians however did

not intend to come forth against them and fight; but their endeavour was if possible to hold out by defending

their walls, since the counsel prevailed not to leave the city. Then a violent assault was made upon the wall,

and for six days there fell many on both sides; but on the seventh day Euphorbos the son of Alkimachos and

Philagros the son of Kyneos, men of repute among the citizens, gave up the city to the Persians. These having

entered the city plundered and set fire to the temples in retribution for the temples which were burned at

Sardis, and also reduced the people to slavery according to the commands of Dareios.

102. Having got Eretria into their power, they stayed a few days and then sailed for the land of Attica,

pressing on[92] hard and supposing that the Athenians would do the same as the Eretrians had done. And

since Marathon was the most convenient place in Attica for horsemen to act and was also very near to Eretria,

therefore Hippias the son of Peisistratos was guiding them thither. 103. When the Athenians had information

of this, they too went to Marathon to the rescue of their land; and they were led by ten generals, of whom the

tenth was Miltiades, whose father Kimon of Stesagoras had been compelled to go into exile from Athens

because of Peisistratos the son of Hippocrates: and while he was in exile it was his fortune to win a victory at

the Olympic games with a fourhorse chariot, wherein, as it happened, he did the same thing as his

halfbrother Miltiades[93] had done, who had the same mother as he. Then afterwards in the next succeeding

Olympic games he gained a victory with the same mares and allowed Peisistratos to be proclaimed as victor;

and having resigned to him the victory he returned to his own native land under an agreement for peace. Then

after he had won with the same mares at another Olympic festival, it was his hap to be slain by the sons of

Peisistratos, Peisistratos himself being no longer alive. These killed him near the City Hall, having set men to

lie in wait for him by night; and the burialplace of Kimon is in the outskirts of the city, on the other side of

the road which is called the way through Coile, and just opposite him those mares are buried which won in

three Olympic games. This same thing was done also by the mares belonging to Euagoras the Laconian, but

besides these by none others. Now the elder of the sons of Kimon, Stesagoras, was at that time being brought

up in the house of his father's brother Miltiades in the Chersonese, while the younger son was being brought

up at Athens with Kimon himself, having been named Miltiades after Miltiades the settler of the Chersonese.

104. This Miltiades then at the time of which we speak had come from the Chersonese and was a general of

the Athenians, after escaping death in two forms; for not only did the Phenicians, who had pursued after him

as far as Imbros, endeavour earnestly to take him and bring him up to the presence of the king, but also after

this, when he had escaped from these and had come to his own native land and seemed to be in safety from

that time forth, his opponents, who had laid wait for him there, brought him up before a court and prosecuted

him for his despotism in the Chersonese. Having escaped these also, he had then been appointed a general of

105. First of all, while they were still in the city, the generals sent off to Sparta a herald, namely

Pheidippides[94] an Athenian and for the rest a runner of long daycourses and one who practised this as his

profession. With this man, as Pheidippides himself said and as he made report to the Athenians, Pan chanced

to meet by mount Parthenion, which is above Tegea; and calling aloud the name of Pheidippides, Pan bade

him report to the Athenians and ask for what reason they had no care of him, though he was well disposed to

the Athenians and had been serviceable to them on many occasions before that time, and would be so also yet

again. Believing that this tale was true, the Athenians, when their affairs had been now prosperously settled,

established under the Acropolis a temple of Pan; and in consequence of this message they propitiate him with

sacrifice offered every year and with a torchrace. 106. However at that time, the time namely when he said

that Pan appeared to him, this Pheidippides having been sent by the generals was in Sparta on the next day

after that on which he left the city of the Athenians; and when he had come to the magistrates he said:

"Lacedemonians, the Athenians make request of you to come to their help and not to allow a city most

anciently established among the Hellenes to fall into slavery by the means of Barbarians; for even now

Eretria has been enslaved, and Hellas has become the weaker by a city of renown." He, as I say, reported to

them that with which he had been charged, and it pleased them well to come to help the Athenians; but it was

impossible for them to do so at once, since they did not desire to break their law; for it was the ninth day of

the month, and on the ninth day they said they would not go forth, nor until the circle of the moon should be

107. These men were waiting for the full moon: and meanwhile Hippias the son of Peisistratos was guiding

the Barbarians in to Marathon, after having seen on the night that was just past a vision in his sleep of this

kind,it seemed to Hippias that he lay with his own mother. He conjectured then from the dream that he

should return to Athens and recover his rule, and then bring his life to an end in old age in his own land.

From the dream, I say, he conjectured this; and after this, as he guided them in, first he disembarked the

slaves from Eretria on the island belonging to the Styrians, called Aigleia;[96] and then, as the ships came in

to shore at Marathon, he moored them there, and after the Barbarians had come from their ships to land, he

was engaged in disposing them in their places. While he was ordering these things, it came upon him to

sneeze and cough more violently than was his wont. Then since he was advanced in years, most of his teeth

were shaken thereby, and one of these teeth he cast forth by the violence of the cough:[97] and the tooth

having fallen from him upon the sand, he was very desirous to find it; since however the tooth was not to be

found when he searched, he groaned aloud and said to those who were by him: "This land is not ours, nor

shall we be able to make it subject to us; but so much part in it as belonged to me the tooth possesses."

108. Hippias then conjectured that his vision had been thus fulfilled: and meanwhile, after the Athenians had

been drawn up in the sacred enclosure of Heracles, there joined them the Plataians coming to their help in a

body: for the Plataians had given themselves to the Athenians, and the Athenians before this time undertook

many toils on behalf of them; and this was the manner in which they gave themselves: Being oppressed by

the Thebans, the Plataians at first desired to give themselves to Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides and to the

Lacedemonians, who chanced to come thither; but these did not accept them, and said to them as follows:

"We dwell too far off, and such support as ours would be to you but cold comfort; for ye might many times

be reduced to slavery before any of us had information of it: but we counsel you rather to give yourselves to

the Athenians, who are both neighbours and also not bad helpers." Thus the Lacedemonians counselled, not

so much on account of their goodwill to the Plataians as because they desired that the Athenians should have

trouble by being involved in a conflict with the B�tians. The Lacedemonians, I say, thus counselled the men

of Plataia; and they did not fail to follow their counsel, but when the Athenians were doing sacrifice to the

twelve gods, they sat down as suppliants at the altar and so gave themselves. Then the Thebans having been

informed of these things marched against the Plataians, and the Athenians came to their assistance: and as

they were about to join battle, the Corinthians did not permit them to do so, but being by chance there, they

reconciled their strife; and both parties having put the matter into their hands, they laid down boundaries for

the land, with the condition that the Thebans should leave those of the B�otians alone who did not desire to

be reckoned with the other B�otians. The Corinthians having given this decision departed; but as the

Athenians were going back, the B�otians attacked them, and having attacked them they were worsted in the

fight. Upon that the Athenians passed beyond the boundaries which the Corinthians had set to be for the

Plataians, and they made the river Asopos itself to be the boundary of the Thebans towards the land of Plataia

and towards the district of Hysiai. The Plataians then had given themselves to the Athenians in the manner

109. Now the opinions of the generals of the Athenians were divided, and the one party urged that they

should not fight a battle, seeing that they were too few to fight with the army of the Medes, while the others,

and among them Miltiades, advised that they should do so: and when they were divided and the worse

opinion was like to prevail, then, since he who had been chosen by lot[98] to be polemarch of the Athenians

had a vote in addition to the ten (for in old times the Athenians gave the polemarch an equal vote with the

generals) and at that time the polemarch was Callimachos of the deme of Aphidnai, to him came Miltiades

and said as follows: "With thee now it rests, Callimachos, either to bring Athens under slavery, or by making

her free to leave behind thee for all the time that men shall live a memorial such as not even Harmodios and

Aristogeiton have left. For now the Athenians have come to a danger the greatest to which they have ever

come since they were a people; and on the one hand, if they submit to the Medes, it is determined what they

shall suffer, being delivered over to Hippias, while on the other hand, if this city shall gain the victory, it may

become the first of the cities of Hellas. How this may happen and how it comes to thee of all men[99] to have

the decision of these matters, I am now about to tell. Of us the generals, who are ten in number, the opinions

are divided, the one party urging that we fight a battle and the others that we do not fight. Now if we do not, I

expect that some great spirit of discord will fall upon the minds of the Athenians and so shake them that they

shall go over to the Medes; but if we fight a battle before any unsoundness appear in any part of the Athenian

people, then we are able to gain the victory in the fight, if the gods grant equal conditions. These things then

all belong to thee and depend on thee; for if thou attach thyself to my opinions, thou hast both a fatherland

which is free and a native city which shall be the first among the cities of Hellas; but if thou choose the

opinion of those who are earnest against fighting, thou shalt have the opposite of those good things of which I

told thee." 110. Thus speaking Miltiades gained Callimachos to his side; and the opinion of the polemarch

being added, it was thus determined to fight a battle. After this, those generals whose opinion was in favour

of fighting, as the turn of each one of them to command for the day[100] came round, gave over their

command to Miltiades; and he, accepting it, would not however yet bring about a battle, until his own turn to

command had come. 111. And when it came round to him, then the Athenians were drawn up for battle in the

order which here follows: On the right wing the polemarch Callimachos was leader (for the custom of the

Athenians then was this, that the polemarch should have the right wing); and he leading, next after him came

the tribes in order as they were numbered one after another, and last were drawn up the Plataians occupying

the left wing: for[101] ever since this battle, when the Athenians offer sacrifices in the solemn

assemblies[102] which are made at the fouryearly festivals,[103] the herald of the Athenians prays thus,

"that blessings[104] may come to the Athenians and to the Plataians both." On this occasion however, when

the Athenians were being drawn up at Marathon something of this kind was done:their army being made

equal in length of front to that of the Medes, came to drawn up in the middle with a depth of but few ranks,

and here their army was weakest, while each wing was strengthened with numbers. 112. And when they had

been arranged in their places and the sacrifices proved favourable, then the Athenians were let go, and they

set forth at a run to attack the Barbarians. Now the space between the armies was not less than eight

furlongs:[105] and the Persians seeing them advancing to the attack at a run, made preparations to receive

them; and in their minds they charged the Athenians with madness which must be fatal, seeing that they were

few and yet were pressing forwards at a run, having neither cavalry nor archers.[106] Such was the thought of

the Barbarians; but the Athenians when all in a body they had joined in combat with the Barbarians, fought in

a memorable fashion: for they were the first of all the Hellenes about whom we know who went to attack the

enemy at a run, and they were the first also who endured to face the Median garments and the men who wore

them, whereas up to this time the very name of the Medes was to the Hellenes a terror to hear. 113. Now

while they fought in Marathon, much time passed by; and in the centre of the army, where the Persians

themselves and the Sacans were drawn up, the Barbarians were winning, here, I say, the Barbarians had

broken the ranks of their opponents and were pursuing them inland, but on both wings the Athenians and the

Plataians severally were winning the victory; and being victorious they left that part of the Barbarians which

had been routed to fly without molestation, and bringing together the two wings they fought with those who

had broken their centre, and the Athenians were victorious. So they followed after the Persians as they fled,

slaughtering them, until they came to the sea; and then they called for fire and began to take hold of the ships.

114. In this part of the work was slain the polemarch Callimachos after having proved himself a good man,

and also one of the generals, Stesilaos the son of Thrasylaos, was killed; and besides this Kynegeiros the son

of Euphorion while taking hold[107] there of the ornament at the stern of a ship had his hand cut off with an

axe and fell; and many others also of the Athenians who were men of note were killed. 115. Seven of the

ships the Athenians got possession of in this manner, but with the rest the Barbarians pushed off from land,

and after taking the captives from Eretria off the island where they had left them, they sailed round Sunion,

purposing to arrive at the city before the Athenians. And an accusation became current among the Athenians

to the effect that they formed this design by contrivance of the Alcmaionidai; for these, it was said, having

concerted matters with the Persians, displayed to them a shield when they had now embarked in their ships.

116. These then, I say, were sailing round Sunion; and meanwhile the Athenians came to the rescue back to

the city as speedily as they could, and they arrived there before the Barbarians came; and having arrived from

the temple of Heracles at Marathon they encamped at another temple of Heracles, namely that which is in

Kynosarges. The Barbarians however came and lay with their ships in the sea which is off Phaleron, (for this

was then the seaport of the Athenians), they anchored their ships, I say, off this place, and then proceeded to

117. In this fight at Marathon there were slain of the Barbarians about six thousand four hundred men, and of

the Athenians a hundred and ninety and two. Such was the number which fell on both sides; and it happened

also that a marvel occurred there of this kind:an Athenian, Epizelos the son of Cuphagoras, while fighting

in the close combat and proving himself a good man, was deprived of the sight of his eyes, neither having

received a blow in any part of his body nor having been hit with a missile, and for the rest of his life from this

time he continued to be blind: and I was informed that he used to tell about that which had happened to him a

tale of this kind, namely that it seemed to him that a tall man in full armour stood against him, whose beard

overshadowed his whole shield; and this apparition passed him by, but killed his comrade who stood next to

118. Datis, however, as he was going with his army to Asia, when he had come to Myconos saw a vision in

his sleep; and of what nature the vision was it is not reported, but as soon as day dawned he caused a search

to be made of the ships, and finding in a Phenician ship an image of Apollo overlaid with gold, he inquired

from whence it had been carried off. Then having been informed from what temple it came, he sailed in his

own ship to Delos: and finding that the Delians had returned then to the island, he deposited the image in the

temple and charged the men of Delos to convey it back to Delion in the territory of the Thebans, which is

situated by the seacoast just opposite Chalkis. Datis having given this charge sailed away: the Delians

however did not convey the statue back, but after an interval of twenty years the Thebans themselves brought

it to Delion by reason of an oracle. 119. Now as to those Eretrians who had been reduced to slavery, Datis

and Artaphrenes, when they reached Asia in their voyage, brought them up to Susa; and king Dareios, though

he had great anger against the Eretrians before they were made captive, because the Eretrians had done wrong

to him unprovoked, yet when he saw that they had been brought up to him and were in his power, he did

them no more evil, but established them as settlers in the Kissian land upon one of his own domains, of which

the name is Ardericca: and this is distant two hundred and ten furlongs from Susa and forty from the well

which produces things of three different kinds; for they draw from it asphalt, salt and oil, in the manner which

here follows:the liquid is drawn with a swipe, to which there is fastened half a skin instead of a bucket, and

a man strikes this down into it and draws up, and then pours it into a cistern, from which it runs through into

another vessel, taking three separate ways. The asphalt and the salt become solid at once, and the oil[108]

which is called by the Persians rhadinake, is black and gives out a disagreeable smell. Here king Dareios

established the Eretrians as settlers; and even to my time they continued to occupy this land, keeping still

120. Of the Lacedemonians there came to Athens two thousand after the full moon, making great haste to be

in time, so that they arrived in Attica on the third day after leaving Sparta: and though they had come too late

for the battle, yet they desired to behold the Medes; and accordingly they went out to Marathon and looked at

the bodies of the slain: then afterwards they departed home, commending the Athenians and the work which

121. Now it is a cause of wonder to me, and I do not accept the report, that the Alcmaionidai could ever have

displayed to the Persians a shield by a previous understanding, with the desire that the Athenians should be

under the Barbarians and under Hippias; seeing that they are evidently proved to have been haters of despots

as much or more than Callias the son of Phainippos and father of Hipponicos, while Callias for his part was

the only man of all the Athenians who dared, when Peisistratos was driven out of Athens, to buy his goods

offered for sale by the State, and in other ways also he contrived against him everything that was most

hostile: [122. Of this Callias it is fitting that every one should have remembrance for many reasons: first

because of that which has been before said, namely that he was a man of excellence in freeing his country;

and then also for that which he did at the Olympic games, wherein he gained a victory in the horse race and

was second in the chariotrace, and he had before this been a victor at the Pythian games, so that he was

distinguished in the sight of all Hellenes by the sums which he expended; and finally because he showed

himself a man of such liberality towards his daughters, who were three in number; for when they came to be

of ripe age for marriage, he gave them a most magnificent dowry and also indulged their inclinations; for

whomsoever of all the Athenians each one of them desired to choose as a husband for herself, to that man he

gave her.][109] 123, and similarly,[110] the Alcmaionidai were haters of despots equally or more[111] than

he. Therefore this is a cause of wonder to me, and I do not admit the accusation that these they were who

displayed the shield; seeing that they were in exile from the despots during their whole time, and that by their

contrivance the sons of Peisistratos gave up their rule. Thus it follows that they were the men who set Athens

free much more than Harmodios and Aristogeiton, as I judge: for these my slaying Hipparchos exasperated

the rest of the family of Peisistratos, and did not at all cause the others to cease from their despotism; but the

Alcmaionidai did evidently set Athens free, at least if these were in truth the men who persuaded the Pythian

prophetess to signify to the Lacedemonians that they should set Athens free, as I have set forth before. 124. It

may be said however that they had some cause of complaint against the people of the Athenians, and

therefore endeavoured to betray their native city. But on the contrary there were no men in greater repute than

they, among the Athenians at least, nor who had been more highly honoured. Thus it is not reasonable to

suppose that by them a shield should have been displayed for any such purpose. A shield was displayed,

however; that cannot be denied, for it was done: but as to who it was who displayed it, I am not able to say

125. Now the family of Alcmaionidai was distinguished in Athens in the earliest times also, and from the

time of Alcmaion and of Megacles after him they became very greatly distinguished. For first Alcmaion the

son of Megacles showed himself a helper of the Lydians from Sardis who came from Cr�sus to the Oracle at

Delphi, and assisted them with zeal; and Cr�sus having heard from the Lydians who went to the Oracle that

this man did him service, sent for him to Sardis; and when he came, he offered to give him a gift of as much

gold as he could carry away at once upon his own person. With a view to this gift, its nature being such,

Alcmaion made preparations and used appliances as follows: he put on a large tunic leaving a deep fold in

the tunic to hang down in front, and he draw on his feet the widest boots which he could find, and so went to

the treasury to which they conducted him. Then he fell upon a heap of golddust, and first he packed in by

the side of his legs so much of the gold as his boots would contain, and then he filled the whole fold of the

tunic with the gold and sprinkled some of the gold dust on the hair of his head and took some into his mouth,

and having so done he came forth out of the treasury, with difficulty dragging along his boots and resembling

anything in the world rather than a man; for his mouth was stuffed full, and every part of him was swelled

out: and upon Cr�sus came laughter when he saw him, and he not only gave him all that, but also presented

him in addition with more not inferior in value to that. Thus this house became exceedingly wealthy, and thus

the Alcmaion of whom I speak became a breeder of chariothorses and won a victory at Olympia. 126. Then

in the next generation after this, Cleisthenes the despot of Sikyon exalted the family, so that it became of

much more note among the Hellenes than it had been formerly. For Cleisthenes the son of Arisonymos, the

son of Myron, the son of Andreas, had a daughter whose name was Agariste; and as to her he formed a desire

to find out the best man of all the Hellenes and to assign her to him in marriage. So when the Olympic games

were being held and Cleisthenes was victor in them with a four horse chariot, he caused a proclamation to

be made, that whosoever of the Hellenes thought himself worthy to be the soninlaw of Cleisthenes should

come on the sixtieth day, or before that if he would, to Sikyon; for Cleisthenes intended to conclude the

marriage within a year, reckoning from the sixtieth day. Then all those of the Hellenes who had pride either

in themselves or in their high descent,[112] came as wooers, and for them Cleisthenes had a running course

and a wrestlingplace made and kept them expressly for their use. 127. From Italy came Smindyrides the son

of Hippocrates of Sybaris, who of all men on earth reached the highest point of luxury (now Sybaris at this

time was in the height of its prosperity), and Damasos of Siris, the son of that Amyris who was called the

Wise; these came from Italy: from the Ionian gulf came Amphimnestos the son of Epistrophos of Epidamnos,

this man from the Ionian gulf: from Aitolia came Males, the brother of that Titormos who surpassed all the

Hellenes in strength and who fled from the presence of men to the furthest extremities of the Aitolian land:

from Peloponnesus, Leokedes the son of Pheidon the despot of the Argives, that Pheidon who established for

the Peloponnesians the measures which they use, and who went beyond all other Hellenes in wanton

insolence, since he removed from their place the presidents of the games appointed by the Eleians and

himself presided over the games at Olympia,his son, I say, and Amiantos the son of Lycurgos an Arcadian

from Trapezus, and Laphanes an Azanian from the city of Paios, son of that Euphorion who (according to the

story told in Arcadia) received the Dioscuroi as guests in his house and from thenceforth was wont to

entertain all men who came, and Onomastos the son of Agaios of Elis; these, I say, came from Peloponnesus

itself: from Athens came Megacles the son of that Alcmaion who went to Cr�sus, and besides him

Hippocleides the son of Tisander, one who surpassed the other Athenians in wealth and in comeliness of

form: from Eretria, which at that time was flourishing, came Lysanias, he alone from Eub�a: from Thessalia

came Diactorides of Crannon, one of the family of the Scopadai: and from the Molossians, Alcon. 128. So

many in number did the wooers prove to be: and when these had come by the appointed day, Cleisthenes first

inquired of their native countries and of the descent of each one, and then keeping them for a year he made

trial continually both of their manly virtue and of their disposition, training and temper, associating both with

each one separately and with the whole number together: and he made trial of them both by bringing out to

bodily exercises those of them who were younger, and also especially in the common feast: for during all the

time that he kept them he did everything that could be done, and at the same time he entertained them

magnificently. Now it chanced that those of the wooers pleased him most who had come from Athens, and of

these Hippocleides the son of Tisander was rather preferred, both by reason of manly virtues and also because

he was connected by descent with the family of Kypselos at Corinth. 129. Then when the appointed day came

for the marriage banquet and for Cleisthenes himself to declare whom he selected from the whole number,

Cleisthenes sacrificed a hundred oxen and feasted both the wooers themselves and all the people of Sikyon;

and when the dinner was over, the wooers began to vie with one another both in music and in speeches for

the entertainment of the company;[113] and as the drinking went forward and Hippocleides was very much

holding the attention of the others,[114] he bade the fluteplayer play for him a dancemeasure; and when

the fluteplayer did so, he danced: and it so befell that he pleased himself in his dancing, but Cleisthenes

looked on at the whole matter with suspicion. Then Hippocleides after a certain time bade one bring in a

table; and when the table came in, first he danced upon it Laconian figures, and then also Attic, and thirdly he

planted his head upon the table and gesticulated with his legs. Cleisthenes meanwhile, when he was dancing

the first and the second time, though he abhorred the thought that Hippocleides should now become his

soninlaw, because of his dancing and his shamelessness, yet restrained himself, not desiring to break out in

anger against him; but when he saw that he thus gesticulated with his legs, he was no longer able to restrain

himself, but said: "Thou hast danced away thy marriage however,[115] son of Tisander!" and Hippocleides

answered and said: "Hippocleides cares not!" 130, and hence comes this saying. Then Cleisthenes caused

silence to be made, and spoke to the company as follows: "Men who are wooers of my daughter, I commend

you all, and if it were possible I would gratify you all, neither selecting one of you to be preferred, nor

rejecting the remainder. Since however it is not possible, as I am deliberating about one maiden only, to act

so as to please all, therefore to those of you who are rejected from this marriage I give as a gift a talent of

silver to each one for the worthy estimation ye had of me, in that ye desired to marry from my house, and for

the time of absence from your homes; and to the son of Alcmaion, Megacles, I offer my daughter Agariste in

betrothal according to the customs of the Athenians." Thereupon Megacles said that he accepted the

131. Thus it happened as regards the judgment of the wooers, and thus the Alcmaionidai got renown over all

Hellas. And these having been married, there was born to them that Cleisthenes who established the tribes

and the democracy for the Athenians, he being called after the Sikyonian Cleisthenes, his mother's father; this

son, I say, was born to Megacles, and also Hippocrates: and of Hippocrates came another Megacles and

another Agariste, called after Agariste, the daughter of Cleisthenes, who having been married to Xanthippos

the son of Ariphron and being with child, saw a vision in her sleep, and it seemed to her that she had brought

132. After the defeat at Marathon, Miltiades, who even before was well reputed with the Athenians, came

then to be in much higher estimation: and when he asked the Athenians for seventy ships and an army with

supplies of money, not declaring to them against what land he was intending to make an expedition, but

saying that he would enrich them greatly if they would go with him, for he would lead them to a land of such

a kind that they would easily get from it gold in abundance, thus saying he asked for the ships; and the

Athenians, elated by these words, delivered them over to him. 133. Then Miltiades, when he had received the

army, proceeded to sail to Paris with the pretence that the Parians had first attacked Athens by making

expedition with triremes to Marathon in company with the Persian: this was the pretext which he put forward,

but he had also a grudge against the Parians on account of Lysagoras the son of Tisias, who was by race of

Paros, for having accused him to Hydarnes the Persian. So when Miltiades had arrived at the place to which

he was sailing, he began to besiege the Parians with his army, first having shut them up within their wall; and

sending in to them a herald he asked for a hundred talents, saying that if they refused to give them, his army

should not return back[116] until it had conquered them completely. The Parians however had no design of

giving any money to Miltiades, but contrived only how they might defend their city, devising various things

besides and also this,wherever at any time the wall proved to be open to attack, that point was raised when

night came on to double its former height. 134. So much of the story is reported by all the Hellenes, but as to

what followed the Parians alone report, and they say that it happened thus: When Miltiades was at a loss, it

is said, there came a woman to speech with him, who had been taken prisoner, a Parian by race whose name

was Timo, an underpriestess[117] of the Earth goddesses;[118] she, they say, came into the presence of

Miltiades and counselled him that if he considered it a matter of much moment to conquer Paros, he could do

that which she should suggest to him; and upon that she told him her meaning. He accordingly passed

through to the hill which is before the city and leapt over the fence of the temple of Demeter Giver of

Laws,[119] not being able to open the door; and then having leapt over he went on towards the

sanctuary[120] with the design of doing something within, whether it were that he meant to lay hands on

some of the things which should not be touched, or whatever else he intended to do; and when he had reached

the door, forthwith a shuddering fear came over him and he set off to go back the same way as he came, and

as he leapt down from the wall of rough stones his thigh was dislocated, or, as others say, he struck his knee

against the wall. 135. Miltiades accordingly, being in a wretched case, set forth to sail homewards, neither

bringing wealth to the Athenians nor having added to them the possession of Paros, but having besieged the

city for sixandtwenty days and laid waste the island: and the Parians being informed that Timo the

underpriestess of the goddesses had acted as a guide to Miltiades, desired to take vengeance upon her for

this, and they sent messengers to Delphi to consult the god, so soon as they had leisure from the siege; and

these messengers they sent to ask whether they should put to death the underpriestess of the goddesses, who

had been a guide to their enemies for the capture of her native city and had revealed to Miltiades the

mysteries which might not be uttered to a male person. The Pythian prophetess however forbade them, saying

that Timo was not the true author of these things, but since it was destined that Miltiades should end his life

not well, she had appeared to guide him to his evil fate. 136. Thus the Pythian prophetess replied to the

Parians: and the Athenians, when Miltiades had returned back from Paros, began to talk of him, and among

the rest especially Xanthippos the son of Ariphron, who brought Miltiades up before the people claiming the

penalty of death and prosecuted him for his deception of the Athenians: and Miltiades did not himself make

his own defence, although he was present, for he was unable to do so because his thigh was mortifying; but

he lay in public view upon a bed, while his friends made a defence for him, making mention much both of the

battle which had been fought at Marathon and of the conquest of Lemnos, namely how he had conquered

Lemnos and taken vengeance on the Pelasgians, and had delivered it over to the Athenians: and the people

came over to his part as regards the acquittal from the penalty of death, but they imposed a fine of fifty talents

for the wrong committed: and after this Miltiades died, his thigh having gangrened and mortified, and the

137. Now Miltiades son of Kimon had thus taken possession of the Lemnos:After the Pelasgians had been

cast out of Attica by the Athenians, whether justly or unjustly,for about this I cannot tell except the things

reported, which are these:Hecataois on the one hand, the son of Hegesander, said in his history that it was

done unjustly; for he said that when the Athenians saw the land which extends below Hymettos, which they

had themselves given them[121] to dwell in, as payment for the wall built round the Acropolis in former

times, when the Athenians, I say, saw that this land was made good by cultivation, which before was bad and

worthless, they were seized with jealousy and with longing to possess the land, and so drove them out, not

alleging any other pretext: but according to the report of the Athenians themselves they drove them out justly;

for the Pelasgians being settled under Hymettos made this a startingpoint and committed wrong against

them as follows:the daughters and sons of the Athenians were wont ever to go for water to the spring of

Enneacrunos; for at that time neither they nor the other Hellenes as yet had household servants; and when

these girls came, the Pelasgians in wantonness and contempt of the Athenians would offer them violence; and

it was not enough for them even to do this, but at last they were found in the act of plotting an attack upon the

city: and the narrators say that they herein proved themselves better men than the Pelasgians, inasmuch as

when they might have slain the Pelasgians, who had been caught plotting against them, they did not choose to

do so, but ordered them merely to depart out of the land: and thus having departed out of the land, the

Pelasgians took possession of several older places and especially of Lemnos. The former story is that which

was reported by Hecataios, while the latter is that which is told by the Athenians. 138. These Pelasgians then,

dwelling after that in Lemnos, desired to take vengeance on the Athenians; and having full knowledge also of

the festivals of the Athenians, they got[122] fifty oared galleys and laid wait for the women of the

Athenians when they were keeping festival to Artemis in Brauron; and having carried off a number of them

from thence, they departed and sailed away home, and taking the women to Lemnos they kept them as

concubines. Now when these women had children gradually more and more, they made it their practice to

teach their sons both the Attic tongue and the manners of the Athenians. And these were not willing to

associate with the sons of the Pelasgian women, and moreover if any of them were struck by any one of

those, they all in a body came to the rescue and helped one another. Moreover the boys claimed to have

authority over the other boys and got the better of them easily. Perceiving these things the Pelasgians

considered the matter; and when they took counsel together, a fear came over them and they thought, if the

boys were indeed resolved now to help one another against the sons of the legitimate wives, and were

endeavouring already from the first to have authority over them, what would they do when they were grown

up to be men? Then they determined to put to death the sons of the Athenian women, and this they actually

did; and in addition to them they slew their mothers also. From this deed and from that which was done

before this, which the women did when they killed Thoas and the rest, who were their own husbands, it has

become a custom in Hellas that all deeds of great cruelty should be called "Lemnian deeds." 139. After the

Pelasgians had killed their own sons and wives, the earth did not bear fruit for them, nor did their women or

their cattle bring forth young as they did before; and being hard pressed by famine and by childlessness, they

sent to Delphi to ask for a release from the evils which were upon them; and the Pythian prophetess bade

them pay such penalty to the Athenians as the Athenians themselves should appoint. The Pelasgians came

accordingly to Athens and professed that they were willing to pay the penalty for all the wrong which they

had done: and the Athenians laid a couch in the fairest possible manner in the City Hall, and having set by it a

table covered with all good things, they bade the Pelasgians deliver up to them their land in that condition.

Then the Pelasgians answered and said: "When with a North Wind in one single day a ship shall accomplish

the voyage from your land to ours, then we will deliver it up," feeling assured that it was impossible for this

to happen, since Attica lies far away to the South of Lemnos. 140. Such were the events which happened

then: and very many years later, after the Chersonese which is by the Hellespont had come to be under the

Athenians, Miltiades the son of Kimon, when the Etesian Winds blew steadily, accomplished the voyage in a

ship from Elaius in the Chersonese to Lemnos, and proclaimed to the Pelasgians that they should depart out

of the island, reminding them of the oracle, which the Pelasgians had never expected would be accomplished

for them. The men of Hephaistia accordingly obeyed; but those of Myrina, not admitting that the Chersonese

was Attica, suffered a siege, until at last these also submitted. Thus it was that the Athenians and Miltiades

5. tou Dareiou: a conjecture based upon Valla's translation. The MSS. have ton Dareion.

13. ton en te naumakhie: perhaps we should read ten en te naumakhin, "which took place in the seafight."

21. stadioi: the distances here mentioned are equal to a little more than four and a little less than fifty miles

24. That is to say, Kimon was his halfbrother, and Stesagoras and the younger Miltiades his nephews.

27. eleluthee, but the meaning must be this, and it is explained by the clause, trito men gar etei k.t.l.

31. Or "Scaptesyle." (The Medicean MS. however has skaptes ules, not skaptesules, as reported by Stein.)

36. This is commonly understood to mean, leaving out of account the god who was father of Perseus; but the

reason for stopping short at Perseus is given afterwards, and the expression tou theou apeontos refers perhaps

rather to the case of Heracles, the legend of whose birth is rejected by Herodotus (see ii. 43), and rejected also

by this genealogy, which passes through Amphitryon up to Perseus. I take it that tou theou apeontos means

"reckoning Heracles" (who is mentioned by name just below in this connexion) "as the son of Amphitryon

38. medimnon, the Lacedemonian medimnos being equal to rather more than two bushels.

42a. The loose manner in which this is expressed, leaving it uncertain whether each king was supposed by the

writer to have two votes given for him (cp. Thuc. i. 20), or whether the double vote was one for each king,

52. di a: a conjectural emendation of dia ta. Some Editors suppose that other words have dropped out.

63. up Arkadon: several good MSS. have ton Arkadon, which is adopted by some Editors. The meaning

would be "near this city it is said that there is the Styx water of the Arcadians."

66. The MSS. give also "Sepeia" and "Sipeia." The place is not elsewhere mentioned.

78. penteteris. The reading penteres, which is given by most of the MSS. and by several Editors, can hardly

83. mounomakhien epaskeon, "practising single combat," as if training for the games.

84. para te Ikarion: the use of para and the absence of the article may justify the conjecture para te

Ikarion (or Ikaron) "by Icaria" (or "Icaros"), the island from which the Icarian Sea had its name.

85. This perhaps should be emended, for the event referred to occurred two years before, cp. ch. 46 and 48.

87. This in brackets is probably an interpolation. It is omitted by some of the best MSS. Some Editors suspect

92. katergontes: the word is not elsewhere found intransitive, yet it is rather difficult to supply tous

93. Lit. "and it happened that in winning this victory he won the same victory as his halfbrother Miltiades."

101. Some Editors propose to omit gar or alter it. If it be allowed to stand, the meaning must be that the

102. es tas panegurias, some MSS. have kai panegurias, "hold sacrifices and solemn assemblies."

106. Whether this is thrown in here by the historian as an explanation of the rapid advance, or as an

additional source of wonder on the part of the Persians at the boldness of the Athenians, is not clear.

108. The account of how the oil was dealt with has perhaps dropt out: one MS. and the Aldine edition have

109. This chapter is omitted by several of the best MSS., and is almost certainly an interpolation. (In the

110. Answering to "Callias for his part" at the end of ch. 121, the connexion being broken by the interpolated

116. aponostesein: some MSS. have apanastesein, "he would not take away his army thence."

121. sphi autoi: a conjectural rendering of sphisi autoisi, which can only be taken with eousan, meaning

"belonging to them" i.e. the Athenians, and involves the insertion of Pelasgoisi or something equivalent with

122. ktesamenoi: some MSS. and editions have stesamenoi, "set fiftyoared galleys in place."

1. Now when the report came to Dareios the son of Hystaspes of the battle which was fought at Marathon, the

king, who even before this had been greatly exasperated with the Athenians on account of the attack made

upon Sardis, then far more than before displayed indignation, and was far more desirous of making a march

against Hellas. Accordingly at once he sent messengers to the various cities and ordered that they should get

ready a force, appointing to each people to supply much more than at the former time, and not only ships of

war, but also horses and provisions and transport vessels;[1] and when these commands were carried round,

all Asia was moved for three years, for all the best men were being enlisted for the expedition against Hellas,

and were making preparations. In the fourth year however the Egyptians, who had been reduced to subjection

by Cambyses, revolted from the Persians; and then he was even more desirous of marching against both these

2. While Dareios was thus preparing to set out against Egypt and against Athens, there arose a great strife

among his sons about the supreme power; and they said that he must not make his expeditions until he had

designated one of them to be king, according to the custom of the Persians. For to Dareios already before he

became king three sons had been born of his former wife the daughter of Gobryas, and after he became king

four other sons of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus: of the first the eldest was Artobazanes, and of those who had

been born later, Xerxes. These being not of the same mother were at strife with one another, Artobazanes

contending that he was the eldest of all the sons, and that it was a custom maintained by all men that the

eldest should have the rule, and Xerxes arguing that he was the son of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus, and that

Cyrus was he who had won for the Persians their freedom. 3. Now while Dareios did not as yet declare his

judgment, it chanced that Demaratos also, the son of Ariston, had come up to Susa at this very same time,

having been deprived of the kingdom in Sparta and having laid upon himself a sentence of exile from

Lacedemon. This man, hearing of the difference between the sons of Dareios, came (as it is reported of him)

and counselled Xerxes to say in addition to those things which he was wont to say, that he had been born to

Dareios at the time when he was already reigning as king and was holding the supreme power over the

Persians, while Artobazanes had been born while Dareios was still in a private station: it was not fitting

therefore nor just that another should have the honour before him; for even in Sparta, suggested Demaratos,

this was the custom, that is to say, if some of the sons had been born first, before their father began to reign,

and another came after, born later while he was reigning, the succession of the kingdom belonged to him who

had been born later. Xerxes accordingly made use of the suggestion of Demaratos; and Dareios perceiving

that he spoke that which was just, designated him to be king. It is my opinion however that even without this

suggestion Xerxes would have become king, for Atossa was allpowerful. 4. Then having designated Xerxes

to the Persians as their king, Dareios wished to go on his expeditions. However in the next year after this and

after the revolt of Egypt, it came to pass that Dareios himself died, having been king in all sixandthirty

years; and thus he did not succeed in taking vengeance either upon the revolted Egyptians or upon the

5. Dareios being dead the kingdom passed to his son Xerxes. Now Xerxes at the first was by no means

anxious to make a march against Hellas, but against Egypt he continued to gather a force. Mardonios

however, the son of Gobryas, who was a cousin of Xerxes, being sister's son to Dareios, was ever at his side,

and having power with him more than any other of the Persians, he kept continually to such discourse as this

which follows, saying: "Master, it is not fitting that the Athenians, after having done to the Persians very

great evil, should not pay the penalty for that which they have done. What if thou shouldest[2] at this present

time do that which thou hast in thy hands to do; and when thou hast tamed the land of Egypt, which has

broken out insolently against us, then do thou march an army against Athens, that a good report may be made

of thee by men, and that in future every one may beware of making expeditions against thy land." Thus far

his speech had to do with vengeance,[3] and to this he would make addition as follows, saying that Europe

was a very fair land and bore all kinds of trees that are cultivated for fruit, and was of excellent fertility, and

such that the king alone of all mortals was worthy to possess it. 6. These things he was wont to say, since he

was one who had a desire for perilous enterprise and wished to be himself the governor of Hellas under the

king. So in time he prevailed upon Xerxes and persuaded him to do this; for other things also assisted him

and proved helpful to him in persuading Xerxes. In the first place there had come from Thessaly messengers

sent by the Aleuadai, who were inviting the king to come against Hellas and were showing great zeal in his

cause, (now these Aleuadai were kings of Thessaly): and then secondly those of the sons of Peisistratos who

had come up to Susa were inviting him also, holding to the same arguments as the Aleuadai; and moreover

they offered him yet more inducement in addition to these; for there was one Onomacritos an Athenian, who

both uttered oracles and also had collected and arranged the oracles of Musaios;[4] and with this man they

had come up, after they had first reconciled the enmity between them. For Onomacritos had been driven forth

from Athens by Hipparchos the son of Peisistratos, having been caught by Lasos of Hermion interpolating in

the works of Musaios an oracle to the effect that the islands which lie off Lemnos should disappear[5] under

the sea. For this reason Hipparchos drove him forth, having before this time been very much wont to consult

him. Now however he had gone up with them; and when he had come into the presence of the king, the sons

of Peisistratos spoke of him in magnificent terms, and he repeated some of the oracles; and if there was in

them anything which imported disaster to the Barbarians, of this he said nothing; but choosing out of them

the most fortunate things he told how it was destined that the Hellespont should be yoked with a bridge by a

Persian, and he set forth the manner of the march. He then thus urged Xerxes with oracles, while the sons of

7. So when Xerxes had been persuaded to make an expedition against Hellas, then in the next year after the

death of Dareios he made a march first against those who had revolted. Having subdued these and having

reduced all Egypt to slavery much greater than it had suffered in the reign of Dareios, he entrusted the

government of it to Achaimenes his own brother, a son of Dareios. Now this Achaimenes being a governor of

Egypt was slain afterwards by Inaros the son of Psammetichos, a Libyan. 8. Xerxes then after the conquest of

Egypt, being about to take in hand the expedition against Athens, summoned a chosen assembly of the best

men among the Persians, that he might both learn their opinions and himself in the presence of all declare that

which he intended to do; and when they were assembled, Xerxes spoke to them as follows: (a) "Persians, I

shall not be the first to establish this custom in your nation, but having received it from others I shall follow

it: for as I am informed by those who are older than myself, we never yet have kept quiet since we received

this supremacy in succession to the Medes, when Cyrus overthrew Astyages; but God thus leads us, and for

ourselves tends to good that we are busied about many things. Now about the nations which Cyrus and

Cambyses and my father Dareios subdued and added to their possessions there is no need for me to speak,

since ye know well: and as for me, from the day when I received by inheritance this throne upon which I

sit[6] I carefully considered always how in this honourable place I might not fall short of those who have

been before me, nor add less power to the dominion of the Persians: and thus carefully considering I find a

way by which not only glory may be won by us, together with a land not less in extent nor worse than that

which we now possess, (and indeed more varied in its productions), but also vengeance and retribution may

be brought about. Wherefore I have assembled you together now, in order that I may communicate to you

that which I have it in my mind to do. (b) I design to yoke the Hellespont with a bridge, and to march an army

through Europe against Hellas, in order that I may take vengeance on the Athenians for all the things which

they have done both to the Persians and to my father. Ye saw how my father Dareios also was purposing to

make an expedition against these men; but he has ended his life and did not succeed in taking vengeance

upon them. I however, on behalf of him and also of the other Persians, will not cease until I have conquered

Athens and burnt it with fire; seeing that they did wrong unprovoked to me and to my father. First they went

to Sardis, having come with Aristagoras the Milesian our slave, and they set fire to the sacred groves and the

temples; and then secondly, what things they did to us when we disembarked in their land, at the time when

Datis and Artaphrenes were commanders of our army, ye all know well, as I think.[7] (c) For these reasons[8]

I have resolved to make an expedition against them, and reckoning I find in the matter so many good things

as ye shall hear:if we shall subdue these and the neighbours of these, who dwell in the land of Pelops the

Phrygian, we shall cause the Persian land to have the same boundaries as the heaven of Zeus; since in truth

upon no land will the sun look down which borders ours, but I with your help shall make all the lands into

one land, having passed through the whole extent of Europe. For I am informed that things are so, namely

that there is no city of men nor any race of human beings remaining, which will be able to come to a contest

with us, when those whom I just now mentioned have been removed out of the way. Thus both those who

have committed wrong against us will have the yoke of slavery, and also those who have not committed

wrong. (d) And ye will please me best if ye do this: whensoever I shall signify to you the time at which ye

ought to come, ye must appear every one of you with zeal for the service; and whosoever shall come with a

force best equipped, to him I will give gifts such as are accounted in our land to be the most honourable. Thus

must these things be done: but that I may not seem to you to be following my own counsel alone, I propose

the matter for discussion, bidding any one of you who desires it, declare his opinion."

Having thus spoken he ceased; 9, and after him Mardonios said: "Master, thou dost surpass not only all the

Persians who were before thee, but also those who shall come after, since thou didst not only attain in thy

words to that which is best and truest as regards other matters, but also thou wilt not permit the Ionians who

dwell in Europe to make a mock of us, having no just right to do so: for a strange thing it would be if, when

we have subdued and kept as our servants Sacans, Indians, Ethiopians, Assyrians, and other nations many in

number and great, who have done no wrong to the Persians, because we desired to add to our dominions, we

should not take vengeance on the Hellenes who committed wrong against us unprovoked. (a) Of what should

we be afraid?what gathering of numbers, or what resources of money? for their manner of fight we know,

and as for their resources, we know that they are feeble; and we have moreover subdued already their sons,

those I mean who are settled in our land and are called Ionians, Aiolians, and Dorians. Moreover I myself

formerly made trial of marching against these men, being commanded thereto by thy father; and although I

marched as far as Macedonia, and fell but little short of coming to Athens itself, no man came to oppose me

in fight. (b) And yet it is true that the Hellenes make wars, but (as I am informed) very much without wise

consideration, by reason of obstinacy and want of skill: for when they have proclaimed war upon one another,

they find out first the fairest and smoothest place, and to this they come down and fight; so that even the

victors depart from the fight with great loss, and as to the vanquished, of them I make no mention at all, for

they are utterly destroyed. They ought however, being men who speak the same language, to make use of

heralds and messengers and so to take up their differences and settle them in any way rather than by battles;

but if they must absolutely war with one another, they ought to find out each of them that place in which they

themselves are hardest to overcome, and here to make their trial. Therefore the Hellenes, since they use no

good way, when I had marched as far as the land of Macedonia, did not come to the resolution of fighting

with me. (c) Who then is likely to set himself against thee, O king, offering war, when thou art leading both

all the multitudes of Asia and the whole number of the ships? I for my part am of opinion that the power of

the Hellenes has not attained to such a pitch of boldness: but if after all I should prove to be deceived in my

judgment, and they stirred up by inconsiderate folly should come to battle with us, they would learn that we

are the best of all men in the matters of war. However that may be, let not anything be left untried; for

10. Mardonios having thus smoothed over the resolution expressed by Xerxes had ceased speaking: and when

the other Persians were silent and did not venture to declare an opinion contrary to that which had been

proposed, then Artabanos the son of Hystaspes, being father's brother to Xerxes and having reliance upon

that, spoke as follows: (a) "O king, if opinions opposed to one another be not spoken, it is not possible to

select the better in making the choice, but one must accept that which has been spoken; if however opposite

opinions be uttered, this is possible; just as we do not distinguish the gold which is free from alloy when it is

alone by itself, but when we rub it on the touchstone in comparison with other gold, then we distinguish that

which is the better. Now I gave advice to thy father Dareios also, who was my brother, not to march against

the Scythians, men who occupied no abiding city in any part of the earth. He however, expecting that he

would subdue the Scythians who were nomads, did not listen to me; but he made a march and came back

from it with the loss of many good men of his army. But thou, O king, art intending to march against men

who are much better than the Scythians, men who are reported to be excellent both by sea and on land: and

the thing which is to be feared in this matter it is right that I should declare to thee. (b) Thou sayest that thou

wilt yoke the Hellespont with a bridge and march an army through Europe to Hellas. Now supposing it

chance that we are[9] worsted either by land or by sea, or even both, for the men are reported to be valiant in

fight, (and we may judge for ourselves that it is so, since the Athenians by themselves destroyed that great

army which came with Datis and Artaphrenes to the Attic land),suppose however that they do not succeed

in both, yet if they shall attack with their ships and conquer in a seafight, and then sail to the Hellespont and

break up the bridge, this of itself, O king, will prove to be a great peril. (c) Not however by any native

wisdom of my own do I conjecture that this might happen: I am conjecturing only such a misfortune as all but

came upon us at the former time, when thy father, having yoked the Bosphorus of Thracia and made a bridge

over the river Ister, had crossed over to go against the Scythians. At that time the Scythians used every means

of entreaty to persuade the Ionians to break up the passage, to whom it had been entrusted to guard the

bridges of the Ister. At that time, if Histiaios the despot of Miletos had followed the opinion of the other

despots and had not made opposition to them, the power of the Persians would have been brought to an end.

Yet it is a fearful thing even to hear it reported that the whole power of the king had come to depend upon

one human creature.[10] (d) Do not thou therefore propose to go into any such danger when there is no need,

but do as I say:at the present time dissolve this assembly; and afterwards at whatever time it shall seem

good to thee, when thou hast considered prudently with thyself, proclaim that which seems to thee best: for

good counsel I hold to be a very great gain; since even if anything shall prove adverse, the counsel which has

been taken is no less good, though it has been defeated by fortune; while he who took counsel badly at first, if

good fortune should go with him has lighted on a prize by chance, but none the less for that his counsel was

bad. (e) Thou seest how God strikes with thunderbolts the creatures which stand above the rest and suffers

them not to make a proud show; while those which are small do not provoke him to jealousy: thou seest also

how he hurls his darts ever at those buildings which are the highest and those trees likewise; for God is wont

to cut short all those things which stand out above the rest. Thus also a numerous army is destroyed by one of

few men in some such manner as this, namely when God having become jealous of them casts upon them

panic or thundering from heaven, then they are destroyed utterly and not as their worth deserves; for God

suffers not any other to have high thoughts save only himself. (f) Moreover the hastening of any matter

breeds disasters, whence great losses are wont to be produced; but in waiting there are many good things

contained, as to which, if they do not appear to be good at first, yet one will find them to be so in course of

time. (g) To thee, O king, I give this counsel: but thou son of Gobryas, Mardonios, cease speaking foolish

words about the Hellenes, since they in no way deserve to be spoken of with slight; for by uttering slander

against the Hellenes thou art stirring the king himself to make an expedition, and it is to this very end that I

think thou art straining all thy endeavour. Let not this be so; for slander is a most grievous thing: in it the

wrongdoers are two, and the person who suffers wrong is one. The slanderer does a wrong in that he speaks

against one who is not present, the other in that he is persuaded of the thing before he gets certain knowledge

of it, and he who is not present when the words are spoken suffers wrong in the matter thus,both because

he has been slandered by the one and because he has been believed to be bad by the other. (h) However, if it

be absolutely needful to make an expedition against these men, come, let the king himself remain behind in

the abodes of the Persians, and let us both set to the wager our sons; and then do thou lead an army by thyself,

choosing for thyself the men whom thou desirest, and taking an army as large as thou thinkest good: and if

matters turn out for the king as thou sayest, let my sons be slain and let me also be slain in addition to them;

but if in the way which I predict, let thy sons suffer this, and with them thyself also, if thou shalt return back.

But if thou art not willing to undergo this proof, but wilt by all means lead an army against Hellas, then I say

that those who are left behind in this land will hear[11] that Mardonios, after having done a great mischief to

the Persians, is torn by dogs and birds, either in the land of the Athenians, or else perchance thou wilt be in

the land of the Lacedemonians (unless indeed this should have come to pass even before that upon the way),

and that thou hast at length been made aware against what kind of men thou art persuading the king to

11. Artabanos thus spoke; and Xerxes enraged by it made answer as follows: "Artabanos, thou art my father's

brother, and this shall save thee from receiving any recompense such as thy foolish words deserve. Yet I

attach to thee this dishonour, seeing that thou art a coward and spiritless, namely that thou do not march with

me against Hellas, but remain here together with the women; and I, even without thy help, will accomplish all

the things which I said: for I would I might not be descended from Dareios, the son of Hystaspes, the son of

Arsames, the son of Ariaramnes, the son of Te�spes, or from Cyrus,[12] the son of Cambyses, the son of

Te�spes, the son of Achaimenes, if I take not vengeance on the Athenians; since I know well that if we shall

keep quiet, yet they will not do so, but will again[13] march against our land, if we may judge by the deeds

which have been done by them to begin with, since they both set fire to Sardis and marched upon Asia. It is

not possible therefore that either side should retire from the quarrel, but the question before us is whether we

shall do or whether we shall suffer; whether all these regions shall come to be under the Hellenes or all those

under the Persians: for in our hostility there is no middle course. It follows then now that it is well for us,

having suffered wrong first, to take revenge, that I may find out also what is this terrible thing which I shall

suffer if I lead an army against these men,men whom Pelops the Phrygian, who was the slave of my

forefathers, so subdued that even to the present day both the men themselves and their land are called after

12. Thus far was it spoken then; but afterwards when darkness came on, the opinion of Artabanos tormented

Xerxes continually; and making night his counsellor he found that it was by no means to his advantage to

make the march against Hellas. So when he had thus made a new resolve, he fell asleep, and in the night he

saw, as is reported by the Persians, a vision as follows:Xerxes thought that a man tall and comely of shape

came and stood by him and said: "Art thou indeed changing thy counsel, O Persian, of leading an expedition

against Hellas, now that thou hast made proclamation that the Persians shall collect an army? Thou dost not

well in changing thy counsel, nor will he who is here present with thee excuse thee from it;[13a] but as thou

didst take counsel in the day to do, by that way go." 13. After he had said this, Xerxes thought that he who

had spoken flew away; and when day had dawned he made no account of this dream, but gathered together

the Persians whom he had assembled also the former time and said to them these words: "Persians, pardon

me that I make quick changes in my counsel; for in judgment not yet am I come to my prime, and they who

advise me to do the things which I said, do not for any long time leave me to myself. However, although at

first when I heard the opinion of Artabanos my youthful impulses burst out,[14] so that I cast out unseemly

words[15] against a man older than myself; yet now I acknowledge that he is right, and I shall follow his

opinion. Consider then I have changed my resolve to march against Hellas, and do ye remain still." 14. The

Persians accordingly when they heard this were rejoiced and made obeisance: but when night had come on,

the same dream again came and stood by Xerxes as he lay asleep and said: "Son of Dareios, it is manifest

then that thou hast resigned this expedition before the assembly of the Persians, and that thou hast made no

account of my words, as if thou hadst heard them from no one at all. Now therefore be well assured of

this:if thou do not make thy march forthwith, there shall thence spring up for thee this result, namely that,

as thou didst in short time become great and mighty, so also thou shalt speedily be again brought low." 15.

Xerxes then, being very greatly disturbed by fear of the vision, started up from his bed and sent a messenger

to summon Artabanos; to whom when he came Xerxes spoke thus: "Artabanos, at the first I was not discreet,

when I spoke to thee foolish words on account of thy good counsel; but after no long time I changed my mind

and perceived that I ought to do these things which thou didst suggest to me. I am not able however to do

them, although I desire it; for indeed, now that I have turned about and changed my mind, a dream appears

haunting me and by no means approving that I should do so; and just now it has left me even with a threat. If

therefore it is God who sends it to me, and it is his absolute will and pleasure that an army should go against

Hellas, this same dream will fly to thee also, laying upon thee a charge such as it has laid upon me; and it

occurs to my mind that this might happen thus, namely if thou shouldst take all my attire and put it on, and

then seat thyself on my throne, and after that lie down to sleep in my bed." 16. Xerxes spoke to him thus; and

Artabanos was not willing to obey the command at first, since he did not think himself worthy to sit upon the

royal throne; but at last being urged further he did that which was commanded, first having spoken these

words: (a) "It is equally good in my judgment, O king, whether a man has wisdom himself or is willing to

follow the counsel of him who speaks well: and thou, who hast attained to both these good things, art caused

to err by the communications of evil men; just as they say that the Sea, which is of all things the most useful

to men, is by blasts of winds falling upon it prevented from doing according to its own nature. I however,

when I was evil spoken of by thee, was not so much stung with pain for this, as because, when two opinions

were laid before the Persians, the one tending to increase wanton insolence and the other tending to check it

and saying that it was a bad thing to teach the soul to endeavour always to have something more than the

present possession,because, I say, when such opinions as these were laid before us, thou didst choose that

one which was the more dangerous both for thyself and for the Persians. (b) And now that thou hast turned to

the better counsel, thou sayest that when thou art disposed to let go the expedition against the Hellenes, a

dream haunts thee sent by some god, which forbids thee to abandon thy enterprise. Nay, but here too thou

dost err, my son, since this is not of the Deity;[16] for the dreams of sleep which come roaming about to men,

are of such nature as I shall inform thee, being by many years older than thou. The visions of dreams are wont

to hover above us[17] in such form[18] for the most part as the things of which we were thinking during the

day; and we in the days preceding were very much occupied with this campaign. (c) If however after all this

is not such a thing as I interpret it to be, but is something which is concerned with God, thou hast summed the

matter up in that which thou hast said: let it appear, as thou sayest, to me also, as to thee, and give commands.

But supposing that it desires to appear to me at all, it is not bound to appear to me any the more if I have thy

garments on me than if I have my own, nor any more if I take my rest in thy bed than if I am in thy own; for

assuredly this thing, whatever it may be, which appears to thee in thy sleep, is not so foolish as to suppose,

when it sees me, that it is thou, judging so because the garments are thine. That however which we must find

out now is this, namely if it will hold me in no account, and not think fit to appear to me, whether I have my

own garments or whether I have thine, but continue still to haunt thee;[19] for if it shall indeed haunt thee

perpetually, I shall myself also be disposed to say that it is of the Deity. But if thou hast resolved that it shall

be so, and it is not possible to turn aside this thy resolution, but I must go to sleep in thy bed, then let it

appear to me also, when I perform these things: but until then I shall hold to the opinion which I now have."

17. Having thus said Artabanos, expecting that he would prove that Xerxes was speaking folly, did that which

was commanded him; and having put on the garments of Xerxes and seated himself in the royal throne, he

afterwards went to bed: and when he had fallen asleep, the same dream came to him which used to come to

Xerxes, and standing over Artabanos spoke these words: "Art thou indeed he who endeavours to dissuade

Xerxes from making a march against Hellas, pretending to have a care of him? However, neither in the future

nor now at the present shalt thou escape unpunished for trying to turn away that which is destined to come to

pass: and as for Xerxes, that which he must suffer if he disobeys, hath been shown already to the man

himself." 18. Thus it seemed to Artabanos that the dream threatened him, and at the same time was just about

to burn out his eyes with hot irons; and with a loud cry he started up from his bed, and sitting down beside

Xerxes he related to him throughout the vision of the dream, and then said to him as follows: "I, O king, as

one who has seen before now many great things brought to their fall by things less, urged thee not to yield in

all things to the inclination of thy youth, since I knew that it was evil to have desire after many things;

remembering on the one hand the march of Cyrus against the Massagetai, what fortune it had, and also that of

Cambyses against the Ethiopians; and being myself one who took part with Dareios in the campaign against

the Scythians. Knowing these things I had the opinion that thou wert to be envied of all men, so long as thou

shouldest keep still. Since however there comes a divine impulse, and, as it seems, a destruction sent by

heaven is taking hold of the Hellenes, I for my part am both changed in myself and also I reverse my

opinions; and do thou signify to the Persians the message which is sent to thee from God, bidding them

follow the commands which were given by thee at first with regard to the preparations to be made; and

endeavour that on thy side nothing may be wanting, since God delivers the matter into thy hands." These

things having been said, both were excited to confidence by the vision, and so soon as it became day, Xerxes

communicated the matter to the Persians, and Artabanos, who before was the only man who came forward to

19. Xerxes being thus desirous to make the expedition, there came to him after this a third vision in his sleep,

which the Magians, when they heard it, explained to have reference to the dominion of the whole Earth and to

mean that all men should be subject to him; and the vision was this:Xerxes thought that he had been

crowned with a wreath of an olivebranch and that the shoots growing from the olive tree covered the

whole Earth; and after that, the wreath, placed as it was about his head, disappeared. When the Magians had

thus interpreted the vision, forthwith every man of the Persians who had been assembled together departed to

his own province and was zealous by all means to perform the commands, desiring each one to receive for

himself the gifts which had been proposed: and thus Xerxes was gathering his army together, searching every

region of the continent. 20. During four full years from the conquest of Egypt he was preparing the army and

the things that were of service for the army, and in the course of the fifth year[20] he began his campaign

with a host of great multitude. For of all the armies of which we have knowledge this proved to be by far the

greatest; so that neither that led by Dareios against the Scythians appears anything as compared with it, nor

the Scythian host, when the Scythians pursuing the Kimmerians made invasion of the Median land and

subdued and occupied nearly all the upper parts of Asia, for which invasion afterwards Dareios attempted to

take vengeance, nor that led by the sons of Atreus to Ilion, to judge by that which is reported of their

expedition, nor that of the Mysians and Teucrians, before the Trojan war, who passed over into Europe by the

Bosphorus and not only subdued all the Thracians, but came down also as far as the Ionian Sea[21] and

marched southwards to the river Peneios. 21. All these expeditions put together, with others, if there be any,

added to them,[22] are not equal to this one alone. For what nation did Xerxes not lead out of Asia against

Hellas? and what water was not exhausted, being drunk by his host, except only the great rivers? For some

supplied ships, and others were appointed to serve in the land army; to some it was appointed to furnish

cavalry, and to others vessels to carry horses, while they served in the expedition themselves also;[23] others

were ordered to furnish ships of war for the bridges, and others again ships with provisions.

22. Then in the first place, since the former fleet had suffered disaster in sailing round Athos, preparations

had been going on for about three years past with regard to Athos: for triremes lay at anchor at Elaius in the

Chersonese, and with this for their starting point men of all nations belonging to the army worked at digging,

compelled by the lash; and the men went to the work regularly in succession: moreover those who dwelt

round about Athos worked also at the digging: and Bubares the son of Megabazos and Artachaies the son of

Artaios, Persians both, were set over the work. Now Athos is a mountain great and famous, running down to

the sea and inhabited by men: and where the mountain ends on the side of the mainland the place is like a

peninsula with an isthmus about twelve furlongs[24] across. Here it is plain land or hills of no great size,

extending from the sea of the Acanthians to that which lies off Torone; and on this isthmus, where Athos

ends, is situated a Hellenic city called Sane: moreover there are others beyond Sane[25] and within the

peninsula of Athos, all which at this time the Persian had resolved to make into cities of an island and no

longer of the mainland; these are, Dion, Olophyxos, Acrothoon, Thyssos, Cleonai. 23. These are the cities

which occupy Athos: and they dug as follows, the country being divided among the Barbarians by nations for

the work:at the city of Sane they drew a straight line across the isthmus, and when the channel became

deep, those who stood lowest dug, while others delivered the earth as it was dug out to other men who stood

above, as upon steps, and they again to others when it was received, until they came to those that were

highest; and these bore it away and cast it forth. Now the others except the Phenicians had double toil by the

breaking down of the steep edges of their excavation; for since they endeavoured to make the opening at the

top and that at the bottom both of the same measure, some such thing was likely to result, as they worked: but

the Phenicians, who are apt to show ability in their works generally, did so in this work also; for when they

had had assigned to them by lot so much as fell to their share, they proceeded to dig, making the opening of

the excavation at the top twice as wide as the channel itself was to be; and as the work went forward, they

kept contracting the width; so that, when they came to the bottom, their work was made of equal width with

that of the others. Now there is a meadow there, in which there was made for them a market and a place for

buying and selling; and great quantities of corn came for them regularly from Asia, ready ground. 24. It

seems to me, making conjecture of this work, that Xerxes when he ordered this to be dug was moved by a

love of magnificence and by a desire to make a display of his power and to leave a memorial behind him; for

though they might have drawn the ships across the isthmus with no great labour, he bade them dig a channel

for the sea of such breadth that two triremes might sail through, propelled side by side. To these same men to

whom the digging had been appointed, it was appointed also to make a bridge over the river Strymon, yoking

25. These things were being done by Xerxes thus; and meanwhile he caused ropes also to be prepared for the

bridges, made of papyrus and of white flax,[26] appointing this to the Phenicians and Egyptians; and also he

was making preparations to store provisions for his army on the way, that neither the army itself nor the

baggage animals might suffer from scarcity, as they made their march against Hellas. Accordingly, when he

had learnt by inquiry of the various places, he bade them make stores where it was most convenient, carrying

supplies to different parts by merchant ships and ferryboats from all the countries of Asia. So they conveyed

the greater part of the corn[27] to the place which is called Leuke Acte in Thrace, while others conveyed

stores to Tyrodiza of the Perinthians, others to Doriscos, others to E�on on the Strymon, and others to

26. During the time that these were working at the task which had been proposed to them, the whole

landarmy had been assembled together and was marching with Xerxes to Sardis, setting forth from Critalla

in Cappadokia; for there it had been ordered that the whole army should assemble, which was to go with

Xerxes himself by the land: but which of the governors of provinces brought the best equipped force and

received from the king the gifts proposed, I am not able to say, for I do not know that they even came to a

competition in this matter. Then after they had crossed the river Halys and had entered Phrygia, marching

through this land they came to Kelainai, where the springs of the river Maiander come up, and also those of

another river not less than the Maiander, whose name is Catarractes;[28] this rises in the marketplace itself

of Kelainai and runs into the Maiander: and here also is hanging up in the city the skin of Marsyas the

Silenos, which is said by the Phrygians to have been flayed off and hung up by Apollo. 27. In this city

Pythios the son of Atys, a Lydian, was waiting for the king and entertained his whole army, as well as Xerxes

himself, with the most magnificent hospitality: moreover he professed himself ready to supply money for the

war. So when Pythios offered money, Xerxes asked those of the Persians who were present, who Pythios was

and how much money he possessed, that he made this offer. They said: "O king, this is he who presented thy

father Dareios with the golden planetree and the golden vine; and even now he is in wealth the first of all

men of whom we know, excepting thee only." 28. Marvelling at the conclusion of these words Xerxes

himself asked of Pythios then, how much money he had; and he said: "O king, I will not conceal the truth

from thee, nor will I allege as an excuse that I do not know my own substance, but I will enumerate it to thee

exactly, since I know the truth: for as soon as I heard that thou wert coming down to the Sea of Hellas,

desiring to give thee money for the war I ascertained the truth, and calculating I found that I had of silver two

thousand talents, and of gold four hundred myriads[29] of daric staters[30] all but seven thousand: and with

this money I present thee. For myself I have sufficient livelihood from my slaves and from my estates of

land." 29. Thus he said; and Xerxes was pleased by the things which he had spoken, and replied: "Lydian

host, ever since I went forth from the Persian land I have encountered no man up to this time who was

desirous to entertain my army, or who came into my presence and made offer of his own free will to

contribute money to me for the war, except only thee: and thou not only didst entertain my army

magnificently, but also now dost make offer of great sums of money. To thee therefore in return I give these

rewards,I make thee my guestfriend, and I will complete for thee the four hundred myriads of staters by

giving from myself the seven thousand, in order that thy four hundred myriads may not fall short by seven

thousand, but thou mayest have a full sum in thy reckoning, completed thus by me. Keep possession of that

which thou hast got for thyself, and be sure to act always thus; for if thou doest so, thou wilt have no cause to

30. Having thus said and having accomplished his promise, he continued his march onwards; and passing by

a city of the Phrygians called Anaua and a lake whence salt is obtained, he came to Colossai, a great city of

Phrygia, where the river Lycos falls into an opening of the earth and disappears from view, and then after an

interval of about five furlongs it comes up to view again, and this river also flows into the Maiander. Setting

forth from Colossai towards the boundaries of the Phrygians and Lydians, the army arrived at the city of

Kydrara, where a pillar[30a] is fixed, set up by Cr�sus, which declares by an inscription that the boundaries

are there. 31. From Phrygia then he entered Lydia; and here the road parts into two, and that which goes to

the left leads towards Caria, while that which goes to the right leads to Sardis; and travelling by this latter

road one must needs cross the river Maiander and pass by the city of Callatebos, where men live whose trade

it is to make honey of the tamarisktree and of wheatflour. By this road went Xerxes and found a

planetree, to which for its beauty he gave an adornment of gold, and appointed that some one should have

charge of it always in undying succession;[31] and on the next day he came to the city of the Lydians. 32.

Having come to Sardis he proceeded first to send heralds to Hellas, to ask for earth and water, and also to

give notice beforehand to prepare meals for the king; except that he sent neither to Athens nor Lacedemon to

ask for earth, but to all the other States: and the reason why he sent the second time to ask for earth and water

was this,as many as had not given at the former time to Dareios when he sent, these he thought would

certainly give now by reason of their fear: this matter it was about which he desired to have certain

33. After this he made his preparations intending to march to Abydos: and meanwhile they were bridging

over the Hellespont from Asia to Europe. Now there is in the Chersonese of the Hellespont between the city

of Sestos and Madytos, a broad foreland[32] running down into the sea right opposite Abydos; this is the

place where no long time afterwards the Athenians under the command of Xanthippos the son of Ariphron,

having taken Arta�ctes a Persian, who was the governor of Sestos, nailed him alive to a board with hands and

feet extended (he was the man who was wont to take women with him to the temple of Protesilaos at Elaius

and to do things there which are not lawful). 34. To this foreland they on whom this work was laid were

making their bridges, starting from Abydos, the Phenicians constructing the one with ropes of white flax, and

the Egyptians the other, which was made with papyrus rope. Now from Abydos to the opposite shore is a

distance of seven furlongs. But when the strait had been bridged over, a great storm came on and dashed

together all the work that had been made and broke it up. Then when Xerxes heard it he was exceedingly

enraged, and bade them scourge the Hellespont with three hundred strokes of the lash and let down into the

sea a pair of fetters. Nay, I have heard further that he sent branders also with them to brand the Hellespont.

However this may be, he enjoined them, as they were beating, to say Barbarian and presumptuous words as

follows: "Thou bitter water, thy master lays upon thee this penalty, because thou didst wrong him not having

suffered any wrong from him: and Xerxes the king will pass over thee whether thou be willing or no; but with

right, as it seems, no man doeth sacrifice to thee, seeing that thou art a treacherous[33] and briny stream."

The sea he enjoined them to chastise thus, and also he bade them cut off the heads of those who were

appointed to have charge over the bridging of the Hellespont. 36. Thus then the men did, to whom this

ungracious office belonged; and meanwhile other chief constructors proceeded to make the bridges; and

thus they made them: They put together fiftyoared galleys and triremes, three hundred and sixty to be

under the bridge towards the Euxine Sea, and three hundred and fourteen to be under the other, the vessels

lying in the direction of the stream of the Hellespont (though crosswise in respect to the Pontus), to support

the tension of the ropes.[34] They placed them together thus, and let down very large anchors, those on the

one side[35] towards the Pontus because of the winds which blow from within outwards, and on the other

side, towards the West and the Egean, because of the SouthEast[36] and South Winds. They left also an

opening for a passage through, so that any who wished might be able to sail into the Pontus with small

vessels, and also from the Pontus outwards. Having thus done, they proceeded to stretch tight the ropes,

straining them with wooden windlasses, not now appointing the two kinds of rope to be used apart from one

another, but assigning to each bridge two ropes of white flax and four of the papyrus ropes. The thickness and

beauty of make was the same for both, but the flaxen ropes were heavier in proportion,[38] and of this rope a

cubit weighed one talent. When the passage was bridged over, they sawed up logs of wood, and making them

equal in length to the breadth of the bridge they laid them above the stretched ropes, and having set them thus

in order they again fastened them above.[39] When this was done, they carried on brushwood, and having set

the brushwood also in place, they carried on to it earth; and when they had stamped down the earth firmly,

they built a barrier along on each side, so that the baggage animals and horses might not be frightened by

37. When the construction of the bridges had been finished, and the works about Athos, both the

embankments about the mouths of the channel, which were made because of the breaking of the sea upon the

beach, that the mouths of it might not be filled up, and the channel itself, were reported to be fully completed,

then, after they had passed the winter at Sardis, the army set forth from thence fully equipped, at the

beginning of spring, to march to Abydos; and when it had just set forth, the Sun left his place in the heaven

and was invisible, though there was no gathering of clouds and the sky was perfectly clear; and instead of day

it became night. When Xerxes saw and perceived this, it became a matter of concern to him; and he asked the

Magians what the appearance meant to portend. These declared that the god was foreshowing to the Hellenes

a leaving[40] of their cities, saying that the Sun was the foreshower of events for the Hellenes, but the Moon

for the Persians. Having been thus informed, Xerxes proceeded on the march with very great joy. 38. Then as

he was leading forth his army on its march, Pythios the Lydian, being alarmed by the appearance in the

heavens and elated by the gifts which he had received, came to Xerxes, and said as follows: "Master, I would

desire to receive from thee a certain thing at my request, which, as it chances, is for thee an easy thing to

grant, but a great thing for me, if I obtain it." Then Xerxes, thinking that his request would be for anything

rather than that which he actually asked, said that he would grant it, and bade him speak and say what he

desired. He then, when he heard this, was encouraged, and spoke these words: "Master, I have, as it chances,

five sons, and it is their fortune to be all going together with thee on the march against Hellas. Do thou,

therefore, O king, have compassion upon me, who have come to so great an age, and release from serving in

the expedition one of my sons, the eldest, in order that he may be caretaker both of myself and of my wealth:

but the other four take with thyself, and after thou hast accomplished that which thou hast in thy mind,

mayest thou have a safe return home." 38. Then Xerxes was exceedingly angry and made answer with these

words: "Thou wretched man, dost thou dare, when I am going on a march myself against Hellas, and am

taking my sons and my brothers and my relations and friends, dost thou dare to make any mention of a son of

thine, seeing that thou art my slave, who ought to have been accompanying me thyself with thy whole

household and thy wife as well? Now therefore be assured of this, that the passionate spirit of man dwells

within the ears; and when it has heard good things, it fills the body with delight, but when it has heard the

opposite things to this, it swells up with anger. As then thou canst not boast of having surpassed the king in

conferring benefits formerly, when thou didst to us good deeds and madest offer to do more of the same kind,

so now that thou hast turned to shamelessness, thou shalt receive not thy desert but less than thou deservest:

for thy gifts of hospitality shall rescue from death thyself and the four others of thy sons, but thou shalt pay

the penalty with the life of the one to whom thou dost cling most." Having answered thus, he forthwith

commanded those to whom it was appointed to do these things, to find out the eldest of the sons of Pythios

and to cut him in two in the middle; and having cut him in two, to dispose the halves, one on the right hand of

the road and the other on the left, and that the army should pass between them by this way.

40. When these had so done, the army proceeded to pass between; and first the baggagebearers led the way

together with their horses, and after these the host composed of all kinds of nations mingled together without

distinction: and when more than the half had gone by, an interval was left and these were separated from the

king. For before him went first a thousand horsemen, chosen out of all the Persians; and after them a

thousand spearmen chosen also from all the Persians, having the points of their spears turned down to the

ground; and then ten sacred horses, called "Nesaian,"[41] with the fairest possible trappings. Now the horses

are called Nesaian for this reason:there is a wide plain in the land of Media which is called the Nesaian

plain, and this plain produces the great horses of which I speak. Behind these ten horses the sacred chariot of

Zeus was appointed to go, which was drawn by eight white horses; and behind the horses again followed on

foot a charioteer holding the reins, for no human creature mounts upon the seat of that chariot. Then behind

this came Xerxes himself in a chariot drawn by Nesaian horses, and by the side of him rode a charioteer,

whose name was Patiramphes, son of Otanes a Persian. 41. Thus did Xerxes march forth out of Sardis; and he

used to change, whenever he was so disposed, from the chariot to a carriage. And behind him went spearmen,

the best and most noble of the Persians, a thousand in number, holding their spearpoints in the customary

way;[42] and after them another thousand horsemen chosen out from the Persians; and after the horsemen ten

thousand men chosen out from the remainder of the Persians. This body went on foot; and of these a thousand

had upon their spears pomegranates of gold instead of the spikes at the buttend, and these enclosed the

others round, while the remaining nine thousand were within these and had silver pomegranates. And those

also had golden pomegranates who had their spearpoints turned towards the earth, while those who followed

next after Xerxes had golden apples. Then to follow the ten thousand there was appointed a body of ten

thousand Persian cavalry; and after the cavalry there was an interval of as much as two furlongs. Then the

42. So the army proceeded on its march from Lydia to the river Ca�cos and the land of Mysia; and then

setting forth from the Ca�cos and keeping the mountain of Cane on the left hand, it marched through the

region of Atarneus to the city of Carene. From this it went through the plain of Thebe, passing by the cities of

Adramytteion and Antandros of the Pelasgians; and taking mount Ida on the left hand, it came on to the land

of Ilion. And first, when it had stopped for the night close under mount Ida, thunder and bolts of lightning fell

upon it, and destroyed here in this place a very large number of men.[43] 43. Then when the army had come

to the river Scamander,which of all rivers to which they had come, since they set forth from Sardis and

undertook their march, was the first of which the stream failed and was not sufficient for the drinking of the

army and of the animals with it,when, I say, Xerxes had come to this river, he went up to the Citadel of

Priam,[44] having a desire to see it; and having seen it and learnt by inquiry of all those matters severally, he

sacrificed a thousand heifers to Athene of Ilion, and the Magians poured libations in honour of the heroes:

and after they had done this, a fear fell upon the army in the night. Then at break of day he set forth from

thence, keeping on his left hand the cities of Rhoition and Ophryneion and Dardanos, which last borders upon

44. When Xerxes had come into the midst of Abydos,[45] he had a desire to see all the army; and there had

been made purposely for him beforehand upon a hill in this place a raised seat of white stone,[46] which the

people of Abydos had built at the command of the king given beforehand. There he took his seat, and looking

down upon the shore he gazed both upon the landarmy and the ships; and gazing upon them he had a

longing to see a contest take place between the ships; and when it had taken place and the Phenicians of

Sidon were victorious, he was delighted both with the contest and with the whole armament. 45. And seeing

all the Hellespont covered over with the ships, and all the shores and the plains of Abydos full of men, then

Xerxes pronounced himself a happy man, and after that he fell to weeping. 46. Artabanos his uncle therefore

perceiving him,the same who at first boldly declared his opinion advising Xerxes not to march against

Hellas, this man, I say, having observed that Xerxes wept, asked as follows: "O king, how far different

from one another are the things which thou hast done now and a short while before now! for having

pronounced thyself a happy man, thou art now shedding tears." He said: "Yea, for after I had reckoned up, it

came into my mind to feel pity at the thought how brief was the whole life of man, seeing that of these

multitudes not one will be alive when a hundred years have gone by." He then made answer and said: "To

another evil more pitiful than this we are made subject in the course of our life; for in the period of life, short

as it is, no man, either of these here or of others, is made by nature so happy, that there will not come to him

many times, and not once only, the desire to be dead rather than to live; for misfortunes falling upon us and

diseases disturbing our happiness make the time of life, though short indeed, seem long: thus, since life is full

of trouble, death has become the most acceptable refuge for man; and God, having given him to taste of the

sweetness of life, is discovered in this matter to be full of jealousy." 47. Xerxes made answer saying:

"Artabanos, of human life, which is such as thou dost define it to be, let us cease to speak, and do not

remember evils when we have good things in hand: but do thou declare to me this:If the vision of the

dream had not appeared with so much evidence, wouldest thou still be holding thy former opinion,

endeavouring to prevent me from marching against Hellas, or wouldest thou have changed from it? Come,

tell me this exactly." He answered saying: "O king, may the vision of the dream which appeared have such

fulfilment as we both desire! but I am even to this moment full of apprehension and cannot contain myself,

taking into account many things besides, and also seeing that two things, which are the greatest things of all,

are utterly hostile to thee." 48. To this Xerxes made answer in these words: "Thou strangest of men,[47] of

what nature are these two things which thou sayest are utterly hostile to me? Is it that the landarmy is to be

found fault with in the matter of numbers, and that the army of the Hellenes appears to thee likely to be many

times as large as ours? or dost thou think that our fleet will fall short of theirs? or even that both of these

things together will prove true? For if thou thinkest that in these respects our power is deficient, one might

make gathering at once of another force." 49. Then he made answer and said: "O king, neither with this army

would any one who has understanding find fault, nor with the number of the ships; and indeed if thou shalt

assemble more, the two things of which I speak will be made thereby yet more hostile: and these two things

arethe land and the sea. For neither in the sea is there, as I suppose, a harbour anywhere large enough to

receive this fleet of thine, if a storm should arise, and to ensure the safety of the ships till it be over; and yet

not one alone[48] ought this harbour to be, but there should be such harbours along the whole coast of the

continent by which thou sailest; and if there are not harbours to receive thy ships, know that accidents will

rule men and not men the accidents. Now having told thee of one of the two things, I am about to tell thee of

the other. The land, I say, becomes hostile to thee in this way:if nothing shall come to oppose thee, the

land is hostile to thee by so much the more in proportion as thou shalt advance more, ever stealing on further

and further,[49] for there is no satiety of good fortune felt by men: and this I say, that with no one to stand

against thee the country traversed, growing more and more as time goes on, will produce for thee famine.

Man, however, will be in the best condition, if when he is taking counsel he feels fear, reckoning to suffer

everything that can possibly come, but in doing the deed he is bold." 50. Xerxes made answer in these words:

"Artabanos, reasonably dost thou set forth these matters; but do not thou fear everything nor reckon equally

for everything: for if thou shouldest set thyself with regard to all matters which come on at any time, to

reckon for everything equally, thou wouldest never perform any deed. It is better to have good courage about

everything and to suffer half the evils which threaten, than to have fear beforehand about everything and not

to suffer any evil at all: and if, while contending against everything which is said, thou omit to declare the

course which is safe, thou dost incur in these matters the reproach of failure equally with him who says the

opposite to this. This then, I say, is evenly balanced: but how should one who is but man know the course

which is safe? I think, in no way. To those then who choose to act, for the most part gain is wont to come; but

to those who reckon for everything and shrink back, it is not much wont to come. Thou seest the power of the

Persians, to what great might it has advanced: if then those who came to be kings before me had had opinions

like to thine, or, though not having such opinions, had had such counsellors as thou, thou wouldest never

have seen it brought forward to this point. As it is however, by running risks they conducted it on to this: for

great power is in general gained by running great risks. We therefore, following their example, are making

our march now during the fairest season of the year; and after we have subdued all Europe we shall return

back home, neither having met with famine anywhere nor having suffered any other thing which is

unpleasant. For first we march bearing with us ourselves great store of food, and secondly we shall possess

the corncrops of all the peoples to whose land and nation we come; and we are making a march now against

men who plough the soil, and not against nomad tribes." 51. After this Artabanos said: "O king, since thou

dost urge us not to have fear of anything, do thou I pray thee accept a counsel from me; for when speaking of

many things it is necessary to extend speech to a greater length. Cyrus the son of Cambyses subdued all Ionia

except the Athenians, so that it was tributary to the Persians. These men therefore I counsel thee by no means

to lead against their parent stock, seeing that even without these we are able to get the advantage over our

enemies. For supposing that they go with us, either they must prove themselves doers of great wrong, if they

join in reducing their mother city to slavery, or doers of great right, if they join in freeing her: now if they

show themselves doers of great wrong, they bring us no very large gain in addition; but if they show

themselves doers of great right, they are able then to cause much damage to thy army. Therefore lay to heart

also the ancient saying, how well it has been said that at the first beginning of things the end does not

completely appear." 52. To this Xerxes made answer: "Artabanos, of all the opinions which thou hast uttered,

thou art mistaken most of all in this; seeing that thou fearest lest the Ionians should change side, about whom

we have a most sure proof, of which thou art a witness thyself and also the rest are witnesses who went with

Dareios on his march against the Scythians, namely this, that the whole Persian army then came to be

dependent upon these men, whether they would destroy or whether they would save it, and they displayed

righteous dealing and trustworthiness, and nought at all that was unfriendly. Besides this, seeing that they

have left children and wives and wealth in our land, we must not even imagine that they will make any

rebellion.[50] Fear not then this thing either, but have a good heart and keep safe my house and my

53. Having thus spoken and having sent Artabanos back to Susa, next Xerxes summoned to his presence the

men of most repute among the Persians, and when they were come before him, he spoke to them as follows:

"Persians, I assembled you together desiring this of you, that ye should show yourselves good men and

should not disgrace the deeds done in former times by the Persians, which are great and glorious; but let us

each one of us by himself, and all together also, be zealous in our enterprise; for this which we labour for is a

common good for all. And I exhort you that ye preserve in the war without relaxing your efforts, because, as I

am informed, we are marching against good men, and if we shall overcome them, there will not be any other

army of men which will ever stand against us. Now therefore let us begin the crossing, after having made

54. During this day then they were making preparation to cross over; and on the next day they waited for the

Sun, desiring to see him rise, and in the meantime they offered all kinds of incense upon the bridges and

strewed the way with branches of myrtle. Then, as the Sun was rising, Xerxes made libation from a golden

cup into the sea, and prayed to the Sun, that no accident might befall him such as should cause him to cease

from subduing Europe, until he had come to its furthest limits. After having thus prayed he threw the cup into

the Hellespont and with it a golden mixingbowl and a Persian sword, which they call akinakes: but whether

he cast them into the sea as an offering dedicated to the Sun, or whether he had repented of his scourging of

the Hellespont and desired to present a gift to the sea as amends for this, I cannot for certain say. 55. When

Xerxes had done this, they proceeded to cross over, the whole army both the footmen and the horsemen going

by one bridge, namely that which was on the side of the Pontus, while the baggageanimals and the

attendants went over the other, which was towards the Egean. First the ten thousand Persians led the way, all

with wreaths, and after them came the mixed body of the army made up of all kinds of nations: these on that

day; and on the next day, first the horsemen and those who had their spear points turned downwards, these

also wearing wreaths; and after them the sacred horses and the sacred chariot, and then Xerxes himself and

the spearbearers and the thousand horsemen; and after them the rest of the army. In the meantime the ships

also put out from shore and went over to the opposite side. I have heard however another account which says

56. When Xerxes had crossed over into Europe, he gazed upon the army crossing under the lash; and his

army crossed over in seven days and seven nights, going on continuously without any pause. Then, it is said,

after Xerxes had now crossed over the Hellespont, a man of that coast exclaimed: "Why, O Zeus, in the

likeness of a Persian man and taking for thyself the name of Xerxes instead of Zeus, art thou proposing to lay

waste Hellas, taking with thee all the nations of men? for it was possible for thee to do so even without the

57. When all had crossed over, after they had set forth on their way a great portent appeared to them, of

which Xerxes made no account, although it was easy to conjecture its meaning,a mare gave birth to a hare.

Now the meaning of this was easy to conjecture in this way, namely that Xerxes was about to march an army

against Hellas very proudly and magnificently, but would come back again to the place whence he came,

running for his life. There happened also a portent of another kind while he was still at Sardis,a mule

brought forth young and gave birth to a mule which had organs of generation of two kinds, both those of the

male and those of the female, and those of the male were above. Xerxes however made no account of either

of these portents, but proceeded on his way, and with him the landarmy. 58. The fleet meanwhile was

sailing out of the Hellespont and coasting along, going in the opposite direction to the landarmy; for the

fleet was sailing towards the West, making for the promontory of Sarpedon, to which it had been ordered

beforehand to go, and there wait for the army; but the landarmy meanwhile was making its march towards

the East and the sunrising, through the Chersonese, keeping on its right the tomb of Helle the daughter of

Athamas, and on its left the city of Cardia, and marching through the midst of a town the name of which is

Agora.[52] Thence bending round the gulf called Melas and having crossed over the river Melas, the stream

of which did not suffice at this time for the army but failed,having crossed, I say, this river, from which the

gulf also has its name, it went on Westwards, passing by Ainos a city of the Aiolians, and by the lake

Stentoris, until at last it came to Doriscos. [59] Now Doriscos is a seabeach and plain of great extent in

Thrace, and through it flows the great river Hebros: here a royal fortress had been built, the same which is

now called Doriscos, and a garrison of Persians had been established in it by Dareios, ever since the time

when he went on his march against the Scythians. It seemed then to Xerxes that the place was convenient to

order his army and to number it throughout, and so he proceeded to do. The commanders of the ships at the

bidding of Xerxes had brought all their ships, when they arrived at Doriscos, up to the seabeach which

adjoins Doriscos, on which there is situated both Sale a city of the Samothrakians, and also Zone, and of

which the extreme point is the promontory of Serreion, which is well known; and the region belonged in

ancient time to the Kikonians. To this beach then they had brought in their ships, and having drawn them up

on land they were letting them get dry: and during this time he proceeded to number the army at Doriscos.

60. Now of the number which each separate nation supplied I am not able to give certain information, for this

is not reported by any persons; but of the whole landarmy taken together the number proved to be one

hundred and seventy myriads:[53] and they numbered them throughout in the following manner:they

gathered together in one place a body of ten thousand men, and packing them together[54] as closely as they

could, they drew a circle round outside: and thus having drawn a circle round and having let the ten thousand

men go from it, they built a wall of rough stones round the circumference of the circle, rising to the height of

a man's navel. Having made this, they caused others to go into the space which had been built round, until

they had in this manner numbered them all throughout: and after they had numbered them, they ordered them

61. Now those who served were as follows:The Persians with this equipment:about their heads they had

soft[55] felt caps called tiaras, and about their body tunics of various colours with sleeves, presenting the

appearance of iron scales like those of a fish,[56] and about the legs trousers; and instead of the ordinary

shields they had shields of wickerwork,[57] under which hung quivers; and they had short spears and large

bows and arrows of reed, and moreover daggers hanging by the right thigh from the girdle: and they

acknowledged as their commander Otanes the father of Amestris the wife of Xerxes. Now these were called

by the Hellenes in ancient time Kephenes; by themselves however and by their neighbours they were called

Artaians: but when Perseus, the son of Danae and Zeus, came to Kepheus the son of Belos[58] and took to

wife his daughter Andromeda, there was born to them a son to whom he gave the name Perses, and this son

he left behind there, for it chanced that Kepheus had no male offspring: after him therefore this race was

named. 62. The Medes served in the expedition equipped in precisely the same manner; for this equipment is

in fact Median and not Persian: and the Medes acknowledged as their commander Tigranes an Achaimenid.

These in ancient time used to be generally called Arians; but when Medea the Colchian came from Athens to

these Arians, they also changed their name. Thus the Medes themselves report about themselves. The

Kissians served with equipment in other respects like that of the Persians, but instead of the felt caps they

wore fillets:[59] and of the Kissians Anaphes the son of Otanes was commander. The Hyrcanians were armed

like the Persians, acknowledging as their leader Megapanos, the same who after these events became

governor of Babylon. 63. The Assyrians served with helmets about their heads made of bronze or plaited in a

Barbarian style which it is not easy to describe; and they had shields and spears, and daggers like the

Egyptian knives,[60] and moreover they had wooden clubs with knobs of iron, and corslets of linen. These

are by the Hellenes called Syrians, but by the Barbarians they have been called always[61] Assyrians: [among

these were the Chaldeans]:[62] and the commander of them was Otaspes the son of Artachaies. 64. The

Bactrians served wearing about their heads nearly the same covering as the Medes, and having native bows of

reed and short spears. The Scaran Scythians had about their heads caps[63] which were carried up to a point

and set upright and stiff; and they wore trousers, and carried native bows and daggers, and besides this axes

of the kind called sagaris. These were called Amyrgian Sacans, being in fact Scythians; for the Persians call

all the Scythians Sacans: and of the Bactrians and Sacans the commander was Hystaspes, the son of Dareios

and of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus. 65. The Indians wore garments made of treewool, and they had bows

of reed and arrows of reed with iron points. Thus were the Indians equipped; and serving with the rest they

had been assigned to Pharnazathres the son of Artabates. 66. The Arians[64] were equipped with Median

bows, and in other respects like the Bactrians: and of the Arians Sisamnes the son of Hydarnes was in

command. The Parthians and Chorasmians and Sogdians and Gandarians and Dadicans served with the same

equipment as the Bactrians. Of these the commanders were, Artabazos the son of Pharnakes of the Parthians

and Chorasmians, Azanes the son of Artaios of the Sogdians, and Artyphios the son of Artabanos of the

Gandarians and Dadicans. [67] The Caspians served wearing coats of skin[65] and having native bows of

reed and short swords:[66] thus were these equipped; and they acknowledged as their leader Ariomardos the

brother of Artyphios. The Sarangians were conspicuous among the rest by wearing dyed garments; and they

had boots reaching up to the knee, and Median bows and spears: of these the commander was Pherendates the

son of Megabazos. The Pactyans were wearers of skin coats[67] and had native bows and daggers: these

acknowledged as their commander Arta�ntes the son of Ithamitres. 68. The Utians and Mycans and

Paricanians were equipped like the Pactyans: of these the commanders were, Arsamenes the son of Dareios of

the Utians and Mycans, and of the Paricanians Siromitres the son of Oiobazos. 69. The Arabians wore loose

mantles[68] girt up, and they carried at their right side bows that bent backward[69] of great length. The

Ethiopians had skins of leopards and lions tied upon them, and bows made of a slip[70] of palmwood,

which were of great length, not less than four cubits, and for them small arrows of reed with a sharpened

stone at the head instead of iron, the same stone with which they engrave seals: in addition to this they had

spears, and on them was the sharpened horn of a gazelle by way of a spearhead, and they had also clubs

with knobs upon them. Of their body they used to smear over half with white,[71] when they went into battle,

and the other half with red.[72] Of the Arabians and the Ethiopians who dwelt above Egypt the commander

was Arsames, the son of Dareios and of Artystone, the daughter of Cyrus, whom Dareios loved most of all

his wives, and had an image made of her of beaten gold. 70. Of the Ethiopians above Egypt and of the

Arabians the commander, I say, was Arsames; but the Ethiopians from the direction of the sunrising (for the

Ethiopians were in two bodies) had been appointed to serve with the Indians, being in no way different from

the other Ethiopians, but in their language and in the nature of their hair only; for the Ethiopians from the

East are straighthaired, but those of Libya have hair more thick and woolly than that of any other men.

These Ethiopians from Asia were armed for the most part like the Indians, but they had upon their heads the

skin of a horse's forehead flayed off with the ears and the mane, and the mane served instead of a crest, while

they had the ears of the horse set up straight and stiff: and instead of shields they used to make defences to

hold before themselves of the skins of cranes. 71. The Libyans went with equipments of leather, and they

used javelins burnt at the point. These acknowledged as their commander Massages the son of Oarizos. 72.

The Paphlagonians served with plaited helmets upon their heads, small shields, and spears of no great size,

and also javelins and daggers; and about their feet native boots reaching up to the middle of the shin. The

Ligyans and Matienians and Mariandynoi and Syrians served with the same equipment as the Paphlagonians:

these Syrians are called by the Persians Cappadokians. Of the Paphlagonians and Matienians the commander

was Dotos the son of Megasidros, and of the Mariandynoi and Lygians and Syrians, Gobryas, who was the

son of Dareios and Artystone. 73. The Phrygians had an equipment very like that of the Paphlagonians with

some slight difference. Now the Phrygians, as the Macedonians say, used to be called Brigians during the

time that they were natives of Europe and dwelt with the Macedonians; but after they had changed into Asia,

with their country they changed also their name and were called Phrygians. The Armenians were armed just

like the Phrygians, being settlers from the Phrygians. Of these two together the commander was Artochmes,

who was married to a daughter of Dareios. 74. The Lydians had arms very closely resembling those of the

Hellenes. Now the Lydians were in old time called Medonians, and they were named again after Lydos the

son of Atys, changing their former name. The Mysians had upon their heads native helmets, and they bore

small shields and used javelins burnt at the point. These are settlers from the Lydians, and from mount

Olympos they are called Olympienoi. Of the Lydians and Mysians the commander was Artaphrenes the son

of Artaphrenes, he who invaded Marathon together with Datis. 75. The Thracians served having foxskins

upon their heads and tunics about their body, with loose mantles[68] of various colours thrown round over

them; and about their feet and lower part of the leg they wore boots of deerskin; and besides this they had

javelins and round bucklers and small daggers. These when they had crossed over into Asia came to be called

Bithynians, but formerly they were called, as they themselves report, Strymonians, since they dwelt upon the

river Strymon; and they say that they were driven out of their abode by the Teucrians and Mysians. Of the

Thracians who lived in Asia the commander was Bassakes the son of Artabanos. 76. ...[73] and they had

small shields of raw oxhide, and each man carried two huntingspears of Lykian workmanship.[74] On

their heads they wore helmets of bronze, and to the helmets the ears and horns of an ox were attached, in

bronze, and upon them also there were crests; and the lower part of their legs was wrapped round with

redcoloured strips of cloth. Among these men there is an Oracle of Ares. 77. The Meonian Cabelians, who

are called Lasonians, had the same equipment as the Kilikians, and what this was I shall explain when in the

course of the catalogue I come to the array of the Kilikians. The Milyans had short spears, and their garments

were fastened on with buckles; some of them had Lykian bows, and about their heads they had caps made of

leather. Of all these Badres the son of Hystanes was in command. 78. The Moschoi had wooden caps upon

their heads, and shields and small spears, on which long points were set. The Tibarenians and Macronians

and Mossynoicoi served with equipment like that of the Moschoi, and these were arrayed together under the

following commanders,the Moschoi and Tibarenians under Ariomardos, who was the son of Dareios and

of Parmys, the daughter of Smerdis son of Cyrus; the Macronians and Mossynoicoi under Arta�ctes the son

of Cherasmis, who was governor of Sestos on the Hellespont. 79. The Mares wore on their heads native

helmets of plaited work, and had small shields of hide and javelins; and the Colchians wore wooden helmets

about their heads, and had small shields of raw oxhide and short spears, and also knives. Of the Mares and

Colchians the commander was Pharandates the son of Teaspis. The Alarodians and Saspeirians served armed

like the Colchians; and of these the commander was Masistios the son of Siromitres. 80. The island tribes

which came with the army from the Erythraian Sea, belonging to the islands in which the king settles those

who are called the "Removed,"[75] had clothing and arms very like those of the Medes. Of these islanders the

commander was Mardontes the son of Bagaios, who in the year after these events was a commander of the

81. These were the nations which served in the campaign by land and had been appointed to be among the

footsoldiers. Of this army those who have been mentioned were commanders; and they were the men who

sit it in order by divisions and numbered it and appointed commanders of thousands and commanders of tens

of thousands, but the commanders of hundreds and of tens were appointed by the commanders of ten

thousands; and there were others who were leaders of divisions and nations. 82. These, I say, who have been

mentioned were commanders of the army; and over these and over the whole army together that went on foot

there were in command Mardonios the son of Gobryas, Tritantaichmes the son of that Artabanos who gave

the opinion that they should not make the march against Hellas, Smerdomenes the son of Otanes (both these

being sons of brothers of Dareios and so cousins of Xerxes),[76] Masistes the son of Dareios and Atossa,

Gergis the son of Ariazos, and Megabyzos the son of Zopyros. 83. These were generals of the whole together

that went on foot, excepting the ten thousand; and of these ten thousand chosen Persians the general was

Hydarnes the son of Hydarnes; and these Persians were called "Immortals," because, if any one of them made

the number incomplete, being overcome either by death or disease, another man was chosen to his place, and

they were never either more or fewer than ten thousand. Now of all the nations, the Persians showed the

greatest splendour of ornament and were themselves the best men. They had equipment such as has been

mentioned, and besides this they were conspicuous among the rest for great quantity of gold freely used; and

they took with them carriages, and in them concubines and a multitude of attendants well furnished; and

provisions for them apart from the soldiers were borne by camels and beasts of burden.

84. The nations who serve as cavalry are these; not all however supplied cavalry, but only as many as here

follow:the Persians equipped in the same manner as their footsoldiers, except that upon their heads some

of them had beatenwork of metal, either bronze or iron. 85. There are also certain nomads called Sagartians,

Persian in race and in language and having a dress which is midway between that of the Persians and that of

the Pactyans. These furnished eight thousand horse, and they are not accustomed to have any arms either of

bronze or of iron excepting daggers, but they use ropes twisted of thongs, and trust to these when they go into

war: and the manner of fighting of these men is as follows:when they come to conflict with the enemy,

they throw the ropes with nooses at the end of them, and whatsoever the man catches by the throw,[77]

whether horse or man, he draws to himself, and they being entangled in toils are thus destroyed. 86. This is

the manner of fighting of these men, and they were arrayed next to the Persians. The Medes had the same

equipment as their men on foot, and the Kissians likewise. The Indians were armed in the same manner as

those of them who served on foot, and they both rode horses[78] and drove chariots, in which were harnessed

horses or wild asses. The Bactrians were equipped in the same way as those who served on foot, and the

Caspians likewise. The Libyans too were equipped like those who served on foot, and these also all drove

chariots. So too the Caspians[79] and Paricanians were equipped like those who served on foot, and they all

rode on camels, which in swiftness were not inferior to horses. 87. These nations alone served[80] as cavalry,

and the number of the cavalry proved to be eight myriads,[81] apart from the camels and the chariots. Now

the rest of the cavalry was arrayed in squadrons, but the Arabians were placed after them and last of all, for

the horses could not endure the camels, and therefore they were placed last, in order that the horses might not

be frightened. 88. The commanders of the cavalry were Harmamithras and Tithaios sons of Datis, but the

third, Pharnuches, who was in command of the horse with them, had been left behind at Sardis sick: for as

they were setting forth from Sardis, an accident befell him of an unwishedfor kind,as he was riding, a dog

ran up under his horse's feet, and the horse not having seen it beforehand was frightened, and rearing up he

threw Pharnuches off his back, who falling vomited blood, and his sickness turned to a consumption. To the

horse however they forthwith at the first did as he commanded, that is to say, the servants led him away to the

place where he had thrown his master and cut off his legs at the knees. Thus was Pharnuches removed from

89. Of the triremes the number proved to be one thousand two hundred and seven, and these were they who

furnished them:the Phenicians, together with the Syrians[82] who dwell in Palestine furnished three

hundred; and they were equipped thus, that is to say, they had about their heads leathern caps made very

nearly in the Hellenic fashion, and they wore corslets of linen, and had shields without rims and javelins.

These Phenicians dwelt in ancient time, as they themselves report, upon the Erythraian Sea, and thence they

passed over and dwell in the country along the sea coast of Syria; and this part of Syria and all as far as Egypt

is called Palestine. The Egyptians furnished two hundred ships: these men had about their heads helmets of

plaited work, and they had hollow shields with the rims large, and spears for seafighting, and large axes:[83]

the greater number of them wore corslets, and they had large knives. 90. These men were thus equipped; and

the Cyprians furnished a hundred and fifty ships, being themselves equipped as follows,their kings had

their heads wound round with fillets,[84] and the rest had tunics,[85] but in other respects they were like the

Hellenes. Among these there are various races as follows,some of them are from Salamis and Athens,

others from Arcadia, others from Kythnos, others again from Phenicia and others from Ethiopia, as the

Cyprians themselves report. 91. The Kilikians furnished a hundred ships; and these again had about their

heads native helmets, and for shields they carried targets made of raw ox hide: they wore tunics[86] of wool

and each man had two javelins and a sword, this last being made very like the Egyptian knives. These in old

time were called Hypachaians, and they got their later name from Kilix the son of Agenor, a Phenician. The

Pamphylians furnished thirty ships and were equipped in Hellenic arms. These Pamphylians are of those who

were dispersed from Troy together with Amphilochos and Calchas. 92. The Lykians furnished fifty ships; and

they were wearers of corslets and greaves, and had bows of cornelwood and arrows of reeds without

feathers and javelins and a goatskin hanging over their shoulders, and about their heads felt caps wreathed

round with feathers; also they had daggers and falchions.[87] The Lykians were formerly called Termilai,

being originally of Crete, and they got their later name from Lycos the son of Pandion, an Athenian. 93. The

Dorians of Asia furnished thirty ships; and these had Hellenic arms and were originally from the

Peloponnese. The Carians supplied seventy ships; and they were equipped in other respects like Hellenes but

they had also falchions and daggers. What was the former name of these has been told in the first part of the

history.[88] 94. The Ionians furnished a hundred ships, and were equipped like Hellenes. Now the Ionians, so

long time as they dwelt in the Peloponnese, in the land which is now called Achaia, and before the time when

Danaos and Xuthos came to the Peloponnese, were called, as the Hellenes report, Pelasgians of the

Coastland,[89] and then Ionians after Ion the son of Xuthos. 95. The islanders furnished seventeen ships,

and were armed like Hellenes, this also being a Pelasgian race, though afterwards it came to be called Ionian

by the same rule as the Ionians of the twelve cities, who came from Athens. The Aiolians supplied sixty

ships; and these were equipped like Hellenes and used to be called Pelasgians in the old time, as the Hellenes

report. The Hellespontians, excepting those of Abydos (for the men of Abydos had been appointed by the

king to stay in their place and be guards of the bridges), the rest, I say, of those who served in the expedition

from the Pontus furnished a hundred ships, and were equipped like Hellenes: these are colonists of the

96. In all the ships there served as fightingmen Persians, Medes, or Sacans;: and of the ships, those which

sailed best were furnished by the Phenicians, and of the Phenicians the best by the men of Sidon. Over all

these men and also over those of them who were appointed to serve in the landarmy, there were for each

tribe native chieftains, of whom, since I am not compelled by the course of the inquiry,[89a] I make no

mention by the way; for in the first place the chieftains of each separate nation were not persons worthy of

mention, and then moreover within each nation there were as many chieftains as there were cities. These went

with the expedition too not as commanders, but like the others serving as slaves; for the generals who had the

absolute power and commanded the various nations, that is to say those who were Persians, having already

been mentioned by me. 97. Of the naval force the following were commanders,Ariabignes the son of

Dareios, Prexaspes the son of Aspathines, Megabazos the son of Megabates, and Achaimenes the son of

Dareios; that is to say, of the Ionian and Carian force Ariabignes, who was the son of Dareios and of the

daughter of Gobryas; of the Egyptians Achaimenes was commander, being brother of Xerxes by both parents;

and of the rest of the armament the other two were in command: and galleys of thirty oars and of fifty oars,

and light vessels,[90] and long[91] ships to carry horses had been assembled together, as it proved, to the

number of three thousand. 98. Of those who sailed in the ships the men of most note after the commanders

were these,of Sidon, Tetramnestos son of Anysos; of Tyre, Matten[92] son of Siromos; or Arados,

Merbalos son of Agbalos; of Kilikia, Syennesis son of Oromedon; of Lykia, Kyberniscos son of Sicas; of

Cyprus, Gorgos son of Chersis and Timonax son of Timagoras; of Caria, Histiaios son of Tymnes, Pigres son

of Hysseldomos,[93] and Damasithymos son of Candaules. 99. Of the rest of the officers I make no mention

by the way (since I am not bound to do so), but only of Artemisia, at whom I marvel most that she joined the

expedition against Hellas, being a woman; for after her husband died, she holding the power herself, although

she had a son who was a young man, went on the expedition impelled by high spirit and manly courage, no

necessity being laid upon her. Now her name, as I said, was Artemisia and she was the daughter of Lygdamis,

and by descent she was of Halicarnassos on the side of her father, but of Crete by her mother. She was ruler

of the men of Halicarnassos and Cos and Nisyros and Calydna, furnishing five ships; and she furnished ships

which were of all the fleet reputed the best after those of the Sidonians, and of all his allies she set forth the

best counsels to the king. Of the States of which I said that she was leader I declare the people to be all of

Dorian race, those of Halicarnassos being Troizenians, and the rest Epidaurians. So far then I have spoken of

100. Then when Xerxes had numbered the army, and it had been arranged in divisions, he had a mind to drive

through it himself and inspect it: and afterwards he proceeded so to do; and driving through in a chariot by

each nation, he inquired about them and his scribes wrote down the names, until he had gone from end to end

both of the horse and of the foot. When he had done this, the ships were drawn down into the sea, and Xerxes

changing from his chariot to a ship of Sidon sat down under a golden canopy and sailed along by the prows of

the ships, asking of all just as he had done with the landarmy, and having the answers written down. And

the captains had taken their ships out to a distance of about four hundred feet from the beach and were

staying them there, all having turned the prows of the ships towards the shore in an even line[94] and having

armed all the fightingmen as for war; and he inspected them sailing within, between the prows of the ships

101. Now when he had sailed through these and had disembarked from his ship, he sent for Demaratos the

son of Ariston, who was marching with him against Hellas; and having called him he asked as follows:

"Demaratos, now it is my pleasure to ask thee somewhat which I desire to know. Thou art not only a Hellene,

but also, as I am informed both by thee and by the other Hellenes who come to speech with me, of a city

which is neither the least nor the feeblest of Hellas. Now therefore declare to me this, namely whether the

Hellenes will endure to raise hands against me: for, as I suppose, even if all the Hellenes and the remaining

nations who dwell towards the West should be gathered together, they are not strong enough in fight to

endure my attack, supposing them to be my enemies.[95] I desire however to be informed also of thy opinion,

what thou sayest about these matters." He inquired thus, and the other made answer and said: "O king, shall I

utter the truth in speaking to thee, or that which will give pleasure?" and he bade him utter the truth, saying

that he should suffer nothing unpleasant in consequence of this, any more than he suffered before. 102. When

Demaratos heard this, he spoke as follows: "O king, since thou biddest me by all means utter the truth, and so

speak as one who shall not be afterwards convicted by thee of having spoken falsely, I say this:with Hellas

poverty is ever an inbred growth, while valour is one that has been brought in, being acquired by intelligence

and the force of law; and of it Hellas makes use ever to avert from herself not only poverty but also servitude

to a master. Now I commend all the Hellenes who are settled in those Dorian lands, but this which I am about

to say has regard not to tall, but to the Lacedemonians alone: of these I say, first that it is not possible that

they will ever accept thy terms, which carry with them servitude for Hellas; and next I say that they will stand

against thee in fight, even if all the other Hellenes shall be of thy party: and as for numbers, ask now how

many they are, that they are able to do this; for whether it chances that a thousand of them have come out into

the field, these will fight with thee, or if there be less than this, or again if there be more." 103. Xerxes

hearing this laughed, and said: "Demaratos, what a speech is this which thou hast uttered, saying that a

thousand men will fight with this vast army! Come tell me this: thou sayest that thou wert thyself king of

these men; wilt thou therefore consent forthwith to fight with ten men? and yet if your State is such

throughout as thou dost describe it, thou their king ought by your laws to stand in array against double as

many as another man; that is to say, if each of them is a match for ten men of my army, I expect of thee that

thou shouldest be a match for twenty. Thus would be confirmed the report which is made by thee: but if ye,

who boast thus greatly are such men and in size so great only as the Hellenes who come commonly to speech

with me, thyself included, then beware lest this which has been spoken prove but an empty vaunt. For come,

let me examine it by all that is probable: how could a thousand or ten thousand or even fifty thousand, at least

if they were all equally free and were not ruled by one man, stand against so great an army? since, as thou

knowest, we shall be more than a thousand coming about each one of them, supposing them to be in number

five thousand. If indeed they were ruled by one man after our fashion, they might perhaps from fear of him

become braver than it was their nature to be, or they might go compelled by the lash to fight with greater

numbers, being themselves fewer in number; but if left at liberty, they would do neither of these things: and I

for my part suppose that, even if equally matched in numbers, the Hellenes would hardly dare to fight with

the Persians taken alone. With us however this of which thou speakest is found in single men,[96] not indeed

often, but rarely; for there are Persians of my spearmen who will consent to fight with three men of the

Hellenes at once: but thou hast had no experience of these things and therefore thou speakest very much at

random." 104. To this Demaratos replied: "O king, from the first I was sure that if I uttered the truth I should

not speak that which was pleasing to thee; since however thou didst compel me to speak the very truth, I told

thee of the matters which concern the Spartans. And yet how I am at this present time attached to them by

affection thou knowest better than any; seeing that first they took away from me the rank and privileges

which came to me from my fathers, and then also they have caused me to be without native land and an exile;

but thy father took me up and gave me livelihood and a house to dwell in. Surely it is not to be supposed

likely that the prudent man will thrust aside friendliness which is offered to him, but rather that he will accept

it with full contentment.[97] And I do not profess that I am able to fight either with ten men or with two, nay,

if I had my will, I would not even fight with one; but if there were necessity or if the cause which urged me to

the combat were a great one, I would fight most willingly with one of these men who says that he is a match

for three of the Hellenes. So also the Lacedemonians are not inferior to any men when fighting one by one,

and they are the best of all men when fighting in a body: for though free, yet they are not free in all things, for

over them is set Law as a master, whom they fear much more even than thy people fear thee. It is certain at

least that they do whatsoever that master commands; and he commands ever the same thing, that is to say, he

bids them not flee out of battle from any multitude of men, but stay in their post and win the victory or lose

their life. But if when I say these things I seem to thee to be speaking at random, of other things for the future

I prefer to be silent; and at this time I spake only because I was compelled. May it come to pass however

105. He thus made answer, and Xerxes turned the matter to laughter and felt no anger, but dismissed him

with kindness. Then after he had conversed with him, and had appointed Mascames son of Megadostes to be

governor at this place Doriscos, removing the governor who had been appointed by Dareios, Xerxes marched

forth his army through Thrace to invade Hellas. 106. And Mascames, whom he left behind here, proved to be

a man of such qualities that to him alone Xerxes used to send gifts, considering him the best of all the men

whom either he himself or Dareios had appointed to be governors,he used to send him gifts, I say, every

year, and so also did Artaxerxes the son of Xerxes to the descendants of Mascames. For even before this

march governors had been appointed in Thrace and everywhere about the Hellespont; and these all, both

those in Thrace and in the Hellespont, were conquered by the Hellenes after this expedition, except only the

one who was at Doriscos; but Mascames at Doriscos none were ever[98] able to conquer, though many tried.

For this reason the gifts are sent continually for him from the king who reigns over the Persians. 107. Of

those however who were conquered by the Hellenes Xerxes did not consider any to be a good man except

only Boges, who was at E�on: him he never ceased commending, and he honoured very highly his children

who survived him in the land of Persia. For in truth Boges proved himself worthy of great commendation,

seeing that when he was besieged by the Athenians under Kimon the son of Miltiades, though he might have

gone forth under a truce and so returned home to Asia, he preferred not to do this, for fear that the king

should that it was by cowardice that he survived; and he continued to hold out till the last. Then when there

was no longer any supply of provisions within the wall, he heaped together a great pyre, and he cut the

throats of his children, his wife, his concubines and his servants, and threw them into the fire; and after this

he scattered all the gold and silver in the city from the wall into the river Strymon, and having so done he

threw himself into the fire. Thus he is justly commended even to this present time by the Persians.

108. Xerxes from Doriscos was proceeding onwards to invade Hellas; and as he went he compelled those

who successively came in his way, to join his march: for the whole country as far as Thessaly had been

reduced to subjection, as has been set forth by me before, and was tributary under the king, having been

subdued by Megabazos and afterwards by Mardonios. And he passed in his march from Doriscos first by the

Samothrakian strongholds, of which that which is situated furthest towards the West is a city called

Mesambria. Next to this follows Stryme, a city of the Thasians, and midway between them flows the river

Lisos, which at this time did not suffice when supplying its water to the army of Xerxes, but the stream

failed. This country was in old time called Galla�ke, but now Briantike; however by strict justice this also

belongs to the Kikonians. 109. Having crossed over the bed of the river Lisos after it had been dried up, he

passed by these Hellenic cities, namely Maroneia, Dicaia and Abdera. These I say he passed by, and also the

following lakes of note lying near them, the Ismarian lake, lying between Maroneia and Stryme; the

Bistonian lake near Dicaia, into which two rivers pour their waters, the Trauos[99] and the Compsantos;[100]

and at Abdera no lake indeed of any note was passed by Xerxes, but the river Nestos, which flows there into

the sea. Then after passing these places he went by the cities of the mainland,[101] near one of which there is,

as it chances, a lake of somewhere about thirty furlongs in circumference, abounding in fish and very

brackish; this the baggageanimals alone dried up, being watered at it: and the name of this city is

Pistyros.[102] 110. These cities, I say, lying by the sea coast and belonging to Hellenes, he passed by, leaving

them on the left hand; and the tribes of Thracians through whose country he marched were as follows, namely

the Paitians, Kikonians, Bistonians, Sapaians, Dersaians, Edonians, Satrians. Of these they who were settled

along the sea coast accompanied him with their ships, and those of them who dwelt inland and have been

enumerated by me, were compelled to accompany him on land, except the Satrians: 111, the Satrians

however never yet became obedient to any man, so far as we know, but they remain up to my time still free,

alone of all the Thracians; for they dwell in lofty mountains, which are covered with forest of all kinds and

with snow, and also they are very skilful in war. These are they who possess the Oracle of Dionysos; which

Oracle is on their most lofty mountains. Of the Satrians those who act as prophets[103] of the temple are the

Bessians; it is a prophetess[104] who utters the oracles, as at Delphi; and beyond this there is nothing further

112. Xerxes having passed over the land which has been spoken of, next after this passed the strongholds of

the Pierians, of which the name of the one is Phagres and of the other Pergamos. By this way, I say, he made

his march, going close by the walls of these, and keeping Mount Pangaion on the right hand, which is both

great and lofty and in which are mines both of gold and of silver possessed by the Pierians and Odomantians,

and especially by the Satrians. 113. Thus passing by the Paionians, Doberians and Paioplians, who dwell

beyond Pangaion towards the North Wind, he went on Westwards, until at last he came to the river Strymon

and the city of E�on, of which, so long as he lived, Boges was commander, the same about whom I was

speaking a short time back. This country about Mount Pangaion is called Phyllis, and it extends Westwards to

the river Angites, which flows into the Strymon, and Southwards it stretches to the Strymon itself; and at this

river the Magians sacrificed for good omens, slaying white horses. 114. Having done this and many other

things in addition to this, as charms for the river, at the Nine Ways[106] in the land of the Edonians, they

proceeded by the bridges, for they had found the Strymon already yoked with bridges; and being informed

that this place was called the Nine Ways, they buried alive in it that number of boys and maidens, children of

the natives of the place. Now burying alive is a Persian custom; for I am informed that Amestris also, the

wife of Xerxes, when she had grown old, made return for her own life to the god who is said to be beneath

115. As the army proceeded on its march from the Strymon, it found after this a seabeach stretching towards

the setting of the sun, and passed by the Hellenic city, Argilos, which was there placed. This region and that

which lies above it is called Bisaltia. Thence, keeping on the left hand the gulf which lies of Posideion, he

went through the plain which is called the plain of Syleus, passing by Stageiros a Hellenic city, and so came

to Acanthos, taking with him as he went each one of these tribes and also of those who dwell about Mount

Pangaion, just as he did those whom I enumerated before, having the men who dwelt along the sea coast to

serve in the ships and those who dwelt inland to accompany him on foot. This road by which Xerxes the king

marched his army, the Thracians do not disturb nor sow crops over, but pay very great reverence to it down to

my own time. 116. Then when he had come to Acanthos, Xerxes proclaimed a guest friendship with the

people of Acanthos and also presented them with the Median dress[107] and commended them, perceiving

that they were zealous to serve him in the war and hearing of that which had been dug. 117. And while

Xerxes was in Acanthos, it happened that he who had been set over the making of the channel, Artachaies by

name, died of sickness, a man who was highly esteemed by Xerxes and belonged to the Achaimenid family;

also he was in stature the tallest of all the Persians, falling short by only four fingers of being five royal

cubits[108] in height, and he had a voice the loudest of all men; so that Xerxes was greatly grieved at the loss

of him, and carried him forth and buried him with great honour, and the whole army joined in throwing up a

mound for him. To this Artachaies the Acanthians by the bidding of an oracle do sacrifice as a hero, calling

118. King Xerxes, I say, was greatly grieved at the loss of Artachaies: and meanwhile the Hellenes who were

entertaining his army and providing Xerxes with dinners had been brought to utter ruin, so that they were

being driven from house and home; seeing that when the Thasians, for example, entertained the army of

Xerxes and provided him with a dinner on behalf of their towns upon the mainland, Antipater the son of

Orgeus, who had been appointed for this purpose, a man of repute among the citizens equal to the best,

reported that four hundred talents of silver had been spent upon the dinner. 119. Just so or nearly so in the

other cities also those who were set over the business reported the reckoning to be: for the dinner was given

as follows, having been ordered a long time beforehand, and being counted by them a matter of great

importance:In the first place, so soon as they heard of it from the heralds who carried round the

proclamation, the citizens in the various cities distributed corn among their several households, and all

continued to make wheat and barley meal for many months; then they fed cattle, finding out and obtaining the

finest animals for a high price; and they kept birds both of the land and of the water, in cages or in pools, all

for the entertainment of the army. Then again they had drinkingcups and mixingbowls made of gold and of

silver, and all the other things which are placed upon the table: these were made for the king himself and for

those who ate at his table; but for the rest of the army only the things appointed for food were provided. Then

whenever the army came to any place, there was a tent pitched ready wherein Xerxes himself made his stay,

while the rest of the army remained out in the open air; and when it came to be time for dinner, then the

entertainers had labour; but the others, after they had been satiated with food and had spent the night there, on

the next day tore up the tent and taking with them all the movable furniture proceeded on their march, leaving

nothing, but carrying all away with them. 120. Then was uttered a word well spoken by Megacreon, a man of

Abdera, who advised those of Abdera to go in a body, both themselves and their wives, to their temples, and

to sit down as suppliants of the gods, entreating them that for the future also they would ward off from them

the half of the evils which threatened; and he bade them feel great thankfulness to the gods for the past

events, because king Xerxes had not thought good to take food twice in each day; for if it had been ordered to

them beforehand to prepare breakfast also in like manner as the dinner, it would have remained for the men

of Abdera either not to await the coming of Xerxes, or if they stayed, to be crushed by misfortune more than

121. They then, I say, though hard put to it, yet were performing that which was appointed to them; and from

Acanthos Xerxes, after having commanded the generals to wait for the fleet at Therma, let the ships take their

course apart from himself, (now this Therma is that which is situated on the Thermaic gulf, from which also

this gulf has its name); and thus he did because he was informed that this was the shortest way: for from

Doriscos as far as Acanthos the army had been making its march thus:Xerxes had divided the whole

landarmy into three divisions, and one of them he had set to go along the sea accompanying the fleet, of

which division Mardonios and Masistes were commanders; another third of the army had been appointed to

go by the inland way, and of this the generals in command were Tritantaichmes and Gergis; and meanwhile

the third of the subdivisions, with which Xerxes himself went, marched in the middle between them, and

122. The fleet, when it was let go by Xerxes and had sailed right through the channel made in Athos (which

went across to the gulf on which are situated the cities of Assa, Piloros, Singos and Sarte), having taken up a

contingent from these cities also, sailed thence with a free course to the Therma�c gulf, and turning round

Ampelos the headland of Torone, it left on one side the following Hellenic cities, from which it took up

contingents of ships and men, namely Torone, Galepsos, Sermyle, Mekyberna, Olynthos: this region is called

Sithonia. 123. And the fleet of Xerxes, cutting across from the headland of Ampelos to that of

Canastron,[108a] which runs out furthest to sea of all Pallene, took up there contingents of ships and men

from Potidaia, Aphytis, Neapolis, Aige, Therambo, Skione, Mende and Sane, for these are the cities which

occupy the region which now is called Pallene, but was formerly called Phlegra. Then sailing along the coast

of this country also the fleet continued its course towards the place which has been mentioned before, taking

up contingents also from the cities which come next after Pallene and border upon the Therma�c gulf; and the

names of them are these,Lipaxos, Combreia, Lisai, Gigonos, Campsa, Smila, Aineia; and the region in

which these cities are is called even to the present day Crossaia. Then sailing from Aineia, with which name I

brought to an end the list of the cities, at once the fleet came into the Therma�c gulf and to the region of

Mygdonia, and so it arrived at the aforesaid Therma and at the cities of Sindos and Chalestra upon the river

Axios. This river is the boundary between the land of Mygdonia and Bottiaia, of which district the narrow

region which lies on the sea coast is occupied by the cities of Ichnai and Pella.

124. Now while his naval force was encamped about the river Axios an the city of Therma and the cities

which lie between these two, waiting for the coming of the king, Xerxes and the landarmy were proceeding

from Acanthos, cutting through the middle by the shortest way[109] with a view to reaching Therma: and he

was proceeding through Paionia and Crestonia to the river Cheidoros,[110] which beginning from the land of

the Crestonians, runs through the region of Mygdonia and comes out alongside of the marsh which is by the

river Axios. 125. As he was proceeding by this way, lions attacked the camels which carried his provisions;

for the lions used to come down regularly by night, leaving their own haunts, but they touched nothing else,

neither beast of burden nor man, but killed the camels only: and I marvel what was the cause, and what was it

that impelled the lions to abstain from all else and to attack the camels only, creatures which they had never

seen before, and of which they had had no experience. 126. Now there are in these parts both many lions and

also wild oxen, those that have the very large horns which are often brought into Hellas: and the limit within

which these lions are found is on the one side the river Nestos, which flows through Abdera, and on the other

the Achelos, which flows through Acarnania; for neither do the East of the Nestos, in any part of Europe

before you come to this, would you see a lion, nor again in the remaining part of the continent to the West of

127. When Xerxes had reached Therma he established the army there; and his army encamping there

occupied of the land along by the sea no less than this,beginning from the city of Therma and from

Mygdonia it extended as far as the river Lydias and the Haliacmon, which form the boundary between the

lands of Bottiaia and Macedonia, mingling their waters together in one and the same stream. The Barbarians,

I say, were encamped in these regions; and of the rivers which have been enumerated, only the river

Cheidoros flowing from the Crestonian land was insufficient for the drinking of the army and failed in its

128. Then Xerxes seeing from Therma the mountains of Thessaly, Olympos and Ossa, that they were of very

great height, and being informed that in the midst between them there was a narrow channel, through which

flows the Peneios, and hearing also that by this way there was a good road leading to Thessaly, formed a

desire to sail thither and look at the outlet of the Peneios, because he was meaning to march by the upper

road, through the land of the Macedonians who dwell inland, until he came to the Perraibians, passing by the

city of Gonnos; for by this way he was informed that it was safest to go. And having formed this desire, so

also he proceeded to do; that is, he embarked in a Sidonian ship, the same in which he used always to embark

when he wished to do anything of this kind, and he displayed a signal for the others to put out to sea also,

leaving there the landarmy. Then when Xerxes had looked at the outlet of the Peneios, he was possessed by

great wonder, and summoning his guides he asked them whether it was possible to turn the river aside and

bring it out to the sea by another way. 129. Now it is said that Thessaly was in old time a lake, being enclosed

on all sides by very lofty mountains: for the parts of it which lie towards the East are shut in by the ranges of

Pelion and Ossa, which join one another in their lower slopes, the parts towards the North Wind by Olympos,

those towards the West by Pindos and those towards the midday and the South Wind by Othrys; and the

region in the midst, between these mountains which have been named, is Thessaly, forming as it were a

hollow. Whereas then many rivers flow into it and among them these five of most note, namely Peneios,

Apidanos, Onochonos, Enipeus and Pamisos, these, which collect their waters from the mountains that

enclose Thessaly round, and flow into this plain, with names separate each one, having their outflow into the

sea by one channel and that a narrow one, first mingling their waters all together in one and the same stream;

and so soon as they are mingled together, from that point onwards the Peneios prevails with its name over the

rest and causes the others to lose their separate names. And it is said that in ancient time, there not being yet

this channel and outflow between the mountains, these rivers, and besides these rivers the lake Boibe�s also,

had no names as they have now, but by their waters they made Thessaly to be all sea. The Thessalians

themselves say that Poseidon made the channel through which the Peneios flows; and reasonably they report

it thus, because whosoever believes that it is Poseidon who shakes the Earth and that the partings asunder

produced by earthquake are the work of this god, would say, if he saw this, that it was made by Poseidon; for

the parting asunder of the mountains is the work of an earthquake, as is evident to me. 130. So the guides,

when Xerxes asked whether there was any other possible outlet to the sea for the Peneios, said with exact

knowledge of the truth: "O king, for this river there is no other outgoing which extends to the sea, but this

alone; for all Thessaly is circled about with mountains as with a crown." To this Xerxes is said to have

replied: "The Thessalians then are prudent men. This it appears was that which they desired to guard against

in good time[111] when they changed their counsel,[112] reflecting on this especially besides other things,

namely that they had a country which, it appears, is easy to conquer and may quickly be taken: for it would

have been necessary only to let the river flow over their land by making an embankment to keep it from

going through the narrow channel and so diverting the course by which now it flows, in order to put all

Thessaly under water except the mountains." This he said in reference to the sons of Aleuas, because they,

being Thessalians, were the first of the Hellenes who gave themselves over to the king; for Xerxes thought

that they offered him friendship on behalf of their whole nation. Having said thus and having looked at the

131. He then was staying in the region of Pieria many days, for the road over the mountains of Macedonia

was being cut meanwhile by a third part of his army, that all the host might pass over by this way into the

land of the Perraibians: and now the heralds returned who had been sent to Hellas to demand the gift of earth,

some emptyhanded and others bearing earth and water. 132. And among those who gave that which was

demanded were the following, namely the Thessalians, Dolopians, Enianians,[113] Perraibians, Locrians,

Megnesians, Malians, Achaians of Phthiotis, and Thebans, with the rest of the B�otians also excepting the

Thespians and Plataians. Against these the Hellenes who took up war with the Barbarian made an oath; and

the oath was this, that whosoever being Hellenes had given themselves over to the Persian, not being

compelled, these, if their own affairs should come to a good conclusion, they would dedicate as an

offering[114] to the god at Delphi. 133. Thus ran the oath which was taken by the Hellenes: Xerxes however

had not sent to Athens or to Sparta heralds to demand the gift of earth, and for this reason, namely because at

the former time when Dareios had sent for this very purpose, the one people threw the men who made the

demand into the pit[115] and the others into a well, and bade them take from thence earth and water and bear

them to the king. For this reason Xerxes did not send men to make this demand. And what evil thing[116]

came upon the Athenians for having done this to the heralds, I am not able to say, except indeed that their

land and city were laid waste; but I do not think that this happened for that cause: 134, on the Lacedemonians

however the wrath fell of Talthybios, the herald of Agamemnon; for in Sparta there is a temple of Talthybios,

and there are also descendants of Talthybios called Talthybiads, to whom have been given as a right all the

missions of heralds which go from Sparta; and after this event it was not possible for the Spartans when they

sacrificed to obtain favourable omens. This was the case with them for a long time; and as the

Lacedemonians were grieved and regarded it as a great misfortune, and general assemblies were repeatedly

gathered together and proclamation made, asking if any one of the Lacedemonians was willing to die for

Sparta, at length Sperthias the son of Aneristos and Bulis the son of Nicolaos, Spartans of noble birth and in

wealth attaining to the first rank, voluntarily submitted to pay the penalty to Xerxes for the heralds of Dareios

which had perished at Sparta. Thus the Spartans sent these to the Medes to be put to death. 135. And not only

the courage then shown by these men is worthy of admiration, but also the following sayings in addition: for

as they were on their way to Susa they came to Hydarnes (now Hydarnes was a Persian by race and

commander of those who dwelt on the sea coasts of Asia), and he offered them hospitality and entertained

them; and while they were his guests he asked them as follows: "Lacedemonians, why is it that ye flee from

becoming friends to the king? for ye may see that the king knows how to honour good men, when ye look at

me and at my fortunes. So also ye, Lacedemonians, if ye gave yourselves to the king, since ye have the

reputation with him already of being good men, would have rule each one of you over Hellenic land by the

gift of the king." To this they made answer thus: "Hydarnes, thy counsel with regard to us is not equally

balanced,[117] for thou givest counsel having made trial indeed of the one thing, but being without

experience of the other: thou knowest well what it is to be a slave, but thou hast never yet made trial of

freedom, whether it is pleasant to the taste or no; for if thou shouldest make trial of it, thou wouldest then

counsel us to fight for it not with spears only but also with axes." 136. Thus they answered Hydarnes; and

then, after they had gone up to Susa and had come into the presence of the king, first when the spearmen of

the guard commanded them and endeavoured to compel them by force to do obeisance to the king by falling

down before him, they said that they would not do any such deed, though they should be pushed down by

them head foremost; for it was not their custom to do obeisance to a man, and it was not for this that they had

come. Then when they had resisted this, next they spoke these words or words to this effect: "O king of the

Medes, the Lacedemonians sent us in place of the heralds who were slain in Sparta, to pay the penalty for

their lives." When they said this, Xerxes moved by a spirit of magnanimity replied that he would not be like

the Lacedemonians; for they had violated the rules which prevailed among all men by slaying heralds, but he

would not do that himself which he blamed them for having done, nor would he free the Lacedemonians from

their guilt by slaying these in return. 137. Thus the wrath of Talthybios ceased for the time being, even

though the Spartans had done no more than this and although Sperthias and Bulis returned back to Sparta; but

a long time after this it was roused again during the war between the Peloponnesians and Athenians, as the

Lacedemonians report. This I perceive to have been most evidently the act of the Deity: for in that the wrath

of Talthybios fell upon messengers and did not cease until it had been fully satisfied, so much was but in

accordance with justice; but that it happened to come upon the sons of these men who went up to the king on

account of the wrath, namely upon Nicolaos the son of Bulis and Aneristos the son of Sperthias (the same

who conquered the men of Halieis, who came from Tiryns, by sailing into their harbour with a merchant ship

filled with fighting men),by this it is evident to me that the matter came to pass by the act of the Deity

caused by this wrath. For these men, sent by the Lacedemonians as envoys to Asia, having been betrayed by

Sitalkes the son of Teres king of the Thracians and by Nymphodoros the son of Pythes a man of Abdera, were

captured at Bisanthe on the Hellespont; and then having been carried away to Attica they were put to death by

the Athenians, and with them also Aristeas the son of Adeimantos the Corinthian. These things happened

many years after the expedition of the king; and I return now to the former narrative.

138. Now the march of the king's army was in name against Athens, but in fact it was going against all

Hellas: and the Hellenes being informed of this long before were not all equally affected by it; for some of

them having given earth and water to the Persian had confidence, supposing that they would suffer no hurt

from the Barbarian; while others not having given were in great terror, seeing that there were not ships

existing in Hellas which were capable as regards number of receiving the invader in fight, and seeing that the

greater part of the States were not willing to take up the war, but adopted readily the side of the Medes. 139.

And here I am compelled by necessity to declare an opinion which in the eyes of most men would seem to be

invidious, but nevertheless I will not abstain from saying that which I see evidently to be the truth. If the

Athenians had been seized with fear of the danger which threatened them and had left their land,[118] or

again, without leaving their land, had stayed and given themselves up to Xerxes, none would have made any

attempt by sea to oppose the king. If then none had opposed Xerxes by sea, it would have happened on the

land somewhat thus:even if many tunics of walls[119] had been thrown across the Isthmus by the

Peloponnesians, the Lacedemonians would have been deserted by their allies, not voluntarily but of necessity,

since these would have been conquered city after city by the naval force of the Barbarian, and so they would

have been left alone: and having been left alone and having displayed great deeds of valour, they would have

met their death nobly. Either they would have suffered this fate, or before this, seeing the other Hellenes also

taking the side of the Medes, they would have made an agreement with Xerxes; and thus in either case Hellas

would have come to be under the rule of the Persians: for as to the good to be got from the walls thrown

across the Isthmus, I am unable to discover what it would have been, when the king had command of the sea.

As it is however, if a man should say that the Athenians proved to be the saviours of Hellas, he would not fail

to hit the truth; for to whichever side these turned, to that the balance was likely to incline: and these were

they who, preferring that Hellas should continue to exist in freedom, roused up all of Hellas which remained,

so much, that is, as had not gone over to the Medes, and (after the gods at least) these were they who repelled

the king. Nor did fearful oracles, which came from Delphi and cast them into dread, induce them to leave

Hellas, but they stayed behind and endured to receive the invader of their land. 140. For the Athenians had

sent men to Delphi to inquire and were preparing to consult the Oracle; and after these had performed the

usual rites in the sacred precincts, when they had entered the sanctuary[120] and were sitting down there, the

"Why do ye sit, O ye wretched? Flee thou[121] to the uttermost limits, Leaving thy home and the heights of

the wheelround city behind thee! Lo, there remaineth now nor the head nor the body in safety, Neither

the feet below nor the hands nor the middle are left thee, All are destroyed[122] together; for fire and the

passionate Wargod,[123] Urging the Syrian[124] car to speed, doth hurl them[125] to ruin. Not thine alone,

he shall cause many more great strongholds to perish, Yes, many temples of gods to the ravening fire shall

deliver, Temples which stand now surely with sweat of their terror downstreaming, Quaking with dread;

and lo! from the topmost roof to the pavement Dark blood trickles, forecasting the dire unavoidable evil.

141. Hearing this the men who had been sent by the Athenians to consult the Oracle were very greatly

distressed; and as they were despairing by reason of the evil which had been prophesied to them, Timon the

son of Androbulos, a man of the Delphians in reputation equal to the first, counselled them to take a

suppliant's bough and to approach the second time and consult the Oracle as suppliants. The Athenians did as

he advised and said: "Lord,[127] we pray thee utter to us some better oracle about our native land, having

respect to these suppliant boughs which we have come to thee bearing; otherwise surely we will not depart

away from the sanctuary, but will remain here where we are now, even until we bring our lives to an end."

When they spoke these words, the prophetess gave them a second oracle as follows:

"Pallas cannot prevail to appease great Zeus in Olympos, Though she with words very many and wiles

closewoven entreat him. But I will tell thee this more, and will clench it with steel adamantine: Then when

all else shall be taken, whatever the boundary[128] of Kecrops Holdeth within, and the dark ravines of

divinest Kithairon, A bulwark of wood at the last Zeus grants to the Tritoborn goddess Sole to remain

unwasted, which thee and thy children shall profit. Stay thou not there for the horsemen to come and the

footmen unnumbered; Stay thou not still for the host from the mainland to come, but retire thee, Turning thy

back to the foe, for yet thou shalt face him hereafter. Salamis, thou the divine, thou shalt cause sons of

women to perish, Or when the grain[129] is scattered or when it is gathered together."

142. This seemed to them to be (as in truth it was) a milder utterance than the former one; therefore they had

it written down and departed with it to Athens: and when the messengers after their return made report to the

people, many various opinions were expressed by persons inquiring into the meaning of the oracle, and

among them these, standing most in opposition to one another:some of the elder men said they thought that

the god had prophesied to them that the Acropolis should survive; for the Acropolis of the Athenians was in

old time fenced with a thorn hedge; and they conjectured accordingly that this saying about the "bulwark of

wood" referred to the fence: others on the contrary said that the god meant by this their ships, and they

advised to leave all else and get ready these. Now they who said that the ships were the bulwark of wood

were shaken in their interpretation by the two last verses which the prophetess uttered:

"Salamis, thou the divine, thou shalt cause sons of women to perish, Or when the grain is scattered or when it

In reference to these verses the opinions of those who said that the ships were the bulwark of wood were

disturbed; for the interpreters of oracles took these to mean that it was fated for them, having got ready for a

seafight, to suffer defeat round about Salamis. 143. Now there was one man of the Athenians who had lately

been coming forward to take a place among the first, whose name was Themistocles, called son of Neocles.

This man said that the interpreters of oracles did not make right conjecture of the whole, and he spoke as

follows, saying that if these words that had been uttered referred really to the Athenians, he did not think it

would have been so mildly expressed in the oracle, but rather thus, "Salamis, thou the merciless," instead of

"Salamis, thou the divine," at least if its settlers were destined to perish round about it: but in truth the oracle

had been spoken by the god with reference to the enemy, if one understood it rightly, and not to the

Athenians: therefore he counselled them to get ready to fight a battle by sea, for in this was their bulwark of

wood. When Themistocles declared his opinion thus, the Athenians judged that this was to be preferred by

them rather than the advice of the interpreters of oracles, who bade them not make ready for a seafight, nor

in short raise their hands at all in opposition, but leave the land of Attica and settle in some other. 144.

Another opinion too of Themistocles before this one proved the best at the right moment, when the

Athenians, having got large sums of money in the public treasury, which had come in to them from the mines

which are at Laureion, were intending to share it among themselves, taking each in turn the sum of ten

drachmas. Then Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to give up this plan of division and to make for

themselves with this money two hundred ships for the war, meaning by that the war with the Eginetans: for

this war having arisen[130] proved in fact the salvation of Hellas at that time, by compelling the Athenians to

become a naval power. And the ships, not having been used for the purpose for which they had been made,

thus proved of service at need to Hellas. These ships then, I say, the Athenians had already, having built them

beforehand, and it was necessary in addition to these to construct others. They resolved then, when they took

counsel after the oracle was given, to receive the Barbarian invading Hellas with their ships in full force,

following the commands of the god, in combination with those of the Hellenes who were willing to join

145. These oracles had been given before to the Athenians: and when those Hellenes who had the better mind

about Hellas[131] came together to one place, and considered their affairs and interchanged assurances with

one another, then deliberating together they thought it well first of all things to reconcile the enmities and

bring to an end the wars which they had with one another. Now there were wars engaged[132] between others

also, and especially between the Athenians and the Eginetans. After this, being informed that Xerxes was

with his army at Sardis, they determined to send spies to Asia to make observation of the power of the king;

and moreover they resolved to send envoys to Argos to form an alliance against the Persian, and to send

others to Sicily to Gelon the son of Deinomenes and also to Corcyra, to urge them to come to the assistance

of Hellas, and others again to Crete; for they made it their aim that if possible the Hellenic race might unite in

one, and that they might join all together and act towards the same end, since dangers were threatening all the

Hellenes equally. Now the power of Gelon was said to be great, far greater than any other Hellenic power.

146. When they had thus resolved, they reconciled their enmities and then sent first three men as spies to

Asia. These having come to Sardis and having got knowledge about the king's army, were discovered, and

after having been examined by the generals of the landarmy were being led off to die. For these men, I say,

death had been determined; but Xerxes, being informed of this, found fault with the decision of the generals

and sent some of the spearmen of his guard, enjoining them, if they should find the spies yet alive, to bring

them to his presence. So having found them yet surviving they brought them into the presence of the king;

and upon that Xerxes, being informed for what purpose they had come, commanded the spearmen to lead

them round and to show them the whole army both foot and horse, and when they should have had their fill

of looking at these things, to let them go unhurt to whatsoever land they desired. 147. Such was the command

which he gave, adding at the same time this saying, namely that if the spies had been put to death, the

Hellenes would not have been informed beforehand of his power, how far beyond description it was; while

on the other hand by putting to death three men they would not very greatly have damaged the enemy; but

when these returned back to Hellas, he thought it likely that the Hellenes, hearing of his power, would deliver

up their freedom to him themselves, before the expedition took place which was being set in motion; and thus

there would be no need for them to have the labour of marching an army against them. This opinion of his is

like his manner of thinking at other times;[133] for when Xerxes was in Abydos, he saw vessels which

carried corn from the Pontus sailing out through the Hellespont on their way to Egina and the Peloponnese.

Those then who sat by his side, being informed that the ships belonged to the enemy, were prepared to

capture them, and were looking to the king to see when he would give the word; but Xerxes asked about them

whither the men were sailing, and they replied: "Master, to thy foes, conveying to them corn": he then made

answer and said: "Are we not also sailing to the same place as these men, furnished with corn as well as with

other things necessary? How then do these wrong us, since they are conveying provisions for our use?"

148. The spies then, having thus looked at everything and after that having been dismissed, returned back to

Europe: and meanwhile those of the Hellenes who had sworn alliance against the Persian, after the sending

forth of the spies proceeded to send envoys next to Argos. Now the Argives report that the matters

concerning themselves took place as follows:They were informed, they say, at the very first of the

movement which was being set on foot by the Barbarian against Hellas; and having been informed of this and

perceiving that the Hellenes would endeavour to get their alliance against the Persians, they had sent

messengers to inquire of the god at Delphi, and to ask how they should act in order that it might be best for

themselves: because lately there had been slain of them six thousand men by the Lacedemonians and by

Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides,[134] and this in fact was the reason that they were sending to inquire:

"Thou to thy neighbours a foe, by the gods immortal beloved, Keep thou thy spear[135] within bounds, and

sit wellguarded behind it: Guard well the head, and the head shall preserve the limbs and the body."

Thus, they say, the Pythian prophetess had replied to them before this; and afterwards when the messengers

of the Hellenes came, as I said, to Argos, they entered the Councilchamber and spoke that which had been

enjoined to them; and to that which was said the Council replied that the Argives were ready to do as they

were requested, on condition that they got peace made with the Lacedemonians for thirty years and that they

had half the leadership of the whole confederacy: and yet by strict right (they said) the whole leadership fell

to their share, but nevertheless it was sufficient for them to have half. 149. Thus they report that the Council

made answer, although the oracle forbade them to make the alliance with the Hellenes; and they were

anxious, they say, that a truce from hostilities for thirty years should be made, although they feared the

oracle, in order, as they allege, that their sons might grow to manhood in these years; whereas if a truce did

not exist, they had fear that, supposing another disaster should come upon them in fighting against the

Persian in addition to that which had befallen them already, they might be for all future time subject to the

Lacedemonians. To that which was spoken by the Council those of the envoys who were of Sparta replied,

that as to the truce they would refer the matter to their public assembly,[136] but as to the leadership they had

themselves been commissioned to make reply, and did in fact say this, namely that they had two kings, while

the Argives had one; and it was not possible to remove either of the two who were of Sparta from the

leadership, but there was nothing to prevent the Argive king from having an equal vote with each of their

two. Then, say the Argives, they could not endure the grasping selfishness of the Spartans, but chose to be

ruled by the Barbarians rather than to yield at all to the Lacedemonians; and they gave notice to the envoys to

depart out of the territory of the Argives before sunset, or, if not, they would be dealt with as enemies.

150. The Argives themselves report so much about these matters: but there is another story reported in Hellas

to the effect that Xerxes sent a herald to Argos before he set forth to make an expedition against Hellas, and

this herald, they say, when he had come, spoke as follows: "Men of Argos, king Xerxes says to you these

things:We hold that Perses, from whom we are descended, was the son of Perseus, the son of Danae, and

was born of the daughter of Kepheus, Andromeda; and according to this it would seem that we are descended

from you. It is not fitting then that we should go forth on an expedition against those from whom we trace our

descent, nor that ye should set yourselves in opposition to us by rendering assistance to others; but it is fitting

that ye keep still and remain by yourselves: for if things happen according to my mind, I shall not esteem any

people to be of greater consequence than you." Having heard this the Argives, it is said, considered it a great

matter; and therefore at first they made no offer of help nor did they ask for any share; but afterwards, when

the Hellenes tried to get them on their side, then, since they knew well that the Lacedemonians would not

give them a share in the command, they asked for this merely in order that they might have a pretext for

remaining still. 151. Also some of the Hellenes report that the following event, in agreement with this

account, came to pass many years after these things:there happened, they say, to be in Susa the city of

Memnon[137] envoys of the Athenians come about some other matter, namely Callias the son of Hipponicos

and the others who went up with him; and the Argives at that very time had also sent envoys to Susa, and

these asked Artoxerxes the son of Xerxes, whether the friendship which they had formed with Xerxes still

remained unbroken, if they themselves desired to maintain it,[138] or whether they were esteemed by him to

be enemies; and king Artoxerxes said that it most certainly remained unbroken, and that there was no city

which he considered to be more his friend than Argos. 152. Now whether Xerxes did indeed send a herald to

Argos saying that which has been reported, and whether envoys of the Argives who had gone up to Susa

inquired of Artoxerxes concerning friendship, I am not able to say for certain; nor do I declare any opinion

about the matters in question other than that which the Argives themselves report: but I know this much, that

if all the nations of men should bring together into one place the evils which they have suffered themselves,

desiring to make exchange with their neighbours, each people of them, when they had examined closely the

evils suffered by their fellows, would gladly carry away back with them those which they had brought.[139]

Thus it is not the Argives who have acted most basely of all. I however am bound to report that which is

reported, though I am not bound altogether to believe it; and let this saying be considered to hold good as

regards every narrative in the history: for I must add that this also is reported, namely that the Argives were

actually those who invited the Persian to invade Hellas, because their war with the Lacedemonians had had

an evil issue, being willing to suffer anything whatever rather than the trouble which was then upon them.

153. That which concerns the Argives has now been said: and meanwhile envoys had come to Sicily from the

allies, to confer with Gelon, among whom was also Syagros from the Lacedemonians. Now the ancestor of

this Gelon, he who was at Gela as a settler,[140] was a native of the island of Telos, which lies off Triopion;

and when Gela was founded by the Lindians of Rhodes and by Antiphemos, he was not left behind. Then in

course of time his descendants became and continued to be priests of the mysteries of the Earth

goddesses,[141] an office which was acquired by Telines one of their ancestors in the following manner:

certain of the men of Gela, being worsted in a party struggle, had fled to Mactorion, the city which stands

above Gela: these men Telines brought back to Gela from exile with no force of men but only with the sacred

rites of these goddesses; but from whom he received them, or whether he obtained them for himself,[142] this

I am not able to say; trusting in these however, he brought the men back from exile, on the condition that his

descendants should be priests of the mysteries of the goddesses. To me it has caused wonder also that Telines

should have been able to perform so great a deed, considering that which I am told; for such deeds, I think,

are not apt to proceed from every man, but from one who has a brave spirit and manly vigour, whereas

Telines is said by the dwellers in Sicily to have been on the contrary a man of effeminate character and rather

poor spirit. 154. He then had thus obtained the privilege of which I speak: and when Cleander the son of

Pantares brought his life to an end, having been despot of Gela for seven years and being killed at last by

Sabyllos a man of Gela, then Hippocrates succeeded to the monarchy, who was brother of Cleander. And

while Hippocrates was despot, Gelon, who was a descendant of Telines the priest of the mysteries, was

spearman of the guard[143] to Hippocrates with many others and among them Ainesidemos the son of

Pataicos. Then after no long time he was appointed by reason of valour to be commander of the whole

cavalry; for when Hippocrates besieged successively the cities of Callipolis, Naxos, Zancle, Leontini, and

also Syracuse and many towns of the Barbarians, in these wars Gelon showed himself a most brilliant

warrior; and of the cities which I just now mentioned, not one except Syracuse escaped being reduced to

subjection by Hippocrates: the Syracusans however, after they had been defeated in battle at the river Eloros,

were rescued by the Corinthians and Corcyreans; these rescued them and brought the quarrel to a settlement

on this condition, namely that the Syracusans should deliver up Camarina to Hippocrates. Now Camarina

used in ancient time to belong to the men of Syracuse. 155. Then when it was the fate of Hippocrates also,

after having been despot for the same number of years as his brother Cleander, to be killed at the city of

Hybla, whither he had gone on an expedition against the Sikelians, then Gelon made a pretence of helping the

sons of Hippocrates, Eucleides and Cleander, when the citizens were no longer willing to submit; but

actually, when he had been victorious in a battle over the men of Gela, he robbed the sons of Hippocrates of

the power and was ruler himself. After this stroke of fortune Gelon restored those of the Syracusans who

were called "landholders,"[144] after they had been driven into exile by the common people and by their

own slaves, who were called Kyllyrians,[145] these, I say, he restored from the city of Casmene to Syracuse,

and so got possession of this last city also, for the common people of Syracuse, when Gelon came against

them, delivered up to him their city and themselves. 156. So after he had received Syracuse into his power, he

made less account of Gela, of which he was ruler also in addition, and he gave it in charge to Hieron his

brother, while he proceeded to strengthen Syracuse. So forthwith that city rose and shot up to prosperity; for

in the first place he brought all those of Camarina to Syracuse and made them citizens, and razed to the

ground the city of Camarina; then secondly he did the same to more than half of the men of Gela, as he had

done to those of Camarina: and as regards the Megarians of Sicily, when they were besieged and had

surrendered by capitulation, the welltodo men[146] of them, though they had stirred up war with him and

expected to be put to death for this reason, he brought to Syracuse and made them citizens, but the common

people of the Megarians, who had no share in the guilt of this war and did not expect that they would suffer

any evil, these also he brought to Syracuse and sold them as slaves to be carried away from Sicily: and the

same thing he did moreover to the men of Euboia in Sicily, making a distinction between them: and he dealt

thus with these two cities because he thought that a body of commons was a most unpleasant element in the

157. In the manner then which has been described Gelon had become a powerful despot; and at this time

when the envoys of the Hellenes had arrived at Syracuse, they came to speech with him and said as follows:

"The Lacedemonians and their allies sent us to get thee to be on our side against the Barbarian; for we

suppose that thou art certainly informed of him who is about to invade Hellas, namely that a Persian is

designing to bridge over the Hellespont, and to make an expedition against Hellas, leading against us out of

Asia all the armies of the East, under colour of marching upon Athens, but in fact meaning to bring all Hellas

to subjection under him. Do thou therefore, seeing that[147] thou hast attained to a great power and hast no

small portion of Hellas for thy share, being the ruler of Sicily, come to the assistance of those who are

endeavouring to free Hellas, and join in making her free; for if all Hellas be gathered together in one, it forms

a great body, and we are made a match in fight for those who are coming against us; but if some of us go over

to the enemy and others are not willing to help, and the sound portion of Hellas is consequently small, there is

at once in this a danger that all Hellas may fall to ruin. For do not thou hope that if the Persian shall overcome

us in battle he will not come to thee, but guard thyself against this beforehand; for in coming to our assistance

thou art helping thyself; and the matter which is wisely planned has for the most part a good issue

afterwards." 158. The envoys spoke thus; and Gelon was very vehement with them, speaking to them as

follows: "Hellenes, a selfish speech is this, with which ye have ventured to come and invite me to be your

ally against the Barbarian; whereas ye yourselves, when I in former time requested of you to join with me in

fighting against an army of Barbarians, contention having arisen between me and the Carthaginians, and

when I charged you to exact vengeance of the men of Egesta for the death of Dorieos the son of

Anaxandrides,[148] while at the same time I offered to help in setting free the tradingplaces, from which

great advantages and gains have been reaped by you,ye, I say, then neither for my own sake came to my

assistance, nor in order to exact vengeance for the death of Dorieos; and, so far as ye are concerned, all these

parts are even now under the rule of Barbarians. But since it turned out well for us and came to a better issue,

now that the war has come round and reached you, there has at last arisen in your minds a recollection of

Gelon. However, though I have met with contempt at your hands, I will not act like you; but I am prepared to

come to your assistance, supplying two hundred triremes and twenty thousand hoplites, with two thousand

horsemen, two thousand bowmen, two thousand slingers and two thousand lightarmed men to run beside the

horsemen; and moreover I will undertake to supply corn for the whole army of the Hellenes, until we have

finished the war. These things I engage to supply on this condition, namely that I shall be commander and

leader of the Hellenes against the Barbarian; but on any other condition I will neither come myself nor will I

send others." 159. Hearing this Syagros could not contain himself but spoke these words: "Deeply, I trow,

would Agamemnon son of Pelops lament,[149] if he heard that the Spartans had had the leadership taken

away from them by Gelon and by the Syracusans. Nay, but make thou no further mention of this condition,

namely that we should deliver the leadership to thee; but if thou art desirous to come to the assistance of

Hellas, know that thou wilt be under the command of the Lacedemonians; and if thou dost indeed claim not

160. To this Gelon, seeing that the speech of Syagros was adverse, set forth to them his last proposal thus:

"Stranger from Sparta, reproaches sinking into the heart of a man are wont to rouse his spirit in anger against

them; thou however, though thou hast uttered insults against me in thy speech, wilt not bring me to show

myself unseemly in my reply. But whereas ye so strongly lay claim to the leadership, it were fitting that I

should lay claim to it more than ye, seeing that I am the leader of an army many times as large and of ships

many more. Since however this condition is so distasteful to you,[150] we will recede somewhat from our

former proposal. Suppose that ye should be leaders of the landarmy and I of the fleet; or if it pleases you to

lead the seaforces, I am willing to be leader of those on land; and either ye must be contented with these

terms or go away without the alliance which I have to give." 161. Gelon, I say, made these offers, and the

envoy of the Athenians, answering before that of the Lacedemonians, replied to him as follows: "O king of

the Syracusans, it was not of a leader that Hellas was in want when it sent us to thee, but of an army. Thou

however dost not set before us the hope that thou wilt send an army, except thou have the leadership of

Hellas; and thou art striving how thou mayest become commander of the armies of Hellas. So long then as it

was thy demand to be leader of the whole army of the Hellenes, it was sufficient for us Athenians to keep

silence, knowing that the Lacedemonian would be able to make defence even for us both; but now, since

being repulsed from the demand for the whole thou art requesting to be commander of the naval force, we tell

that thus it is:not even if the Lacedemonian shall permit thee to be commander of it, will we permit thee;

for this at least is our own, if the Lacedemonians do not themselves desire to have it. With these, if they

desire to be the leaders, we do not contend; but none others beside ourselves shall we permit to be in

command of the ships: for then to no purpose should we be possessors of a seaforce larger than any other

which belongs to the Hellenes, if, being Athenians, we should yield the leadership to Syracusans, we who

boast of a race which is the most ancient of all and who are of all the Hellenes the only people who have not

changed from one land to another; to whom also belonged a man whom Homer the Epic poet said was the

best of all who came to Ilion in drawing up an army and setting it in array.[151] Thus we are not justly to be

reproached if we say these things." 162. To this Gelon made answer thus: "Stranger of Athens, it would seem

that ye have the commanders, but that ye will not have the men to be commanded. Since then ye will not at

all give way, but desire to have the whole, it were well that ye should depart home as quickly as possible and

report to the Hellenes that the spring has been taken out of their year." Now this is the meaning of the saying:

evidently the spring is the noblest part of the year; and so he meant to say that his army was the noblest

part of the army of the Hellenes: for Hellas therefore, deprived of his alliance, it was, he said, as if the spring

163. The envoys of the Hellenes, having thus had conference with Gelon, sailed away; and Gelon upon this,

fearing on the one hand about the Hellenes, lest they should not be able to overcome the Barbarian, and on

the other hand considering it monstrous and not to be endured that he should come to Peloponnesus and be

under the command of the Lacedemonians, seeing that he was despot of Sicily, gave up the thought of this

way and followed another: for so soon as he was informed that the Persian had crossed over the Hellespont,

he sent Cadmos the son of Skythes, a man of Cos, with three fiftyoared galleys to Delphi, bearing large

sums of money and friendly proposals, to wait there and see how the battle would fall out: and if the

Barbarian should be victorious, he was to give him the money and also to offer him earth and water from

those over whom Gelon had rule; but if the Hellenes should be victorious, he was bidden to bring it back.

164. Now this Cadmos before these events, having received from his father in a prosperous state the

government[153] of the people of Cos, had voluntarily and with no danger threatening, but moved merely by

uprightness of nature, placed the government in the hands of the people of Cos[154] and had departed to

Sicily, where he took from[155] the Samians and newly colonised the city of Zancle, which had changed its

name to Messene. This same Cadmos, having come thither in such manner as I have said, Gelon was now

sending, having selected him on account of the integrity which in other matters he had himself found to be in

him; and this man, in addition to the other upright acts which had been done by him, left also this to be

remembered, which was not the least of them: for having got into his hands that great sum of money which

Gelon entrusted to his charge, though he might have taken possession of it himself he did not choose to do so;

but when the Hellenes had got the better in the seafight and Xerxes had marched away and departed, he also

165. The story which here follows is also reported by those who dwell in Sicily, namely that, even though he

was to be under the command of the Lacedemonians, Gelon would have come to the assistance of the

Hellenes, but that Terillos, the son of Crinippos and despot of Himera, having been driven out of Himera by

Theron the son of Ainesidemos[156] the ruler of the Agrigentines, was just at this very time bringing in an

army of Phenicians, Libyans, Iberians, Ligurians, Elisycans, Sardinians and Corsicans, to the number of thirty

myriads,[157] with Amilcas the son of Annon king of the Carthaginians as their commander, whom Terillos

had persuaded partly by reason of his own guestfriendship, and especially by the zealous assistance of

Anaxilaos the son of Cretines, who was despot of Rhegion, and who to help his fatherinlaw endeavoured

to bring in Amilcas to Sicily, and had given him his sons as hostages; for Anaxilaos was married to the

daughter of Terillos, whose name was Kydippe. Thus it was, they say, that Gelon was not able to come to the

assistance of the Hellenes, and sent therefore the money to Delphi. 166. In addition to this they report also

that, as it happened, Gelon and Theron were victorious over Amilcas the Carthaginian on the very same day

when the Hellenes were victorious at Salamis over the Persian. And this Amilcas, who was a Carthaginian on

the father's side but on the mother's Syracusan, and who had become king of the Carthaginians by merit,

when the engagement took place and he was being worsted in the battle, disappeared, as I am informed; for

neither alive nor dead did he appear again anywhere upon the earth, though Gelon used all diligence in the

search for him. 167. Moreover there is also this story reported by the Carthaginians themselves, who therein

relate that which is probable in itself, namely that while the Barbarians fought with the Hellenes in Sicily

from the early morning till late in the afternoon (for to such a length the combat is said to have been

protracted), during this time Amilcas was remaining in the camp and was making sacrifices to get good

omens of success, offering whole bodies of victims upon a great pyre: and when he saw that there was a rout

of his own army, he being then, as it chanced, in the act of pouring a libation over the victims, threw himself

into the fire, and thus he was burnt up and disappeared. Amilcas then having disappeared, whether it was in

such a manner as this, as it is reported by the Phenicians, or in some other way,[159] the Carthaginians both

offer sacrifices to him now, and also they made memorials of him then in all the cities of their colonies, and

168. So far of the affairs of Sicily: and as for the Corcyreans, they made answer to the envoys as follows,

afterwards acting as I shall tell: for the same men who had gone to Sicily endeavoured also to obtain the help

of these, saying the same things which they said to Gelon; and the Corcyreans at the time engaged to send a

force and to help in the defence, declaring that they must not permit Hellas to be ruined without an effort on

their part, for if it should suffer disaster, they would be reduced to subjection from the very first day; but they

must give assistance so far as lay in their power. Thus speciously they made reply; but when the time came to

send help, they manned sixty ships, having other intentions in their minds, and after making much difficulty

they put out to sea and reached Peloponnese; and then near Pylos and Tainaron in the land of the

Lacedemonians they kept their ships at anchor, waiting, as Gelon did, to see how the war would turn out: for

they did not expect that the Hellenes would overcome, but thought that the Persian would gain the victory

over them with ease and be ruler of all Hellas. Accordingly they were acting of set purpose, in order that they

might be able to say to the Persian some such words as these: "O king, when the Hellenes endeavoured to

obtain our help for this war, we, who have a power which is not the smallest of all, and could have supplied a

contingent of ships in number not the smallest, but after the Athenians the largest, did not choose to oppose

thee or to do anything which was not to thy mind." By speaking thus they hoped that they would obtain some

advantage over the rest, and so it would have happened, as I am of opinion: while they had for the Hellenes

an excuse ready made, that namely of which they actually made use: for when the Hellenes reproached them

because they did not come to help, they said that they had manned sixty triremes, but had not been able to get

past Malea owing to the Etesian Winds; therefore it was that they had not come to Salamis, nor was it by any

169. These then evaded the request of the Hellenes thus: but the Cretans, when those of the Hellenes who had

been appointed to deal with these endeavoured to obtain their help, did thus, that is to say, they joined

together and sent men to inquire of the god at Delphi whether it would be better for them if they gave

assistance to Hellas: and the Pythian prophetess answered: "Ye fools, do ye think those woes too few,[160]

which Minos sent upon you in his wrath,[161] because of the assistance that ye gave to Menelaos? seeing

that, whereas they did not join with you in taking vengeance for his death in Camicos, ye nevertheless joined

with them in taking vengeance for the woman who by a Barbarian was carried off from Sparta." When the

Cretans heard this answer reported, they abstained from the giving of assistance. 170. For the story goes that

Minos, having come to Sicania, which is now called Sicily, in search of Daidalos, died there by a violent

death; and after a time the Cretans, urged thereto by a god, all except the men of Polichne and Praisos, came

with a great armament to Sicania and besieged for seven years the city of Camicos, which in my time was

occupied by the Agrigentines; and at last not being able either to capture it or to remain before it, because

they were hard pressed by famine, they departed and went away. And when, as they sailed, they came to be

off the coast of Iapygia, a great storm seized them and cast them away upon the coast; and their vessels being

dashed to pieces, they, since they saw no longer any way of coming to Crete, founded there the city of Hyria;

and there they stayed and were changed so that they became instead of Cretans, Messapians of Iapygia, and

instead of islanders, dwellers on the mainland: then from the city of Hyria they founded those other

settlements which the Tarentines long afterwards endeavoured to destroy and suffer great disaster in that

enterprise, so that this in fact proved to be the greatest slaughter of Hellenes that is known to us, and not only

of the Tarentines themselves but of those citizens of Rhegion who were compelled by Mikythos the son of

Choiros to go to the assistance of the Tarentines, and of whom there were slain in this manner three thousand

men: of the Tarentines themselves however, who were slain there, there was no numbering made. This

Mikythos, who was a servant of Anaxilaos, had been left by him in charge of Rhegion; and he it was who

after being driven out of Rhegion took up his abode at Tegea of the Arcadians and dedicated those many

statues at Olympia. 171. This of the men of Rhegion and of the Tarentines has been an episode[162] in my

narrative: in Crete however, as the men of Praisos report, after it had been thus stripped of inhabitants,

settlements were made by various nations, but especially by Hellenes; and in the next generation but one after

the death of Minos came the Trojan war, in which the Cretans proved not the most contemptible of those who

came to assist Menelaos. Then after this, when they had returned home from Troy, famine and pestilence

came upon both the men and their cattle, until at last Crete was stripped of its inhabitants for the second time,

and a third population of Cretans now occupy it together with those which were left of the former inhabitants.

The Pythian prophetess, I say, by calling these things to their minds stopped them from giving assistance to

172. As for the Thessalians, they at first had taken the side of the Persians against their will, and they gave

proof that they were not pleased by that which the Aleuadai were designing; for so soon as they heard that the

Persian was about to cross over into Europe, they sent envoys to the Isthmus: now at the Isthmus were

assembled representatives of Hellas chosen by the cities which had the better mind about Hellas: having

come then to these, the envoys of the Thessalians said: "Hellenes, ye must guard the pass by Olympos, in

order that both Thessaly and the whole of Hellas may be sheltered from the war. We are prepared to join with

you in guarding it, but ye must send a large force as well as we; for if ye shall not send, be assured that we

shall make agreement with the Persian; since it is not right that we, standing as outposts so far in advance of

the rest of Hellas, should perish alone in your defence: and not being willing[163] to come to our help, ye

cannot apply to us any force to compel inability;[164] but we shall endeavour to devise some means of safety

for ourselves." 173. Thus spoke the Thessalians; and the Hellenes upon this resolved to send to Thessaly by

sea an army of men on foot to guard the pass: and when the army was assembled it set sail through Euripos,

and having come to Alos in the Achaian land, it disembarked there and marched into Thessaly leaving the

ships behind at Alos, and arrived at Tempe, the pass which leads from lower Macedonia into Thessaly by the

river Peneios, going between the mountains of Olympos and Ossa. There the Hellenes encamped, being

assembled to the number of about ten thousand hoplites, and to them was added the cavalry of the

Thessalians; and the commander of the Lacedemonians was Euainetos the son of Carenos, who had been

chosen from the polemarchs,[165] not being of the royal house, and of the Athenians Themistocles the son of

Neocles. They remained however but few days here, for envoys came from Alexander the son of Amyntas the

Macedonian, who advised them to depart thence and not to remain in the pass and be trodden under foot by

the invading host, signifying to them at the same time both the great numbers of the army and the ships which

they had. When these gave them this counsel, they followed the advice, for they thought that the counsel was

good, and the Macedonian was evidently well disposed towards them. Also, as I think, it was fear that

persuaded them to it, when they were informed that there was another pass besides this to the Thessalian land

by upper Macedonia through the Perraibians and by the city of Gonnos, the way by which the army of Xerxes

did in fact make its entrance. So the Hellenes went down to their ships again and made their way back to the

174. Such was the expedition to Thessaly, which took place when the king was about to cross over from Asia

to Europe and was already at Abydos. So the Thessalians, being stripped of allies, upon this took the side of

the Medes with a good will and no longer halfheartedly, so that in the course of events they proved very

175. When the Hellenes had returned to the Isthmus, they deliberated, having regard to that which had been

said by Alexander, where and in what regions they should set the war on foot: and the opinion which

prevailed was to guard the pass at Thermopylai; for it was seen to be narrower than that leading into

Thessaly, and at the same time it was single,[166] and nearer also to their own land; and as for the path by

means of which were taken those of the Hellenes who were taken by the enemy at Thermopylai, they did not

even know of its existence until they were informed by the people of Trachis after they had come to

Thermopylai. This pass then they resolved to guard, and not permit the Barbarian to go by into Hellas; and

they resolved that the fleet should sail to Artemision in the territory of Histiaia: for these points are near to

one another, so that each division of their forces could have information of what was happening to the other.

And the places are so situated as I shall describe. 176. As to Artemision first, coming out of the Thracian Sea

the space is contracted from great width to that narrow channel which lies between the island of Skiathos and

the mainland of Magnesia; and after the strait there follows at once in Eub�a the seabeach called

Artemision, upon which there is a temple of Artemis. Then secondly the passage into Hellas by Trechis is,

where it is narrowest, but fifty feet wide: it is not here however that the narrowest part of this whole region

lies, but in front of Thermopylai and also behind it, consisting of a single wheel track only[167] both by

Alpenoi, which lies behind Thermopylai and again by the river Phoinix near the town of Anthela there is no

space but a single wheeltrack only: and on the West of Thermopylai there is a mountain which is impassable

and precipitous, rising up to a great height and extending towards the range of Oite, while on the East of the

road the sea with swampy pools succeeds at once. In this passage there are hot springs, which the natives of

the place call the "Pots,"[168] and an altar of Heracles is set up near them. Moreover a wall had once been

built at this pass, and in old times there was a gate set in it; which wall was built by the Phokians, who were

struck with fear because the Thessalians had come from the land of the Thesprotians to settle in the Aiolian

land, the same which they now possess. Since then the Thessalians, as they supposed, were attempting to

subdue them, the Phokians guarded themselves against this beforehand; and at that time they let the water of

the hot springs run over the passage, that the place might be converted into a ravine, and devised every means

that the Thessalians might not make invasion of their land. Now the ancient wall had been built long before,

and the greater part of it was by that time in ruins from lapse of time; the Hellenes however resolved to set it

up again, and at this spot to repel the Barbarian from Hellas: and very near the road there is a village called

177. These places then the Hellenes perceived to be such as their purpose required; for they considered

everything beforehand and calculated that the Barbarians would not be able to take advantage either of

superior numbers or of cavalry, and therefore they resolved here to receive the invader of Hellas: and when

they were informed that the Persian was in Pieria, they broke up from the Isthmus and set forth for the

campaign, some going to Thermopylai by land, and others making for Artemision by sea.

178. The Hellenes, I say, were coming to the rescue with speed, having been appointed to their several

places: and meanwhile the men of Delphi consulted the Oracle of the god on behalf of themselves and on

behalf of Hellas, being struck with dread; and a reply was given them that they should pray to the Winds, for

these would be powerful helpers of Hellas in fight. So the Delphians, having accepted the oracle, first

reported the answer which had been given them to those of the Hellenes who desired to be free; and having

reported this to them at a time when they were in great dread of the Barbarian, they laid up for themselves an

immortal store of gratitude: then after this the men of Delphi established an altar for the Winds in Thuia,

where is the sacred enclosure of Thuia the daughter of Kephisos, after whom moreover this place has its

179. The Delphians then according to the oracle even to this day make propitiary offerings to the Winds: and

meanwhile the fleet of Xerxes setting forth from the city of Therma had passed over with ten of its ships,

which were those that sailed best, straight towards Skiathos, where three Hellenic ships, a Troizenian, an

Eginetan and an Athenian, were keeping watch in advance. When the crews of these caught sight of the ships

of the Barbarians, they set off to make their escape: 180, and the ship of Troizen, of which Prexinos was in

command, was pursued and captured at once by the Barbarians; who upon that took the man who was most

distinguished by beauty among the fightingmen on board of her,[169] and cut his throat at the prow of the

ship, making a good omen for themselves of the first of the Hellenes whom they had captured who was

preeminent for beauty. The name of this man who was sacrificed was Leon, and perhaps he had also his

name to thank in some degree for what befell him. 181. The ship of Egina however, of which Asonides was

master, even gave them some trouble to capture it, seeing that Pytheas the son of Ischeno�s served as a

fightingman on board of her, who proved himself a most valiant man on this day; for when the ship was

being taken, he held out fighting until he was hacked all to pieces: and as when he had fallen he did not die,

but had still breath in him, the Persians who served as fightingmen on board the ships, because of his valour

used all diligence to save his life, both applying unguents of myrrh to heal his wounds and also wrapping him

up in bands of the finest linen; and when they came back to their own main body, they showed him to all the

army, making a marvel of him and giving him good treatment; but the rest whom they had taken in this ship

they treated as slaves. 182. Two of the three ships, I say, were captured thus; but the third, of which Phormos

an Athenian was master, ran ashore in its flight at the mouth of the river Peneios; and the Barbarians got

possession of the vessel but not of the crew; for so soon as the Athenians had run the ship ashore, they leapt

183. Of these things the Hellenes who were stationed at Artemision were informed by firesignals from

Skiathos; and being informed of them and being struck with fear, they removed their place of anchorage from

Atermision to Chalkis, intending to guard the Euripos, but leaving at the same time watchers by day[170] on

the heights of Eub�a. Of the ten ships of the Barbarians three sailed up to the reef called Myrmex,[171]

which lies between Skiathos and Magnesia; and when the Barbarians had there erected a stone pillar, which

for that purpose they brought to the reef, they set forth with their main body[172] from Therma, the

difficulties of the passage having now been cleared away, and sailed thither with all their ships, having let

eleven days go by since the king set forth on his march from Therma. Now of this reef lying exactly in the

middle of the fairway they were informed by Pammon of Skyros. Sailing then throughout the day the

Barbarians accomplished the voyage to Sepias in Magnesia and to the seabeach which is between the city of

184. So far as this place and so far as Thermopylai the army was exempt from calamity; and the number was

then still, as I find by computation, this:Of the ships which came from Asia, which were one thousand two

hundred and seven, the original number of the crews supplied by the several nations I find to have been

twentyfour myriads and also in addition to them one thousand four hundred,[173] if one reckons at the rate

of two hundred men to each ship: and on board of each of these ships there served as fightingmen,[174]

besides the fightingmen belonging to its own nation in each case, thirty men who were Persians, Medes, or

Sacans; and this amounts to three myriads six thousand two hundred and ten[175] in addition to the others. I

will add also to this and to the former number the crews of the fiftyoared galleys, assuming that there were

eighty men, more or less,[176] in each one. Of these vessels there were gathered together, as was before said,

three thousand: it would follow therefore that there were in them fourandtwenty myriads[177] of men.

This was the naval force which came from Asia, amounting in all to fiftyone myriads and also seven

thousand six hundred and ten in addition.[178] Then of the footmen there had been found to be a hundred and

seventy myriads,[179] and of the horsemen eight myriads:[180] and I will add also to these the Arabian

cameldrivers and the Libyan drivers of chariots, assuming them to amount to twenty thousand men. The

result is then that the number of the ships' crews combined with that of the landarmy amounts to two

hundred and thirtyone myriads and also in addition seven thousand six hundred and ten.[181] This is the

statement of the Army which was brought up out of Asia itself, without counting the attendants which

accompanied it or the corntransports and the men who sailed in these. 185. There is still to be reckoned, in

addition to all this which has been summed up, the force which was being led from Europe; and of this we

must give a probable estimate.[182] The Hellenes of Thrace and of the islands which lie off the coast of

Thrace supplied a hundred and twenty ships; from which ships there results a sum of twentyfour thousand

men: and as regards the landforce which was supplied by the Thracians, Paionians, Eordians, Bottiaians, the

race which inhabits Chalkidike, the Brygians, Pierians, Macedonians, Perraibians, Enianians,[183] Dolopians,

Magnesians, Achaians, and all those who dwell in the coast region of Thrace, of these various nations I

estimate that there were thirty myriads.[184] These myriads then added to those from Asia make a total sum

of two hundred and sixtyfour myriads of fighting men and in addition to these sixteen hundred and ten.[185]

186. Such being the number of this body of fightingmen,[186] the attendants who went with these and the

men who were in the small vessels[187] which carried corn, and again in the other vessels which sailed with

the army, these I suppose were not less in number but more than the fighting men. I assume them to be equal

in number with these, and neither at all more nor less; and so, being supposed equal in number with the

fighting body, they make up the same number of myriads as they. Thus five hundred and twentyeight

myriads three thousand two hundred and twenty[188] was the number of men whom Xerxes son of Dareios

led as far as Sepias and Thermopylai. 187. This is the number of the whole army of Xerxes; but of the women

who made bread for it, and of the concubines and eunuchs no man can state any exact number, nor again of

the draughtanimals and other beasts of burden or of the Indian hounds, which accompanied it, could any one

state the number by reason of their multitude: so that it does not occur to me to wonder that the streams of

some rivers should have failed them, but I wonder rather how the provisions were sufficient to feed so many

myriads; for I find on computation that if each man received a quart[189] of wheat every day and nothing

more, there would be expended every day eleven myriads of medimnoi[190] and three hundred and forty

medimnoi besides: and here I am not reckoning anything for the women, eunuchs, baggage animals, or

dogs. Of all these men, amounting to so many myriads, not one was for beauty and stature more worthy than

188. The fleet, I say, set forth and sailed: and when it had put in to land in the region of Magnesia at the

beach which is between the city of Casthanaia and the headland of Sepias, the first of the ships which came

lay moored by the land and the others rode at anchor behind them; for, as the beach was not large in extent,

they lay at anchor with prows projecting[191] towards the sea in an order which was eight ships deep. For

that night they lay thus; but at early dawn, after clear sky and windless calm, the sea began to be violently

agitated and a great storm fell upon them with a strong East[192] Wind, that wind which they who dwell

about those parts call Hellespontias. Now as many of them as perceived that the wind was rising and who

were so moored that it was possible for them to do so, drew up their ships on land before the storm came, and

both they and their ships escaped; but as for those of the ships which it caught out at sea, some it cast away at

the place called Ipnoi[193] in Pelion and others on the beach, while some were wrecked on the headland of

Sepias itself, others at the city of Meliboia, and others were thrown up on shore[194] at Casthanaia: and the

violence of the storm could not be resisted. 189. There is a story reported that the Athenians had called upon

Boreas to aid them, by suggestion of an oracle, because there had come to them another utterance of the god

bidding them call upon their brother by marriage to be their helper. Now according to the story of the

Hellenes Boreas has a wife who is of Attica, Oreithuia the daughter of Erechththeus. By reason of this

affinity, I say, the Athenians, according to the tale which has gone abroad, conjectured that their "brother by

marriage" was Boreas, and when they perceived the wind rising, as they lay with their ships at Chalkis in

Eub�a, or even before that, they offered sacrifices and called upon Boreas and Oreithuia to assist them and to

destroy the ships of the Barbarians, as they had done before round about mount Athos. Whether it was for this

reason that the wind Boreas fell upon the Barbarians while they lay at anchor, I am not able to say; but

however that may be, the Athenians report that Boreas had come to their help in former times, and that at this

time he accomplished those things for them of which I speak; and when they had returned home they set up a

190. In this disaster the number of the ships which were lost was not less than four hundred, according to the

report of those who state the number which is lowest, with men innumerable and an immense quantity of

valuable things; insomuch that to Ameinocles the son of Cretines, a Magnesian who held lands about Sepias,

this shipwreck proved very gainful; for he picked up many cups of gold which were thrown up afterwards on

the shore, and many also of silver, and found treasure chests[195] which had belonged to the Persians, and

made acquisition of other things of gold[196] more than can be described. This man however, though he

became very wealthy by the things which he found, yet in other respects was not fortunate; for he too

suffered misfortune, being troubled by the slaying of a child.[197] 191. Of the corntransplants and other

vessels which perished there was no numbering made; and so great was the loss that the commanders of the

fleet, being struck with fear lest the Thessalians should attack them now that they had been brought into an

evil plight, threw round their camp a lofty palisade built of the fragments of wreck. For the storm continued

during three days; but at last the Magians, making sacrifice of victims and singing incantations to appease the

Wind by enchantments,[198] and in addition to this, offering to Thetis and the Nere�ds, caused it to cease on

the fourth day, or else for some other reason it abated of its own will. Now they offered sacrifice to Thetis,

being informed by the Ionians of the story that she was carried off from the place by Peleus, and that the

whole headland of Sepias belonged to her and to the other Nere�ds. 192. The storm then had ceased on the

fourth day; and meanwhile the daywatchers had run down from the heights of Eub�a on the day after the

first storm began, and were keeping the Hellenes informed of all that had happened as regards the shipwreck.

They then, being informed of it, prayed first to Poseidon the Saviour and poured libations, and then they

hastened to go back to Artemision, expecting that there would be but a very few ships of the enemy left to

come against them. 193. They, I say, came for the second time and lay with their ships about Artemision: and

from that time even to this they preserve the use of the surname "Saviour" for Poseidon. Meanwhile the

Barbarians, when the wind had ceased and the swell of the sea had calmed down, drew their ships into the sea

and sailed on along the shore of the mainland, and having rounded the extremity of Magnesia they sailed

straight into the gulf which leads towards Pagasai. In this gulf of Magnesia there is a place where it is said

that Heracles was left behind by Jason and his comrades, having been sent from the Argo to fetch water, at

the time when they were sailing for the fleece to Aia in the land of Colchis: for from that place they designed,

when they had taken in water, to loose[199] their ship into the open sea; and from this the place has come to

194. Now it chanced that fifteen of these ships put out to sea a good deal later than the rest, and they

happened to catch sight of the ships of the Hellenes at Artemision. These ships the Barbarians supposed to be

their own, and they sailed thither accordingly and fell among the enemy. Of these the commander was

Sandokes the son of Thamasios, the governor of Kyme in Aiolia, whom before this time king Dareios had

taken and crucified (he being one of the Royal Judges) for this reason,[199a] namely that Sandokes had

pronounced judgment unjustly for money. So then after he was hung up, Dareios reckoned and found that

more good services had been done by him to the royal house than were equal to his offences; and having

found this, and perceived that he had himself acted with more haste than wisdom, he let him go. Thus he

escaped from king Dareios, and did not perish but survived; now, however, when he sailed in toward the

Hellenes, he was destined not to escape the second time; for when the Hellenes saw them sailing up,

perceiving the mistake which was being made they put out against them and captured them without difficulty.

195. Sailing in one of these ships Aridolis was captured, the despot of Alabanda in Caria, and in another the

Paphian commander Penthylos son of Demono�s, who brought twelve ships from Paphos, but had lost eleven

of them in the storm which had come on by Sepias, and now was captured sailing in towards Artemision with

the one which had escaped. These men the Hellenes sent away in bonds to the Isthmus of the Corinthians,

after having inquired of them that which they desired to learn of the army of Xerxes.

196. The fleet of the Barbarians then, except the fifteen ships of which I said that Sandokes was in command,

had arrived at Aphetai; and Xerxes meanwhile with the landarmy, having marched through Thessalia and

Achaia, had already entered the land of the Malians two days before,[200] after having held in Thessaly a

contest for his own horses, making trial also of the Thessalian cavalry, because he was informed that it was

the best of all among the Hellenes; and in this trial the horses of Hellas were far surpassed by the others. Now

of the rivers in Thessalia the Onochonos alone failed to suffice by its stream for the drinking of the army; but

of the rivers which flow in Achaia even that which is the largest of them, namely Epidanos, even this, I say,

197. When Xerxes had reached Alos of Achaia, the guides who gave him information of the way, wishing to

inform him fully of everything, reported to him a legend of the place, the things, namely, which have to do

with the temple of Zeus Laphystios;[201] how Athamas the son of Aiolos contrived death for Phrixos, having

taken counsel with Ino, and after this how by command of an oracle the Achaians propose to his descendants

the following tasks to be performed:whosoever is the eldest of this race, on him they lay an injunction that

he is forbidden to enter the City Hall,[202] and they themselves keep watch; now the City Hall is called by

the Achaians the "Hall of the People";[203] and if he enter it, it may not be that he shall come forth until he is

about to be sacrificed. They related moreover in addition to this, that many of these who were about to be

sacrificed had before now run away and departed to another land, because they were afraid; and if afterwards

in course of time they returned to their own land and were caught, they were placed[204] in the City Hall: and

they told how the man is sacrificed all thickly covered with wreaths, and with what form of procession he is

brought forth to the sacrifice. This is done to the descendants of Kytissoros the son of Phrixos, because, when

the Achaians were making of Athamas the son of Aiolos a victim to purge the sins of the land according to

the command of an oracle, and were just about to sacrifice him, this Kytissoros coming from Aia of the

Colchians rescued him; and having done so he brought the wrath of the gods upon his own descendants.

Having heard these things, Xerxes, when he came to the sacred grove, both abstained from entering it

himself, and gave the command to his whole army to so likewise; and he paid reverence both to the house and

198. These then are the things which happened in Thessalia and in Achaia; and from these regions he

proceeded to the Malian land, going along by a gulf of the sea, in which there is an ebb and flow of the tide

every day. Round about this gulf there is a level space, which in parts is broad but in other parts very narrow;

and mountains lofty and inaccessible surrounding this place enclose the whole land of Malis and are called

the rocks of Trachis. The first city upon this gulf as one goes from Achaia is Antikyra, by which the river

Spercheios flowing from the land of the Enianians[205] runs out into the sea. At a distance of twenty

furlongs[206] or thereabouts from this river there is another, of which the name is Dyras; this is said to have

appeared that it might bring assistance to Heracles when he was burning: then again at a distance of twenty

furlongs from this there is another river called Melas. 199. From this river Melas the city of Trachis is distant

five furlongs; and here, in the parts where Trachis is situated, is even the widest portion of all this district, as

regards the space from the mountains to the sea; for the plain has an extent of twentytwo thousand

plethra.[207] In the mountainrange which encloses the land of Trachis there is a cleft to the South of Trachis

itself; and through this cleft the river Asopos flows, and runs along by the foot of the mountain. 200. There is

also another river called Phoinix, to the South of the Asopos, of no great size, which flowing from these

mountains runs out into the Asopos; and at the river Phoinix is the narrowest place, for here has been

constructed a road with a single wheeltrack only. Then from the river Phoinix it is a distance of fifteen

furlongs to Thermopylai; and in the space between the river Phoinix and Thermopylai there is a village called

Anthela, by which the river Asopos flows, and so runs out into the sea; and about this village there is a wide

space in which is set up a temple dedicated to Demeter of the Amphictyons, and there are seats for the

201. King Xerxes, I say, was encamped within the region of Trachis in the land of the Malians, and the

Hellenes within the pass. This place is called by the Hellenes in general Thermopylai, but by the natives of

the place and those who dwell in the country round it is called Pylai. Both sides then were encamped

hereabout, and the one had command of all that lies beyond Trachis[208] in the direction of the North Wind,

and the others of that which tends towards the South Wind and the midday on this side of the

202. These were the Hellenes who awaited the attack of the Persian in this place:of the Spartans three

hundred hoplites; of the men of Tegea and Mantineia a thousand, half from each place, from Orchomenos in

Arcadia a hundred and twenty, and from the rest of Arcadia a thousand,of the Arcadians so many; from

Corinth four hundred, from Phlius two hundred, and of the men of Mykene eighty: these were they who came

from the Peloponnese; and from the B�otians seven hundred of the Thespians, and of the Thebans four

hundred. 203. In addition to these the Locrians of Opus had been summoned to come in their full force, and

of the Phokians a thousand: for the Hellenes had of themselves sent a summons to them, saying by

messengers that they had come as forerunners of the others, that the rest of the allies were to be expected

every day, that their sea was safely guarded, being watched by the Athenians and the Eginetans and by those

who had been appointed to serve in the fleet, and that they need fear nothing: for he was not a god, they said,

who was coming to attack Hellas, but a man; and there was no mortal, nor would be any, with those fortunes

evil had not been mingled at his very birth, and the greatest evils for the greatest men; therefore he also who

was marching against them, being mortal, would be destined to fail of his expectation. They accordingly,

204. Of these troops, although there were other commanders also according to the State to which each

belonged, yet he who was most held in regard and who was leader of the whole army was the Lacedemonian

Leonidas son of Anaxandrides, son of Leon, son of Eurycratides, son of Anaxander, son of Eurycrates, son of

Polydoros, son of Alcamenes, son of Teleclos, son of Archelaos, son of Hegesilaos, son of Doryssos, son of

Leobotes, son of Echestratos, son of Agis, son of Eurysthenes, son of Aristodemos, son of Aristomachos, son

of Cleodaios, son of Hyllos, son of Heracles; who had obtained the kingdom of Sparta contrary to

expectation. 205. For as he had two brothers each older than himself, namely Cleomenes and Dorieos, he had

been far removed from the thought of becoming king. Since however Cleomenes had died without male

child, and Dorieos was then no longer alive, but he also had brought his life to an end in Sicily,[210] thus the

kingdom came to Leonidas, both because was of elder birth than Cleombrotos (for Cleombrotos was the

youngest of the sons of Anaxandrides) and also because he had in marriage the daughter of Cleomenes. He

then at this time went to Thermopylai, having chosen the three hundred who were appointed by law[211] and

men who chanced to have sons; and he took with him besides, before he arrived, those Thebans whom I

mentioned when I reckoned them in the number of the troops, of whom the commander was Leontiades the

son of Eurymachos: and for this reason Leonidas was anxious to take up these with him of all the Hellenes,

namely because accusations had been strongly brought against them that they were taking the side of the

Medes; therefore he summoned them to the war, desiring to know whether they would send troops with them

or whether they would openly renounce the alliance of the Hellenes; and they sent men, having other

206. These with Leonidas the Spartans had sent out first, in order that seeing them the other allies might join

in the campaign, and for fear that they also might take the side of the Medes, if they heard that the Spartans

were putting off their action. Afterwards, however, when they had kept the festival, (for the festival of the

Carneia stood in their way), they intended then to leave a garrison in Sparta and to come to help in full force

with speed: and just so also the rest of the allies had thought of doing themselves; for it chanced that the

Olympic festival fell at the same time as these events. Accordingly, since they did not suppose that the

fighting in Thermopylai would so soon be decided, they sent only the forerunners of their force. 207. These, I

say, had intended to do thus: and meanwhile the Hellenes at Thermopylai, when the Persian had come near to

the pass, were in dread, and deliberated about making retreat from their position. To the rest of the

Peloponnesians then it seemed best that they should go to the Peloponnese and hold the Isthmus in guard; but

Leonidas, when the Phokians and Locrians were indignant at this opinion, gave his vote for remaining there,

and for sending at the same time messengers to the several States bidding them to come up to help them,

208. As they were thus deliberating, Xerxes sent a scout on horseback to see how many they were in number

and what they were doing; for he had heard while he was yet in Thessaly that there had been assembled in

this place a small force, and that the leaders of it were Lacedemonians together with Leonidas, who was of

the race of Heracles. And when the horseman had ridden up towards their camp, he looked upon them and

had a view not indeed of the whole of their army, for of those which were posted within the wall, which they

had repaired and were keeping a guard, it was not possible to have a view, but he observed those who were

outside, whose station was in front of the wall; and it chanced at that time that the Lacedemonians were they

who were posted outside. So then he saw some of the men practising athletic exercises and some combing

their long hair: and as he looked upon these things he marvelled, and at the same time he observed their

number: and when he had observed all exactly, he rode back unmolested, for no one attempted to pursue him

and he found himself treated with much indifference. And when he returned he reported to Xerxes all that

which he had seen. 209. Hearing this Xerxes was not able to conjecture the truth about the matter, namely

that they were preparing themselves to die and to deal death to the enemy so far as they might; but it seemed

to him that they were acting in a manner merely ridiculous; and therefore he sent for Demaratos the son of

Ariston, who was in his camp, and when he came, Xerxes asked him of these things severally, desiring to

discover what this was which the Lacedemonians were doing: and he said: "Thou didst hear from my mouth

at a former time, when we were setting forth to go against Hellas, the things concerning these men; and

having heard them thou madest me an object of laughter, because I told thee of these things which I perceived

would come to pass; for to me it is the greatest of all ends to speak the truth continually before thee, O king.

Hear then now also: these men have come to fight with us for the passage, and this is it that they are

preparing to do; for they have a custom which is as follows;whenever they are about to put their lives in

peril, then they attend to the arrangement of their hair. Be assured however, that if thou shalt subdue these

and the rest of them which remain behind in Sparta, there is no other race of men which will await thy onset,

O king, or will raise hands against thee: for now thou art about to fight against the noblest kingdom and city

of those which are among the Hellenes, and the best men." To Xerxes that which was said seemed to be

utterly incredible, and he asked again a second time in what manner being so few they would fight with his

host. He said; "O king, deal with me as with a liar, if thou find not that these things come to pass as I say."

210. Thus saying he did not convince Xerxes, who let four days go by, expecting always that they would take

to flight; but on the fifth day, when they did not depart but remained, being obstinate, as he thought, in

impudence and folly, he was enraged and sent against them the Medes and the Kissians, charging them to

take the men alive and bring them into his presence. Then when the Medes moved forward and attacked the

Hellenes, there fell many of them, and others kept coming up continually, and they were not driven back,

though suffering great loss: and they made it evident to every man, and to the king himself not least of all,

that human beings are many but men are few. This combat went on throughout the day: 211, and when the

Medes were being roughly handled, then these retired from the battle, and the Persians, those namely whom

the king called "Immortals," of whom Hydarnes was commander, took their place and came to the attack,

supposing that they at least would easily overcome the enemy. When however these also engaged in combat

with the Hellenes, they gained no more success than the Median troops but the same as they, seeing that they

were fighting in a place with a narrow passage, using shorter spears than the Hellenes, and not being able to

take advantage of their superior numbers. The Lacedemonians meanwhile were fighting in a memorable

fashion, and besides other things of which they made display, being men perfectly skilled in fighting opposed

to men who were unskilled, they would turn their backs to the enemy and make a pretence of taking to flight;

and the Barbarians, seeing them thus taking a flight, would follow after them with shouting and clashing of

arms: then the Lacedemonians, when they were being caught up, turned and faced the Barbarians; and thus

turning round they would slay innumerable multitudes of the Persians; and there fell also at these times a few

of the Spartans themselves. So, as the Persians were not able to obtain any success by making trial of the

entrance and attacking it by divisions and every way, they retired back. 212. And during these onsets it is said

that the king, looking on, three times leapt up from his seat, struck with fear for his army. Thus they

contended then: and on the following day the Barbarians strove with no better success; for because the men

opposed to them were few in number, they engaged in battle with the expectation that they would be found to

be disabled and would not be capable any longer of raising their hands against them in fight. The Hellenes

however were ordered by companies as well as by nations, and they fought successively each in turn,

excepting the Phokians, for these were posted upon the mountain to guard the path. So the Persians, finding

nothing different from that which they had seen on the former day, retired back from the fight.

213. Then when the king was in a strait as to what he should do in the matter before him, Epialtes the son of

Eurydemos, a Malian, came to speech with him, supposing that he would win a very great reward from the

king; and this man told him of the path which leads over the mountain to Thermopylai, and brought about the

destruction of those Hellenes who remained in that place. Afterwards from fear of the Lacedemonians he fled

to Thessaly, and when he had fled, a price was proclaimed for his life by the Deputies,[212] when the

Amphictyons met for their assembly at Pylai.[213] Then some time afterwards having returned to Antikyra

he was slain by Athenades a man of Trachis. Now this Athenades killed Epialtes for another cause, which I

shall set forth in the following part of the history,[214] but he was honoured for it none the less by the

Lacedemonians. 214. Thus Epialtes after these events was slain: there is however another tale told, that

Onetes the son of Phanagoras, a man of Carystos, and Corydallos of Antikyra were those who showed the

Persians the way round the mountain; but this I can by no means accept: for first we must judge by this fact,

namely that the Deputies of the Hellenes did not proclaim a price for the lives of Onetes and Corydallos, but

for that of Epialtes the Trachinian, having surely obtained the most exact information of the matter; and

secondly we know that Epialtes was an exile from his country to avoid this charge. True it is indeed that

Onetes might know of this path, even though he were not a Malian, if he had had much intercourse with the

country; but Epialtes it was who led them round the mountain by the path, and him therefore I write down as

215. Xerxes accordingly, being pleased by that which Epialtes engaged to accomplish, at once with great joy

proceeded to send Hydarnes and the men of whom Hydarnes was commander;[215] and they set forth from

the camp about the time when the lamps are lit. This path of which we speak had been discovered by the

Malians who dwell in that land, and having discovered it they led the Thessalians by it against the Phokians,

at the time when the Phokians had fenced the pass with a wall and thus were sheltered from the attacks upon

them: so long ago as this had the pass been proved by the Malians to be of no value.[216] And this path lies

as follows:it begins from the river Asopos, which flows through the cleft, and the name of this mountain

and of the path is the same, namely Anopaia; and this Anopaia stretches over the ridge of the mountain and

ends by the town of Alpenos, which is the first town of the Locrians towards Malis, and by the stone called

Black Buttocks[217] and the seats of the Kercopes, where is the very narrowest part. 217. By this path thus

situated the Persians after crossing over the Asopos proceeded all through the night, having on their right

hand the mountains of the Oitaians and on the left those of the Trachinians: and when dawn appeared, they

had reached the summit of the mountain. In this part of the mountain there were, as I have before shown, a

thousand hoplites of the Phokians keeping guard, to protect their own country and to keep the path: for while

the pass below was guarded by those whom I have mentioned, the path over the mountain was guarded by the

Phokians, who had undertaken the business for Leonidas by their own offer. 218. While the Persians were

ascending they were concealed from these, since all the mountain was covered with oaktrees; and the

Phokians became aware of them after they had made the ascent as follows:the day was calm, and not a

little noise was made by the Persians, as was likely when leaves were lying spread upon the ground under

their feet; upon which the Phokians started up and began to put on their arms, and by this time the Barbarians

were close upon them. These, when they saw men arming themselves, fell into wonder, for they were

expecting that no one would appear to oppose them, and instead of that they had met with an armed force.

Then Hydarnes, seized with fear lest the Phokians should be Lacedemonians, asked Epialtes of what people

the force was; and being accurately informed he set the Persians in order for battle. The Phokians however,

when they were hit by the arrows of the enemy, which flew thickly, fled and got away at once to the topmost

peak of the mountain, fully assured that it was against them that the enemy had designed to come,[218] and

here they were ready to meet death. These, I say, were in this mind; but the Persians meanwhile with Epialtes

and Hydarnes made no account of the Phokians, but descended the mountain with all speed.

219. To the Hellenes who were in Thermopylai first the soothsayer Megistias, after looking into the victims

which were sacrificed, declared the death which was to come to them at dawn of day; and afterwards

deserters brought the report[219] of the Persians having gone round. These signified it to them while it was

yet night, and thirdly came the daywatchers, who had run down from the heights when day was already

dawning. Then the Hellenes deliberated, and their opinions were divided; for some urged that they should not

desert their post, while others opposed this counsel. After this they departed from their assembly,[220] and

some went away and dispersed each to their several cities, while others of them were ready to remain there

together with Leonidas. 220. However it is reported also that Leonidas himself sent them away, having a care

that they might not perish, but thinking that it was not seemly for himself and for the Spartans who were

present to leave the post to which they had come at first to keep guard there. I am inclined rather to be of this

latter opinion,[221] namely that because Leonidas perceived that the allies were out of heart and did not

desire to face the danger with him to the end, he ordered them to depart, but held that for himself to go away

was not honourable, whereas if he remained, a great fame of him would be left behind, and the prosperity of

Sparta would not be blotted out: for an oracle had been given by the Pythian prophetess to the Spartans, when

they consulted about this war at the time when it was being first set on foot, to the effect that either

Lacedemon must be destroyed by the Barbarians, or their king must lose his life. This reply the prophetess

"But as for you, ye men who in widespaced Sparta inhabit, Either your glorious city is sacked by the

children of Perses, Or, if it be not so, then a king of the stock Heracleian Dead shall be mourned for by all in

the boundaries of broad Lacedemon. Him[222] nor the might of bulls nor the raging of lions shall hinder; For

he hath might as of Zeus; and I say he shall not be restrained, Till one of the other of these he have utterly

I am of opinion that Leonidas considering these things and desiring to lay up for himself glory above all the

other Spartans,[224] dismissed the allies, rather than that those who departed did so in such disorderly

fashion, because they were divided in opinion. 221. Of this the following has been to my mind a proof as

convincing as any other, namely that Leonidas is known to have endeavoured to dismiss the soothsayer also

who accompanied this army, Megistias the Acarnanian, who was said to be descended from Melampus, that

he might not perish with them after he had declared from the victims that which was about to come to pass

for them. He however when he was bidden to go would not himself depart, but sent away his son who was

222. The allies then who were dismissed departed and went away, obeying the word of Leonidas, and only

the Thespians and the Thebans remained behind with the Lacedemonians. Of these the Thebans stayed

against their will and not because they desired it, for Leonidas kept them, counting them as hostages; but the

Thespians very willingly, for they said that they would not depart and leave Leonidas and those with him, but

they stayed behind and died with them. The commander of these was Demophilos the son of Diadromes.

223. Xerxes meanwhile, having made libations at sunrise, stayed for some time, until about the hour when the

market fills, and then made an advance upon them; for thus it had been enjoined by Epialtes, seeing that the

descent of the mountain is shorter and the space to be passed over much less than the going round and the

ascent. The Barbarians accordingly with Xerxes were advancing to the attack; and the Hellenes with

Leonidas, feeling that they were going forth to death, now advanced out much further than at first into the

broader part of the defile; for when the fence of the wall was being guarded,[225] they on the former days

fought retiring before the enemy into the narrow part of the pass; but now they engaged with them outside the

narrows, and very many of the Barbarians fell: for behind them the leaders of the divisions with scourges in

their hands were striking each man, ever urging them on to the front. Many of them then were driven into the

sea and perished, and many more still were trodden down while yet alive by one another, and there was no

reckoning of the number that perished: for knowing the death which was about to come upon them by reason

of those who were going round the mountain, they[226] displayed upon the Barbarians all the strength which

they had, to its greatest extent, disregarding danger and acting as if possessed by a spirit of recklessness. 224.

Now by this time the spears of the greater number of them were broken, so it chanced, in this combat, and

they were slaying the Persians with their swords; and in this fighting fell Leonidas, having proved himself a

very good man, and others also of the Spartans with him, men of note, of whose names I was informed as of

men who had proved themselves worthy, and indeed I was told also the names of all the three hundred.

Moreover of the Persians there fell here, besides many others of note, especially two sons of Dareios,

Abrocomes and Hyperanthes, born to Dareios of Phratagune the daughter of Artanes: now Artanes was the

brother of king Dareios and the son of Hystaspes, the son of Arsames; and he in giving his daughter in

marriage to Dareios gave also with her all his substance, because she was his only child. 225. Two brothers of

Xerxes, I say, fell here fighting; and meanwhile over the body of Leonidas there arose a great struggle

between the Persians and the Lacedemonians, until the Hellenes by valour dragged this away from the enemy

and turned their opponents to flight four times. This conflict continued until those who had gone with

Epialtes came up; and when the Hellenes learnt that these had come, from that moment the nature of the

combat was changed; for they retired backwards to the narrow part of the way, and having passed by the wall

they went and placed themselves upon the hillock,[227] all in a body together except only the Thebans: now

this hillock is in the entrance, where now the stone lion is placed for Leonidas. On this spot while defending

themselves with daggers, that is those who still had them left, and also with hands and with teeth, they were

overwhelmed by the missiles of the Barbarians, some of these having followed directly after them and

destroyed the fence of the wall, while others had come round and stood about them on all sides.

226. Such were the proofs of valour given by the Lacedemonians and Thespians; yet the Spartan Dienekes is

said to have proved himself the best man of all, the same who, as they report, uttered this saying before they

engaged battle with the Medes:being informed by one of the men of Trachis that when the Barbarians

discharged their arrows they obscured the light of the sun by the multitude of the arrows, so great was the

number of their host, he was not dismayed by this, but making small account of the number of the Medes, he

said that their guest from Trachis brought them very good news, for if the Medes obscured the light of the

sun, the battle against them would be in the shade and not in the sun. 227. This and other sayings of this kind

they report that Dienekes the Lacedemonian left as memorials of himself; and after him the bravest they say

of the Lacedemonians were two brothers Alpheos and Maron, sons of Orsiphantos. Of the Thespians the man

228. The men were buried were they fell; and for these, as well as for those who were slain before being sent

"Here once, facing in fight three hundred myriads of foemen, Thousands four did contend, men of the

This is the inscription for the whole body; and for the Spartans separately there is this:

"Stranger, report this word, we pray, to the Spartans, that lying Here in this spot we remain, faithfully

"This is the tomb of Megistias renowned, whom the Median foemen, Where Sperchios doth flow, slew when

they forded the stream; Soothsayer he, who then knowing clearly the fates that were coming, Did not endure

The Amphictyons it was who honoured them with inscriptions and memorial pillars, excepting only in the

case of the inscription to the soothsayer; but that of the soothsayer Megistias was inscribed by Simonides the

229. Two of these three hundred, it is said, namely Eurystos and Aristodemos, who, if they had made

agreement with one another, might either have come safe home to Sparta together (seeing that they had been

dismissed from the camp by Leonidas and were lying at Alpenoi with disease of the eyes, suffering

extremely), or again, if they had not wished to return home, they might have been slain together with the

rest,when they might, I say, have done either one of these two things, would not agree together; but the

two being divided in opinion, Eurystos, it is said, when he was informed that the Persians had gone round,

asked for his arms and having put them on ordered his Helot to lead him to those who were fighting; and after

he had led him thither, the man who had led him ran away and departed, but Eurystos plunged into the thick

of the fighting, and so lost his life: but Aristodemos was left behind fainting.[230] Now if either Aristodemos

had been ill[231] alone, and so had returned home to Sparta, or the men had both of them come back

together, I do not suppose that the Spartans would have displayed any anger against them; but in this case, as

the one of them had lost his life and the other, clinging to an excuse which the first also might have

used,[232] had not been willing to die, it necessarily happened that the Spartans had great indignation against

Aristodemos. 230. Some say that Aristodemos came safe to Sparta in this manner, and on a pretext such as I

have said; but others, that he had been sent as a messenger from the camp, and when he might have come up

in time to find the battle going on, was not willing to do so, but stayed upon the road and so saved his life,

while his fellowmessenger reached the battle and was slain. 213. When Aristodemos, I say, had returned

home to Lacedemon, he had reproach and dishonour;[233] and that which he suffered by way of dishonour

was this,no one of the Spartans would either give him light for a fire or speak with him, and he had

reproach in that he was called Aristodemos the coward.[234] 232. He however in the battle at Plataia repaired

all the guilt that was charged against him: but it is reported that another man also survived of these three

hundred, whose name was Pantites, having been sent as a messenger to Thessaly, and this man, when he

returned back to Sparta and found himself dishonoured, is said to have strangled himself.

233. The Thebans however, of whom the commander was Leontiades, being with the Hellenes had continued

for some time to fight against the king's army, constrained by necessity; but when they saw that the fortunes

of the Persians were prevailing, then and not before, while the Hellenes with Leonidas were making their way

with speed to the hillock, they separated from these and holding out their hands came near to the Barbarians,

saying at the same time that which was most true, namely that they were on the side of the Medes and that

they had been among the first to give earth and water to the king; and moreover that they had come to

Thermopylai constrained by necessity, and were blameless for the loss which had been inflicted upon the

king: so that thus saying they preserved their lives, for they had also the Thessalians to bear witness to these

words. However, they did not altogether meet with good fortune, for some had even been slain as they had

been approaching, and when they had come and the Barbarians had them in their power, the greater number

of them were branded by command of Xerxes with the royal marks, beginning with their leader Leontiades,

the same whose son Eurymachos was afterwards slain by the Plataians, when he had been made commander

234. Thus did the Hellenes at Thermopylai contend in fight; and Xerxes summoned Demaratos and inquired

of him, having first said this: "Demaratos, thou art a good man; and this I conclude by the truth of thy words,

for all that thou saidest turned out so as thou didst say. Now, however, tell me how many in number are the

remaining Lacedemonians, and of them how many are like these in matters of war; or are they so even all of

them?" He said: "O king, the number of all the Lacedemonians is great and their cities are many, but that

which thou desirest to learn, thou shalt know. There is in Lacedemon the city of Sparta, having about eight

thousand men; and these are all equal to those who fought here: the other Lacedemonians are not equal to

these, but they are good men too." To this Xerxes said: "Demaratos, in what manner shall we with least

labour get the better of these men? Come set forth to us this; for thou knowest the courses of their

counsels,[236] seeing that thou wert once their king." 235. He made answer: "O king, if thou dost in very

earnest take counsel with me, it is right that I declare to thee the best thing. What if thou shouldest send three

hundred ships from thy fleet to attack the Laconian land? Now there is lying near it an island named Kythera,

about which Chilon, who was a very wise man among us, said that it would be a greater gain for the Spartans

that it should be sunk under the sea than that it should remain above it; for he always anticipated that

something would happen from it of such a kind as I am now setting forth to thee: not that he knew of thy

armament beforehand, but that he feared equally every armament of men. Let thy forces then set forth from

this island and keep the Lacedemonians in fear; and while they have a war of their own close at their doors,

there will be no fear for thee from them that when the remainder of Hellas is being conquered by the

landarmy, they will come to the rescue there. Then after the remainder of Hellas has been reduced to

subjection, from that moment the Lacedemonian power will be left alone and therefore feeble. If however

thou shalt not do this, I will tell thee what thou must look for. There is a narrow isthmus leading to the

Peloponnese, and in this place thou must look that other battles will be fought more severe than those which

have taken place, seeing that all the Peloponnesians have sworn to a league against thee: but if thou shalt do

the other thing of which I spoke, this isthmus and the cities within it will come over to thy side without a

battle." 236. After him spoke Achaimenes, brother of Xerxes and also commander of the fleet, who chanced

to have been present at this discourse and was afraid lest Xerxes should be persuaded to do this: "O king," he

said, "I see that thou art admitting the speech of a man who envies thy good fortune, or is even a traitor to thy

cause: for in truth the Hellenes delight in such a temper as this; they envy a man for his good luck, and they

hate that which is stronger than themselves. And if, besides other misfortunes which we have upon us, seeing

that four hundred of our ships[237] have suffered wreck, thou shalt send away another three hundred from the

station of the fleet to sail round Peloponnese, then thy antagonists become a match for thee in fight; whereas

while it is all assembled together our fleet is hard for them to deal with, and they will not be at all a match for

thee: and moreover the whole sea force will support the landforce and be supported by it, if they proceed

onwards together; but if thou shalt divide them, neither wilt thou be of service to them nor they to thee. My

determination is rather to set thy affairs in good order[238] and not to consider the affairs of the enemy, either

where they will set on foot the war or what they will do or how many in number they are; for it is sufficient

that they should themselves take thought for themselves, and we for ourselves likewise: and if the

Lacedemonians come to stand against the Persians in fight, they will assuredly not heal the wound from

which they are now suffering."[239] 237. To him Xerxes made answer as follows: "Achaimenes, I think that

thou speakest well, and so will I do; but Demaratos speaks that which he believes to be best for me, though

his opinion is defeated by thine: for I will not certainly admit that which thou saidest, namely that he is not

welldisposed to my cause, judging both by what was said by him before this, and also by that which is the

truth, namely that though one citizen envies another for his good fortune and shows enmity to him by his

silence,[240] nor would a citizen when a fellowcitizen consulted him suggest that which seemed to him the

best, unless he had attained to a great height of virtue, and such men doubtless are few; yet guest friend to

guestfriend in prosperity is welldisposed as nothing else on earth, and if his friend should consult him, he

would give him the best counsel. Thus then as regards the evilspeaking against Demaratos, that is to say

about one who is my guestfriend, I bid every one abstain from it in the future."

238. Having thus said Xerxes passed in review the bodies of the dead; and as for Leonidas, hearing that he

had been the king and commander of the Lacedemonians he bade them cut off his head and crucify him. And

it has been made plain to me by many proofs besides, but by none more strongly than by this, that king

Xerxes was enraged with Leonidas while alive more than with any other man on earth; for otherwise he

would never have done this outrage to his corpse; since of all the men whom I know, the Persians are

accustomed most to honour those who are good men in war. They then to whom it was appointed to do these

239. I will return now to that point of my narrative where it remained unfinished.[241] The Lacedemonians

had been informed before all others that the king was preparing an expedition against Hellas; and thus it

happened that they sent to the Oracle at Delphi, where that reply was given them which I reported shortly

before this. And they got this information in a strange manner; for Demaratos the son of Ariston after he had

fled for refuge to the Medes was not friendly to the Lacedemonians, as I am of opinion and as likelihood

suggests supporting my opinion; but it is open to any man to make conjecture whether he did this thing which

follows in a friendly spirit or in malicious triumph over them. When Xerxes had resolved to make a campaign

against Hellas, Demaratos, being in Susa and having been informed of this, had a desire to report it to the

Lacedemonians. Now in no other way was he able to signify it, for there was danger that he should be

discovered, but he contrived thus, that is to say, he took a folding tablet and scraped off the wax which was

upon it, and then he wrote the design of the king upon the wood of the tablet, and having done so he melted

the wax and poured it over the writing, so that the tablet (being carried without writing upon it) might not

cause any trouble to be given by the keepers of the road. Then when it had arrived at Lacedemon, the

Lacedemonians were not able to make conjecture of the matter; until at last, as I am informed, Gorgo, the

daughter of Cleomenes and wife of Leonidas, suggested a plan of which she had herself thought, bidding

them scrape the wax and they would find writing upon the wood; and doing as she said they found the writing

and read it, and after that they sent notice to the other Hellenes. These things are said to have come to pass in

1. kai ploia, for transport of horses and also of provisions: however these words are omitted in some of the

2. all ei: this is the reading of the better class of MSS. The rest have alla, which with pressois could only

3. outos men oi o logos en timoros: the words may mean "this manner of discourse was helpful for his

7. epistasthe kou pantes: the MSS. have ta epistasthe kou pantes, which is given by most Editors. In that case

oia erxan would be an exclamation, "What evils they did to us, . . . things which ye all know well, I think."

8. touton mentoi eineka: it is hardly possible here to give mentoi its usual meaning: Stein in his latest edition

12. kai Kurou, a conjectural emendation of tou Kurou. The text of the MSS. enumerates all these as one

continuous line of ascent. It is clear however that the enumeration is in fact of two separate lines, which

combine in Te�spes, the line of ascent through the father Dareios being, Dareios, Hystaspes, Arsames,

Ariamnes, Te�spes, and through the mother, Atossa, Cyrus, Cambyses, Te�spes.

19. se de epiphoitesei: the better MSS. have oude epiphoitesei, which is adopted by Stein.

22. kai oud ei eperai pros tautesi prosgenomenai: some MSS. read oud eterai pros tautesi genomenai, which

is adopted (with variations) by some Editors. The meaning would be "not all these, nor others which

25. entos Sanes: some MSS. read ektos Sanes, which is adopted by Stein, who translates "beyond Sane, but

on this side of Mount Athos": this however will not suit the case of all the towns mentioned, e.g. Acrothoon,

27. ton de on pleiston: if this reading is right, siton must be understood, and some MSS. read allon for alla in

the sentence above. Stein in his latest edition reads siton instead of pleiston.

30. The stater dareikos was of nearly pure gold (cp. iv. 166), weighing about 124 grains.

32. akte pakhea: some inferior MSS. read akte trakhea, and hence some Editors have akte trekhea, "a rugged

34. The meaning is much disputed. I understand Herodotus to state that though the vessels lay of course in

the direction of the stream from the Hellespont, that is presenting their prows (or sterns) to the stream, yet this

did not mean that they pointed straight towards the Propontis and Euxine; for the stream after passing Sestos

runs almost from North to South with even a slight tendency to the East (hence eurou a few lines further on),

so that ships lying in the stream would point in a line cutting at right angles that of the longer axis (from East

to West) of the Pontus and Propontis. This is the meaning of epikarsios elsewhere in Herodotus (i. 180 and

iv. 101), and it would be rash to assign to it any other meaning here. It is true however that the expression

pros esperes is used loosely below for the side toward the Egean. For anakokheue a subject must probably be

supplied from the clause pentekonteroussunthentes, "that it (i.e. the combination of ships) might support

etc.," and ton tonon ton oplon may either mean as below "the stretched ropes," or "the tension of the ropes,"

which would be relieved by the support: the latter meaning seems to me preferable.

Mr. Whitelaw suggests to me that epikarsios (epi kar) may mean rather "headforemost," which seems to be

its meaning in Homer (Odyss. ix. 70), and from which might be obtained the idea of intersection, one line

running straight up against another, which it has in other passages. In that case it would here mean "heading

35. tas men pros tou Pontou tes eteres. Most commentators would supply gephures with tes eteres, but

37. ton pentekonteron kai triereon trikhou: the MSS. give ton pentekonteron kai trikhou, "between the

fiftyoared galleys in as many as three places," but it is strange that the fiftyoared galleys should be

mentioned alone, and there seems no need of kai with trikhou. Stein reads ton pentekonteron kai

38. i.e. in proportion to the quantity: there was of course a greater weight altogether of the papyrus rope.

45. en Abudo mese: some inferior authorities (followed by most Editors) omit mese: but the district seems to

49. to proso aiei kleptomenos: "stealing thy advance continually," i.e. "advancing insensibly further." Some

54. sunnaxantes: a conjectural emendation very generally adopted of sunaxantes or sunapsantes.

56. lepidos siderees opsin ikhthueideos: many Editors suppose that some words have dropped out. The

kithon spoken of may have been a coat of armour, but elsewhere the body armour thorex is clearly

62. These words are by some Editors thought to be an interpolation. The Chaldeans in fact had become a

63. kurbasias: supposed to be the same as the tiara (cp. v. 49), but in this case stiff and upright.

73. Some words have apparently been lost containing the name of the nation to which the following

description applies. It is suggested that this might be either the Chalybians or the Pisidians.

74. lukioergeas, an emendation from Athen�us of lukoergeas (or lukergeas), which might perhaps mean "for

76. Some Editors place this clause before the words: "and Smerdomenes the son of Otanes," for we do not

hear of Otanes or Smerdomenes elsewhere as brother and nephew of Dareios. On the other hand Mardonios

79. This name is apparently placed here wrongly. It has been proposed to read Kaspeiroi or Paktues.

80. ippeue: the greater number of MSS. have ippeuei here as at the beginning of ch. 84, to which this is a

reference back, but with a difference of meaning. There the author seemed to begin with the intention of

giving a full list of the cavalry force of the Persian Empire, and then confined his account to those actually

present on this occasion, whereas here the word in combination with mouna refers only to those just

85. kithonas: there is some probability in the suggestion of kitarias here, for we should expect mention of a

headcovering, and the word kitaris (which is explained to mean the same as tiara), is quoted by Pollux as

95. me oentes arthmioi. This is generally taken to mean, "unless they were of one mind together"; but that

would very much weaken the force of the remark, and arthmios elsewhere is the opposite of polemios, cp. vi.

83 and ix. 9, 37. Xerxes professes enmity only against those who had refused to give the tokens of

96. men mounoisi: these words are omitted in some good MSS., and mounoisi has perhaps been introduced

from the preceding sentence. The thing referred to in touto is the power of fighting in single combat with

many at once, which Demaratos is supposed to have claimed for the whole community of the Spartans.

101. tas epeirotidas polis: it is not clear why these are thus distinguished. Stein suggests Thasion tas

epeirotidas polis, cp. ch. 118; and if that be the true reading ion is probably a remnant of Thasion after

103. oi propheteountes, i.e. those who interpret the utterances of the Oracle, cp. viii. 36.

105. kai ouden poikiloteron, an expression of which the meaning is not quite clear; perhaps "and the oracles

are not at all more obscure," cp. Eur. Ph�n. 470 and Hel. 711 (quoted by B�hr).

108. The "royal cubit" is about 20 inches; the daktulos, "finger's breadth," is rather less than � inch.

110. Or "Echeidoros": so it is usually called, but not by any MS. here, and by a few only in ch. 127.

112. Cp. ch. 6 and 174: but it does not appear that the Aleuadai, of whom Xerxes is here speaking, ever

thought of resistance, and perhaps gnosimakheontes means, "when they submitted without resistance."

114. dekateusai: there is sufficient authority for this rendering of dekateuein, and it seems better here than to

117. ouk ex isou: i.e. it is onesided, because the speaker has had experience of only one of the alternatives.

119. teikheon kithones, a poetical expression, quoted perhaps from some oracle; and if so, kithon may here

have the Epic sense of a "coat of mail," equivalent to thorex in i. 181: see ch. 61, note 56.

121. The form of address changes abruptly to the singular number, referring to the Athenian people.

122. azela, probably for aionla, which has been proposed as a correction: or possibly "wretched."

125. min, i.e. the city, to which belong the head, feet, and body which have been mentioned.

126. kakois d' epikidnate thumon: this might perhaps mean (as it is taken by several Editors), "show a

courageous soul in your troubles," but that would hardly suit with the discouraging tone of the context.

128. ouros: the word might of course be for oros, "mountain," and Kekropos ouros would then mean the

Acropolis (so it is understood by Stein and others), but the combination with Kithairon makes it probable that

the reference is to the boundaries of Attica, and this seems more in accordance with the reference to it in viii.

131. ton peri ten Ellada Ellenon ta ameino phroneonton: the MSS. have ton also after Ellenon, which would

mean "those of the Hellenes in Hellas itself, who were of the better mind;" but the expression ton ta ameino

phroneouseon peri ten Ellada occurs in ch. 172. Some Editors omit Ellenon as well as ton.

132. egkekremenoi (from egkerannumi, cp. v. 124), a conjectural emendation (by Reiske) of egkekhremenoi.

133. te ge alle: many Editors adopt the conjecture tede alle "is like the following, which he expressed on

134. See vi. 77. This calamity had occurred about fourteen years before, and it was not in order to recover

from this that the Argives wished now for a thirty years' truce; but warned by this they desired (they said) to

guard against the consequence of a similar disaster in fighting with the Persians, against whom, according to

their own account, they were going to defend themselves independently. So great was their fear of this that,

"though fearing the oracle," they were willing to disobey it on certain conditions.

138. ethelousi: this is omitted in most of the MSS., but contained in several of the best. Many Editors have

139. ta oikeia kaka seems to mean the grievances which each has against his neighbours, "if all the nations of

men should bring together into one place their own grievances against their neighbours, desiring to make a

settlement with them, each people, when they had examined closely the grievances of others against

themselves, would gladly carry away back with them those which they had brought," judging that they had

140. oiketor o en Gele: some Editors read by conjecture oiketor eon Geles, others oiketor en Gele.

145. Or, "Killyrians." They were conquered Sicanians, in the position of the Spartan Helots.

152. Some Editors mark this explanation "Now this is the meaning year," as interpolated.

155. para Samion: this is the reading of the best MSS.: others have meta Samion, "together with the

Samians," which is adopted by many Editors. There can be little doubt however that the Skythes mentioned

in vi. 23 was the father of this Cadmos, and we know from Thuc. vi. 4 that the Samians were deprived of the

town soon after they had taken it, by Anaxilaos, who gave it the name of Messene, and no doubt put Cadmos

159. The MSS. add either os Karkhedonioi, or os Karkhedonioi kai Surekosioi, but the testimony of the

Carthaginians has just been given, os Phoinikes legousi, and the Syracusans professed to be unable to

160. epimemphesthe: some Editors have tried corrections, e.g. ou ti memnesthe, "do ye not remember," or

epimemnesthe, "remember"; but cp. viii. 106, oste se me mempsasthai ten . . . diken.

161. osa umin . . . Minos epempse menion dakrumata. The oracle would seem to have been in iambic verse.

170. emeroskopous: perhaps simply "scouts," cp. ch. 219, by which it would seem that they were at their

176. o ti pleon en auton e elasson. In ch. 97, which is referred to just above, these ships are stated to have

190. The medimnos is about a bushel and a half, and is equal to 48 khoinikes. The reckoning here of 110,340

medimnoi is wrong, owing apparently to the setting down of some numbers in the quotient which were in fact

191. prokrossai ormeonto es ponton: the meaning of prokrossai is doubtful, but the introduction of the word

is probably due to a reminiscence of Homer, Il. xiv. 35, where the ships are described as drawn up in rows

one behind the other on shore, and where prokrossas is often explained to mean klimakedon, i.e. either in

steps one behind the other owing to the rise of the beach, or in the arrangement of the quincunx. Probably in

this passage the idea is rather of the prows projecting in rows like battlements krossai, and this is the sense in

which the word is used by Herodotus elsewhere (iv. 152). The word krossai however is used for the

successively rising stages of the pyramids (ii. 125), and prokrossos may mean simply "in a row," or "one

behind the other," which would suit all passages in which it occurs, and would explain the expression

192. apeliotes. Evidently, from its name Ellespontias and from its being afterwards called Boreas, it was

197. "in his case also kai touton there was an unpleasing misfortune of the slaying of a child

paidophonos which troubled him," i.e. he like others had misfortunes to temper his prosperity.

198. goesi, (from a supposed word goe): a correction of geosi, "by enchanters," which is retained by Stein.

199a. Or, "had crucified . . . having convicted him of the following charge, namely," etc. Cp. iii. 35 (end).

200. tritaios. According to the usual meaning of the word the sense should be "on the third day after" entering

204. estellonto: many Editors, following inferior MSS., read eselthontes and make changes in the rest of the

207. diskhilia te gar kai dismuria plethra tou pediou esti. If the text is right, the plethron must here be a

209. to epi tautes tes epeirou. I take to epi tautes to be an adverbial expression like tes eteres in ch. 36, for I

211. tous katesteotas. There is a reference to the body of 300 so called ippeis (cp. i. 67), who were appointed

to accompany the king in war; but we must suppose that on special occasions the king made up this appointed

number by selection, and that in this case those were preferred who had sons to keep up the family. Others

214. An indication that the historian intended to carry his work further than the year 479.

224. mounon Spartieteon: some Editors (following Plutarch) read mounon Spartieteon, "lay up for the

228. Some Editors insert tous after e, "before those who were sent away by Leonidas had departed."

230. leipopsukheonta, a word which refers properly to bodily weakness. It has been proposed to read

231. algesanta: some good MSS. have alogesanta, which is adopted by Stein, "had in his illreckoning

237. ton vees k.t.l.: some Editors insert ek before ton, "by which four hundred ships have suffered shipwreck."

238. ta seoutou de tithemenos eu gnomen ekho: for ekho some inferior MSS. have ekhe, which is adopted by

several Editors, "Rather set thy affairs in good order and determine not to consider," etc.

240. kai esti dusmenes te sige. Some commentators understand te sige to mean "secretly," like sige, viii. 74.

242. Many Editors pronounce the last chapter to be an interpolation, but perhaps with hardly sufficient

1. Those of the Hellenes who had been appointed to serve in the fleet were these:the Athenians furnished a

hundred and twentyseven ships, and the Plataians moved by valour and zeal for the service, although they

had had no practice in seamanship, yet joined with the Athenians in manning their ships. The Corinthians

furnished forty ships, the Megarians twenty; the Chalkidians manned twenty ships with which the Athenians

furnished them;[1] the Eginetans furnished eighteen ships, the Sikyonians twelve, the Lacedemonians ten, the

Epidaurians eight, the Eretrians seven, the Troizenians five, the Styrians two, the Ke�ans two ships[2] and

two fiftyoared galleys, while the Locrians of Opus came also to the assistance of the rest with seven

2. These were those who joined in the expedition to Artemision, and I have mentioned them according to the

number[3] of the ships which they severally supplied: so the number of the ships which were assembled at

Artemision was (apart from the fiftyoared galleys) two hundred and seventyone: and the commander who

had the supreme power was furnished by the Spartans, namely Eurybiades son of Eurycleides, since the allies

said that they would not follow the lead of the Athenians, but unless a Lacedemonian were leader they would

break up the expedition which was to be made: 3, for it had come to be said at first, even before they sent to

Sicily to obtain allies, that the fleet ought to be placed in the charge of the Athenians. So as the allies opposed

this, the Athenians yielded, having it much at heart that Hellas should be saved, and perceiving that if they

should have disagreement with one another about the leadership, Hellas would perish: and herein they judged

rightly, for disagreement between those of the same race is worse than war undertaken with one consent by as

much as war is worse than peace. Being assured then of this truth, they did not contend, but gave way for so

long time as they were urgently in need of the allies; and that this was so their conduct proved; for when,

after repelling the Persian from themselves, they were now contending for his land and no longer for their

own, they alleged the insolence of Pausanias as a pretext and took away the leadership from the

Lacedemonians. This however took place afterwards. 4. But at this time these Hellenes also who had come to

Artemision,[4] when they saw that a great number of ships had put in to Aphetai and that everything was

filled with their armament, were struck with fear, because the fortunes of the Barbarians had different issue

from that which they expected, and they deliberated about retreating from Artemision to the inner parts of

Hellas. And the Eub�ans perceiving that they were so deliberating, asked Eurybiades to stay there by them

for a short time, until they should have removed out of their land their children, and their households; and as

they did not persuade him, they went elsewhere and persuaded Themistocles the commander of the Athenians

by a payment of thirty talents, the condition being that the fleet should stay and fight the seabattle in front of

Eub�a. 5. Themistocles then caused the Hellenes to stay in the following manner:to Eurybiades he

imparted five talents of the sum with the pretence that he was giving it from himself; and when Eurybiades

had been persuaded by him to change his resolution, Adeimantos son of Okytos, the Corinthian commander,

was the only one of all the others who still made a struggle, saying that he would sail away from Artemision

and would not stay with the others: to him therefore Themistocles said with an oath: "Thou at least shalt not

leave us, for I will give thee greater gifts than the king of the Medes would send to thee, if thou shouldest

desert thy allies." Thus he spoke, and at the same time he sent to the ship of Adeimantos three talents of

silver. So these all[5] had been persuaded by gifts to change their resolution, and at the same time the request

of the Eub�ans had been gratified and Themistocles himself gained money; and it was not known that he had

the rest of the money, but those who received a share of this money were fully persuaded that it had come

6. Thus they remained in Eub�a and fought a seabattle; and it came to pass as follows:when the

Barbarians had arrived at Aphetai about the beginning of the afternoon, having been informed even before

they came that a few ships of the Hellenes were stationed about Artemision and now seeing them for

themselves, they were eager to attack them, to see if they could capture them. Now they did not think it good

yet to sail against them directly for this reason,for fear namely that the Hellenes, when they saw them

sailing against them, should set forth to take flight and darkness should come upon them in their flight; and so

they were likely (thought the Persians)[6] to get away; whereas it was right, according to their calculation,

that not even the fire bearer[7] should escape and save his life. 7. With a view to this then they contrived as

follows:of the whole number of their ships they parted off two hundred and sent them round to sail by

Caphereus and round Geriastos to the Euripos, going outside Skiathos so that they might not be sighted by

the enemy as they sailed round Eub�a: and their purpose was that with these coming up by that way, and

blocking the enemies' retreat, and themselves advancing against them directly, they might surround them on

all sides. Having formed this plan they proceeded to send off the ships which were appointed for this, and

they themselves had no design of attacking the Hellenes on that day nor until the signal agreed upon should

be displayed to them by those who were sailing round, to show that they had arrived. These ships, I say, they

8. During this time, while these were numbering their ships, it happened thus:there was in that camp a man

of Skione named Skyllias, as a diver the best of all the men of that time, who also in the shipwreck which

took place by Pelion had saved for the Persians many of their goods and many of them also he had acquired

for himself: this Skyllias it appears had had an intention even before this of deserting to the side of the

Hellenes, but it had not been possible for him to do so then. In what manner after this attempt he did actually

come to the Hellenes, I am not able to say with certainty, but I marvel if the tale is true which is reported; for

it is said that he dived into the sea at Aphetai and did not come up till he reached Artemision, having

traversed here somewhere about eighty furlongs through the sea. Now there are told about this man several

other tales which seem likely to be false, but some also which are true: about this matter however let it be

stated as my opinion that he came to Artemision in a boat. Then when he had come, he forthwith informed

the commanders about the shipwreck, how it had come to pass, and of the ships which had been sent away to

go round Eub�a. 9. Hearing this the Hellenes considered the matter with one another; and after many things

had been spoken, the prevailing opinion was that they should remain there that day and encamp on shore, and

then, when midnight was past, they should set forth and go to meet those ships which were sailing round.

After this however, as no one sailed out to attack them, they waited for the coming of the late hours of the

afternoon and sailed out themselves to attack the Barbarians, desiring to make a trial both of their manner of

fighting and of the trick of breaking their line.[8] 10. And seeing them sailing thus against them with few

ships, not only the others in the army of Xerxes but also their commanders judged them to be moved by mere

madness, and they themselves also put out their ships to sea, supposing that they would easily capture them:

and their expectation was reasonable enough, since they saw that the ships of the Hellenes were few, while

theirs were many times as numerous and sailed better. Setting their mind then on this, they came round and

enclosed them in the middle. Then so many of the Ionians as were kindly disposed to the Hellenes and were

serving in the expedition against their will, counted it a matter of great grief to themselves when they saw

them being surrounded and felt assured that not one of them would return home, so feeble did they think the

power of the Hellenes to be; while those to whom that which was happening was a source of pleasure, were

vying with one another, each one endeavouring to be the first to take an Athenian ship and receive gifts from

the king: for in their camps there was more report of the Athenians than of any others. 11. The Hellenes

meanwhile, when the signal was given, first set themselves with prows facing the Barbarians and drew the

sterns of their ships together in the middle; and when the signal was given a second time, although shut off in

a small space and prow against prow,[9] they set to work vigorously; and they captured thirty ships of the

Barbarians and also Philaon the son of Chersis, the brother of Gorgos kind of the Salaminians, who was a

man of great repute in the army. Now the first of the Hellenes who captured a ship of the enemy was an

Athenian, Lycomedes the son of Aischraios, and he received the prize for valour. So these, as they were

contending in this seafight with doubtful result, were parted from one another by the coming on of night.

The Hellenes accordingly sailed away to Artemision and the Barbarians to Aphetai, the contest having been

widely different from their expectation. In this seafight Antidoros of Lemnos alone of the Hellenes who

were with the king deserted to the side of the Hellenes, and the Athenians on account of this deed gave him a

12. When the darkness had come on, although the season was the middle of summer, yet there came on very

abundant rain, which lasted through the whole of the night, with crashing thunder[10] from Mount Pelion;

and the dead bodies and pieces of wreck were cast up at Aphetai and became entangled round the prows of

the ships and struck against the blades of the oars: and the men of the army who were there, hearing these

things became afraid, expecting that they would certainly perish, to such troubles had they come; for before

they had had even breathing space after the shipwreck and the storm which had arisen off Mount Pelion, there

had come upon them a hard seafight, and after the seafight a violent storm of rain and strong streams

rushing to the sea and crashing thunder. 13. These then had such a night as I have said; and meanwhile those

of them who had been appointed to sail round Eub�a experienced the very same night, but against them it

raged much more fiercely, inasmuch as it fell upon them while they were making their course in the open sea.

And the end of it proved distressful[11] to them; for when the storm and the rain together came upon them as

they sailed, being then off the "Hollows" of Eub�a,[12] they were borne by the wind not knowing by what

way they were carried, and were cast away upon the rocks. And all this was being brought about by God in

order that the Persian force might be made more equal to that of the Hellenes and might not be by very much

the larger. 14. These then, I say, were perishing about the Hollows of Eub�a, and meanwhile the Barbarians

at Aphetai, when day had dawned upon them, of which they were glad, were keeping their ships quiet, and

were satisfied in their evil plight to remain still for the present time; but to the Hellenes there came as a

reinforcement threeandfifty Athenian ships. The coming of these gave them more courage, and at the same

time they were encouraged also by a report that those of the Barbarians who had been sailing round Eub�a

had all been destroyed by the storm that had taken place. They waited then for the same time of day as before,

and then they sailed and fell upon some Kilikian ships; and having destroyed these, they sailed away when

15. On the third day the commanders of the Barbarians, being exceedingly indignant that so small a number

of ships should thus do them damage, and fearing what Xerxes might do, did not wait this time for the

Hellenes to begin the fight, but passed the word of command and put out their ships to sea about the middle

of the day. Now it so happened that these battles at sea and the battles on land at Thermopylai took place on

the same days; and for those who fought by sea the whole aim of the fighting was concerned with the channel

of Euripos, just as the aim of Leonidas and of his band was to guard the pass: the Hellenes accordingly

exhorted one another not to let the Barbarians go by into Hellas; while these cheered one another on to

destroy the fleet of the Hellenes and to get possession of the straits. 16. Now while the forces of Xerxes were

sailing in order towards them, the Hellenes kept quiet at Artemision; and the Barbarians, having made a

crescent of their ships that they might enclose them, were endeavouring to surround them. Then the Hellenes

put out to sea and engaged with them; and in this battle the two sides were nearly equal to one another; for

the fleet of Xerxes by reason of its great size and numbers suffered damage from itself, since the ships were

thrown into confusion and ran into one another: nevertheless it stood out and did not give way, for they

disdained to be turned to flight by so few ships. Many ships therefore of the Hellenes were destroyed and

many men perished, but many more ships and men of the Barbarians. Thus contending they parted and went

each to their own place. 17. In this seafight the Egyptians did best of the men who fought for Xerxes; and

these, besides other great deeds which they displayed, captured five ships of the Hellenes together with their

crews: while of the Hellenes those who did best on this day were the Athenians, and of the Athenians

Cleinias the son of Alkibiades, who was serving with two hundred man and a ship of his own, furnishing the

18. Having parted, both sides gladly hastened to their moorings; and after they had separated and got away

out of the seafight, although the Hellenes had possession of the bodies of the dead and of the wrecks of the

ships, yet having suffered severely[13] (and especially the Athenians, of whose ships half had been disabled),

they were deliberating now about retreating to the inner parts of Hellas. 19. Themistocles however had

conceived that if there should be detached from the force of the Barbarians the Ionian and Carian nations,

they would be able to overcome the rest; and when the people of Eub�a were driving their flocks down to

that sea,[14] he assembled the generals and said to them that he thought he had a device by which he hoped to

cause the best of the king's allies to leave him. This matter he revealed to that extent only; and with regard to

their present circumstances, he said that they must do as follows:every one must slaughter of the flocks of

the Eub�ans as many as he wanted, for it was better that their army should have them than the enemy;

moreover he advised that each one should command his own men to kindle a fire: and as for the time of their

departure he would see to it in such wise that they should come safe to Hellas. This they were content to do,

and forthwith when they had kindled a fire they turned their attention to the flocks. 20. For in fact the

Eub�ans, neglecting the oracle of Bakis as if it had no meaning at all, had neither carried away anything from

their land nor laid in any store of provisions with a view to war coming upon them, and by their conduct

moreover they had brought trouble upon themselves.[15] For the oracle uttered by Bakis about these matters

"Mark, when a man, a Barbarian, shall yoke the Sea with papyrus, Then do thou plan to remove the

In the evils which at this time were either upon them or soon to be expected they might feel not a little sorry

21. While these were thus engaged, there came to them the scout from Trachis: for there was at Artemision a

scout named Polyas, by birth of Antikyra, to whom it had been appointed, if the fleet should be disabled,[16]

to signify this to those at Thermopylai, and he had a vessel equipped and ready for this purpose; and similarly

there was with Leonidas Abronichos son of Lysicles, an Athenian, ready to carry news to those at Artemision

with a thirtyoared galley, if any disaster should happen to the landarmy. This Abronichos then had arrived,

and he proceeded to signify to them that which had come to pass about Leonidas and his army; and then

when they were informed of it no longer put off their retreat, but set forth in the order in which they were

severally posted, the Corinthians first and the Athenians last. 22. Themistocles however selected those ships

of the Athenians which sailed best, and went round to the springs of drinkingwater, cutting inscriptions on

the stones there, which the Ionians read when they came to Artemision on the following day. These

inscriptions ran thus: "Ionians, ye act not rightly in making expedition against the fathers of your race and

endeavouring to enslave Hellas. Best of all were it that ye should come and be on our side; but if that may not

be done by you, stand aside even now from the combat against us and ask the Carians to do the same as ye. If

however neither of these two things is possible to be done, and ye are bound down by too strong compulsion

to be able to make revolt, then in the action, when we engage battle, be purposely slack, remember that ye are

descended from us and that our quarrel with the Barbarian took its rise at the first from you." Themistocles

wrote thus, having, as I suppose, two things together in his mind, namely that either the inscriptions might

elude the notice of the king and cause the Ionians to change and come over to the side on which he was, or

that having been reported and denounced to Xerxes they might cause the Ionians to be distrusted by him, and

Themistocles then had set these inscriptions: and to the Barbarians there came immediately after these things

a man of Histaia in a boat bringing word of the retreat of the Hellenes from Artemision. They however, not

believing it, kept the messenger under guard and sent swiftsailing ships to look on before. Then these

having reported the facts, at last as daylight was spreading over the sky, the whole armament sailed in a body

to Artemision; and having stayed at this place till midday, after this they sailed to Histaia, and there arrived

they took possession of the city of Histaia and overran all the villages which lie along the coast in the region

24. While they were there, Xerxes, after he had made his dispositions with regard to the bodies of the dead,

sent a herald to the fleet: and the dispositions which he made beforehand were as follows:for all those of

his army who were lying dead at Thermopylai, (and there were as many as twenty thousand in all), with the

exception of about a thousand whom he left, he dug trenches and buried them, laying over them leaves and

heaping earth upon them, that they might not be seen by the men of the fleet. Then when the herald had gone

over to Histaia, he gathered an assembly of the whole force and spoke these words: "Allies, king Xerxes

grants permission to any one of you who desires it, to leave his post and to come and see how he fights

against those most senseless men who looked to overcome the power of the king." 25. When the herald had

proclaimed this, then boats were of all things most in request, so many were they who desired to see this

sight; and when they had passed over they went through the dead bodies and looked at them: and every one

supposed that those who were lying there were all Lacedemonians or Thespians, though the Helots also were

among those that they saw: however, they who had passed over did not fail to perceive that Xerxes had done

that which I mentioned about the bodies of his own dead; for in truth it was a thing to cause laughter even: on

the one side there were seen a thousand dead bodies lying, while the others lay all gathered together in the

same place, four thousand[17] of them. During this day then they busied themselves with looking, and on the

day after this they sailed back to the ships at Histaia, while Xerxes and his army set forth upon their march.

26. There had come also to them a few deserters from Arcadia, men in want of livelihood and desiring to be

employed. These the Persians brought into the king's presence and inquired about the Hellenes, what they

were doing; and one man it was who asked them this for all the rest. They told them that the Hellenes were

keeping the Olympic festival and were looking on at a contest of athletics and horsemanship. He then

inquired again, what was the prize proposed to them, for the sake of which they contended; and they told

them of the wreath of olive which is given. Then Tigranes[18] the son of Artabanos uttered a thought which

was most noble, though thereby he incurred from the king the reproach of cowardice: for hearing that the

prize was a wreath and not money, he could not endure to keep silence, but in the presence of all he spoke

these words: "Ah! Mardonios, what kind of men are these against whom thou hast brought us to fight, who

make their contest not for money but for honour!" Thus was it spoken by this man.

27. In the meantime, so soon as the disaster at Thermopylai had come about, the Thessalians sent a herald

forthwith to the Phokians, against whom they had a grudge always, but especially because of the latest

disaster which they had suffered: for when both the Thessalians themselves and their allies had invaded the

Phokian land not many years before this expedition of the king, they had been defeated by the Phokians and

handled by them roughly. For the Phokians had been shut up in Mount Parnassos having with them a

soothsayer, Tellias the Eleian; and this Tellias contrived for them a device of the following kind:he took

six hundred men, the best of the Phokians, and whitened them over with chalk, both themselves and their

armour, and then he attacked the Thessalians by night, telling the Phokians beforehand to slay every man

whom they should see not coloured over with white. So not only the sentinels of the Thessalians, who saw

these first, were terrified by them, supposing it to be something portentous and other than it was, but also

after the sentinels the main body of their army; so that the Phokians remained in possession of four thousand

bodies of slain men and shields; of which last they dedicated half at Abai and half at Delphi; and from the

tithe of booty got by this battle were made the large statues which are contending for the tripod in front of the

temple[19] at Delphi, and others similar to these are dedicated as an offering at Abai. 28. Thus had the

Phokians done to the Thessalian footmen, when they were besieged by them; and they had done irreparable

hurt to their cavalry also, when this had invaded their land: for in the pass which is by Hyampolis they had

dug a great trench and laid down in it empty winejars; and then having carried earth and laid it on the top

and made it like the rest of the ground, they waited for the Thessalians to invade their land. These supposing

that they would make short work with the Phokians,[20] riding in full course fell upon the winejars; and

there the legs of their horses were utterly crippled. 29. Bearing then a grudge for both of these things, the

Thessalians sent a herald and addressed them thus: "Phokians, we advise you to be more disposed now to

change your minds and to admit that ye are not on a level with us: for in former times among the Hellenes, so

long as it pleased us to be on that side, we always had the preference over you, and now we have such great

power with the Barbarian that it rests with us to cause you to be deprived of your land and to be sold into

slavery also. We however, though we have all the power in our hands, do not bear malice, but let there be

paid to us fifty talents of silver in return for this, and we will engage to avert the dangers which threaten to

come upon your land." 30. Thus the Thessalians proposed to them; for the Phokians alone of all the people in

those parts were not taking the side of the Medes, and this for no other reason, as I conjecture, but only

because of their enmity with the Thessalians; and if the Thessalians had supported the cause of the Hellenes, I

am of opinion that the Phokians would have been on the side of the Medes. When the Thessalians proposed

this, they said that they would not give the money, and that it was open to them to take the Median side just

as much as the Thessalians, if they desired it for other reasons; but they would not with their own will be

31. When these words were reported, then the Thessalians, moved with anger against the Phokians, became

guides to the Barbarian to show him the way: and from the land of Trachis they entered Doris; for a narrow

strip[21] of the Dorian territory extends this way, about thirty furlongs in breadth, lying between Malis and

Phokis, the region which was in ancient time called Dryopis; this land is the mothercountry of the Dorians

in Peloponnese. Now the Barbarians did not lay waste this land of Doris when they entered it, for the people

of it were taking the side of the Medes, and also the Thessalians did not desire it. 32. When however from

Doris they entered Phokis, they did not indeed capture the Phokians themselves; for some of them had gone

up to the heights of Parnassos,and that summit of Parnassos is very convenient to receive a large number,

which lies by itself near the city of Neon, the name of it being Tithorea,to this, I say, some of them had

carried up their goods and gone up themselves; but most of them had conveyed their goods out to the Ozolian

Locrians, to the city of Amphissa, which is situated above the Crissaian plain. The Barbarians however

overran the whole land of Phokis, for so the Thessalians led their army, and all that they came to as they

marched they burned or cut down, and delivered to the flames both the cities and the temples: 33, for they

laid everything waste, proceeding this way by the river Kephisos, and they destroyed the city of Drymos by

fire, and also the following, namely Charadra, Erochos, Tethronion, Amphikaia, Neon, Pedieis, Triteis,

Elateia, Hyampolis, Parapotamioi and Abai, at which lastnamed place there was a temple of Apollo,

wealthy and furnished with treasuries and votive offerings in abundance; and there was then, as there is even

now, the seat of an Oracle there: this temple they plundered and burnt. Some also of the Phokians they

pursued and captured upon the mountains, and some women they did to death by repeated outrage.

34. Passing by Parapotamioi the Barbarians came to Panopeus, and from this point onwards their army was

separated and went different ways. The largest and strongest part of the army, proceeding with Xerxes

himself against Athens, entered the land of the B�otians, coming into the territory of Orchomenos. Now the

general body of the B�otians was taking the side of the Medes, and their cities were being kept by

Macedonians appointed for each, who had been sent by Alexander; and they were keeping them this aim,

namely in order to make it plain to Xerxes that the B�otians were disposed to be on the side of the Medes.

35. These, I say, of the Barbarians took their way in this direction; but others of them with guides had set

forth to go to the temple at Delphi, keeping Parnassos on their right hand: and all the parts of Phokis over

which these marched they ravaged; for they set fire to the towns of Panopeus and Daulis and Aiolis. And for

this reason they marched in that direction, parted off from the rest of the army, namely in order that they

might plunder the temple at Delphi and deliver over the treasures there to king Xerxes: and Xerxes was well

acquainted with all that there was in it of any account, better, I am told, than with the things which he had left

in his own house at home, seeing that many constantly reported of them, and especially of the votive

offerings of Cr�sus the son of Alyattes. 36. Meanwhile the Delphians, having been informed of this, had

been brought to extreme fear; and being in great terror they consulted the Oracle about the sacred things,

whether they should bury them in the earth or carry them forth to another land; but the god forbade them to

meddle with these, saying that he was able by himself to take care of his own. Hearing this they began to take

thought for themselves, and they sent their children and women over to Achaia on the other side of the sea,

while most of the men themselves ascended up towards the summits of Parnassos and carried their property

to the Corykian cave, while others departed for refuge to Amphissa of the Locrians. In short the Delphians

had all left the town excepting sixty men and the prophet of the Oracle.[22] 37. When the Barbarians had

come near and could see the temple, then the prophet, whose name was Akeratos, saw before the cell[23]

arms lying laid out, having been brought forth out of the sanctuary,[24] which were sacred and on which it

was not permitted to any man to lay hands. He then was going to announce the portent to those of the

Delphians who were stil there, but when the Barbarians pressing onwards came opposite the temple of

Athene Pronaia, there happened to them in addition portents yet greater than that which had come to pass

before: for though that too was a marvel, that arms of war should appear of themselves laid forth outside the

cell, yet this, which happened straightway after that, is worthy of marvel even beyond all other prodigies.

When the Barbarians in their approach were opposite the temple of Athene Pronaia, at this point of time from

the heaven there fell thunderbolts upon them, and from Parnassos two crags were broken away and rushed

down upon them with a great crashing noise falling upon many of them, while from the temple of Pronaia

there was heard a shout, and a battlecry was raised. 38. All these things having come together, there fell fear

upon the Barbarians; and the Delphians having perceived that they were flying, came down after them and

slew a great number of them; and those who survived fled straight to B�otia. These who returned of the

Barbarians reported, as I am informed, that in addition to this which we have said they saw also other

miraculous things; for two men (they said) in full armour and of stature more than human followed them

slaying and pursuing. 39. These two the Delphians say were the native heroes Phylacos and Autono�s, whose

sacred enclosures are about the temple, that of Phylacos being close by the side of the road above the temple

of Pronaia and that of Autono�s near Castalia under the peak called Hyampeia. Moreover the rocks which fell

from Parnassos were still preserved even to my time, lying in the sacred enclosure of Athene Pronaia, into

which they fell when they rushed through the ranks of the Barbarians. Such departure had these men from the

40. Meanwhile the fleet of the Hellenes after leaving Artemision put in to land at Salamis at the request of the

Athenians: and for this reason the Athenians requested them to put in to Salamis, namely in order that they

might remove out of Attica to a place of safety their children and their wives, and also deliberate what they

would have to do; for in their present case they meant to take counsel afresh, because they had been deceived

in their expectation. For they had thought to find the Peloponnesians in full force waiting for the Barbarians

in B�otia; they found however nothing of this, but they were informed on the contrary that the

Peloponnesians were fortifying the Isthmus with a wall, valuing above all things the safety of the

Peloponnese and keeping this in guard; and that they were disposed to let all else go. Being informed of this,

the Athenians therefore made request of them to put in to Salamis. 41. The others then put in their ships to

land at Salamis, but the Athenians went over to their own land; and after their coming they made a

proclamation that every one of the Athenians should endeavour to save his children and household as best he

could. So the greater number sent them to Troizen, but others to Egina, and others to Salamis, and they were

urgent to put these out of danger, both because they desired to obey the oracle and also especially for another

reason, which was this:the Athenians say that a great serpent lives in the temple[25] and guards the

Acropolis; and they not only say this, but also they set forth for it monthly offerings, as if it were really there;

and the offering consists of a honeycake. This honeycake, which before used always to be consumed, was

at this time left untouched. When the priestess had signified this, the Athenians left the city much more and

with greater eagerness than before, seeing that the goddess also had (as they supposed) left the Acropolis.

Then when all their belongings had been removed out of danger, they sailed to the encampment of the fleet.

42. When those who came from Artemision had put their ships in to land at Salamis, the remainder of the

naval force of the Hellenes, being informed of this, came over gradually to join them[26] from Troizen: for

they had been ordered beforehand to assemble at Pogon, which is the harbour of the Troizenians. There were

assembled accordingly now many more ships than those which were in the seafight at Artemision, and from

more cities. Over the whole was set as admiral the same man as at Artemision, namely Eurybiades the son of

Eurycleides, a Spartan but not of the royal house; the Athenians however supplied by far the greatest number

of ships and those which sailed the best. 43. The following were those who joined the muster:From

Peloponnese the Lacedemonians furnishing sixteen ships, the Corinthians furnishing the same complement as

at Artemision, the Sikyonians furnishing fifteen ships, the Epidaurians ten, the Troizenians five, the men of

Hermion[26a] three, these all, except the Hermionians, being of Doric and Makednian[27] race and having

made their last migration from Erineos and Pindos and the land of Dryopis;[28] but the people of Hermion

are Dryopians, driven out by Heracles and the Malians from the land which is now called Doris. 44. These

were the Peloponnesians who joined the fleet, and those of the mainland outside the Peloponnese were as

follows:the Athenians, furnishing a number larger than all the rest,[29] namely one hundred and eighty

ships, and serving alone, since the Plataians did not take part with the Athenians in the sea fight at Salamis,

because when the Hellenes were departing from Artemision and come near Chalkis, the Plataians

disembarked on the opposite shore of B�otia and proceeded to the removal of their households. So being

engaged in saving these, they had been left behind. As for the Athenians, in the time when the Pelasgians

occupied that which is now called Hellas, they were Pelasgians, being named Cranaoi, and in the time of king

Kecrops they came to be called Kecropidai; then when Erechtheus had succeeded to his power, they had their

name changed to Athenians; and after Ion the son of Xuthos became commander[30] of the Athenians, they

got the name from him of Ionians. 45. The Megarians furnished the same complement as at Artermision; the

Amprakiots came to the assistance of the rest with seven ships, and the Leucadians with three, these being by

race Dorians from Corinth. 46. Of the islanders the Eginetans furnished thirty; these had also other ships

manned, but with them they were guarding their own land, while with the thirty which sailed best they joined

in the seafight at Salamis. Now the Eginetans are Dorians from Epidauros, and their island had formerly the

name of Oinone. After the Eginetans came the Chalkidians with the twenty ships which were at Artemision,

and the Eretrians with their seven: these are Ionians. Next the Ke�ans, furnishing the same as before and

being by race Ionians from Athens. The Naxians furnished four ships, they having been sent out by the

citizens of their State to join the Persians, like the other islanders; but neglecting these commands they had

come to the Hellenes, urged thereto by Democritos, a man of repute among the citizens and at that time

commander of a trireme. Now the Naxians are Ionians coming originally from Athens. The Styrians furnished

the same ships as at Artemision, and the men of Kythnos one ship and one fiftyoared galley, these both

being Dryopians. Also the Seriphians, the Siphnians and the Melians served with the rest; for they alone of

the islanders had not given earth and water to the Barbarian. 47. These all who have been named dwelt inside

the land of the Thesprotians and the river Acheron; for the Thesprotians border upon the land of the

Amprakiots and Leucadians, and these were they who came from the greatest distance to serve: but of those

who dwell outside these limits the men of Croton were the only people who came to the assistance of Hellas

in her danger; and these sent one ship, of whom the commander was Pha�los, a man who had three times won

victories at the Pythian games. Now the men of Croton are by descent Achaians. 48. All the rest who served

in the fleet furnished triremes, but the Melians, Siphnian and Seriphians fiftyoared galleys: the Melians,

who are by descent from Lacedemon, furnished two, the Siphnians and Seriphians, who are Ionians from

Athens, each one. And the whole number of the ships, apart from the fiftyoared galleys, was three hundred

49. When the commanders had assembled at Salamis from the States which have been mentioned, they began

to deliberate, Eurybiades having proposed that any one who desired it should declare his opinion as to where

he thought it most convenient to fight a seabattle in those regions of which they had command; for Attica

had already been let go, and he was now proposing the question about the other regions. And the opinions of

the speakers for the most part agreed that they should sail to the Isthmus and there fight a seabattle in

defence of the Peloponnese, arguing that if they should be defeated in the sea battle, supposing them to be at

Salamis they would be blockaded in an island, where no help would come to them, but at the Isthmus they

would be able to land where their own men were. 50. While the commanders from the Peloponnese argued

thus, an Athenian had come in reporting that the Barbarians were arrived in Attica and that all the land was

being laid waste with fire. For the army which directed its march through B�otia in company with Xerxes,

after it had burnt the city of the Thespians (the inhabitants having left it and gone to the Peloponnese) and

that of the Plataians likewise, had now come to Athens and was laying waste everything in those regions.

Now he had burnt Thespiai[31a] and Plataia because he was informed by the Thebans that these were not

taking the side of the Medes. 51. So in three months from the crossing of the Hellespont, whence the

Barbarians began their march, after having stayed there one month while they crossed over into Europe, they

had reached Attica, in the year when Calliades was archon of the Athenians. And they took the lower city,

which was deserted, and then they found that there were still a few Athenians left in the temple, either

stewards of the temple or needy persons, who had barred the entrance to the Acropolis with doors and with a

palisade of timber and endeavoured to defend themselves against the attacks of the enemy, being men who

had not gone out to Salamis partly because of their poverty, and also because they thought that they alone had

discovered the meaning of the oracle which the Pythian prophetess had uttered to them, namely that the

"bulwark of wood" should be impregnable, and supposed that this was in fact the safe refuge according to the

oracle, and not the ships. 52. So the Persians taking their post upon the rising ground opposite the Acropolis,

which the Athenians call the Hill of Ares,[32] proceeded to besiege them in this fashion, that is they put tow

round about their arrows and lighted it, and then shot them against the palisade. The Athenians who were

besieged continued to defend themselves nevertheless, although they had come to the extremity of distress

and their palisade had played them false; nor would they accept proposals for surrender, when the sons of

Peisistratos brought them forward: but endeavouring to defend themselves they contrived several

contrivances against the enemy, and among the rest they rolled down large stones when the Barbarians

approached the gates; so that for a long time Xerxes was in a difficulty, not being able to capture them. 53. In

time however there appeared for the Barbarians a way of approach after their difficulties, since by the oracle

it was destined that all of Attica which is on the mainland should come to be under the Persians. Thus then it

happened that on the front side[33] of the Acropolis behind the gates and the way up to the entrance, in a

place where no one was keeping guard, nor would one have supposed that any man could ascend by this way,

here men ascended by the temple of Aglauros the daughter of Kecrops, although indeed the place is

precipitous: and when the Athenians saw that they had ascended up to the Acropolis, some of them threw

themselves down from the wall and perished, while others took refuge in the sanctuary[34] of the temple.

Then those of the Persians who had ascended went first to the gates, and after opening these they proceeded

to kill the suppliants; and when all had been slain by them, they plundered the temple and set fire to the

54. Then Xerxes, having fully taken possession of Athens, sent to Susa a mounted messenger to report to

Artabanos the good success which they had. And on the next day after sending the herald he called together

the exiles of the Athenians who were accompanying him, and bade them go up to the Acropolis and sacrifice

the victims after their own manner; whether it was that he had seen some vision of a dream which caused him

to give this command, or whether perchance he had a scruple in his mind because he had set fire to the

temple. The Athenian exiles did accordingly that which was commanded them: 55, and the reason why I

made mention of this I will here declare:there is in this Acropolis a temple[35] of Erechtheus, who is said

to have been born of the Earth, and in this there is an olivetree and a sea, which (according to the story told

by the Athenians) Poseidon and Athene, when they contended for the land, set as witnesses of themselves.

Now it happened to this olivetree to be set on fire with the rest of the temple by the Barbarians; and on the

next day after the conflagration those of the Athenians who were commanded by the king to offer sacrifice,

saw when they had gone up to the temple that a shoot had run up from the stock of the tree about a cubit in

56. The Hellenes meanwhile at Salamis, when it was announced to them how it had been as regards the

Acropolis of the Athenians, were disturbed so greatly that some of the commanders did not even wait for the

question to be decided which had been proposed, but began to go hastily to their ships and to put up their

sails, meaning to make off with speed; and by those of them who remained behind it was finally decided to

fight at sea in defence of the Isthmus. So night came on, and they having been dismissed from the council

were going to their ships: 57, and when Themistocles had come to his ship, Mnesiphilos an Athenian asked

him what they had resolved; and being informed by him that it had been determined to take out the ships to

the Isthmus and fight a battle by sea in defence of the Peloponnese, he said: "Then, if they set sail with the

ships from Salamis, thou wilt not fight any more seabattles at all for the fatherland, for they will all take

their way to their several cities and neither Eurybiades nor any other man will be able to detain them or to

prevent the fleet from being dispersed: and Hellas will perish by reason of evil counsels. But if there by any

means, go thou and try to unsettle that which has been resolved, if perchance thou mayest persuade

Eurybiades to change his plans, so as to stay here." 58. This advice very much commended itself to

Themistocles; and without making any answer he went to the ship of Eurybiades. Having come thither he

said that he desired to communicate to him a matter which concerned the common good; and Eurybiades

bade him come into his ship and speak, if he desired to say anything. Then Themistocles sitting down beside

him repeated to him all those things which he had heard Mnesiphilos say, making as if they were his own

thoughts, and adding to them many others; until at last by urgent request he persuaded him to come out of his

ship and gather the commanders to the council. 59. So when they were gathered together, before Eurybiades

proposed the discussion of the things for which he had assembled the commanders, Themistocles spoke with

much vehemence[36] being very eager to gain his end; and as he was speaking, the Corinthian commander,

Adeimantos the son of Okytos, said: "Themistocles, at the games those who stand forth for the contest before

the due time are beaten with rods." He justifying himself said: "Yes, but those who remain behind are not

crowned." 60. At that time he made answer mildly to the Corinthian; and to Eurybiades he said not now any

of those things which he had said before, to the effect that if they should set sail from Salamis they would

disperse in different directions; for it was not seemly for him to bring charges against the allies in their

presence: but he held to another way of reasoning, saying: "Now it is in thy power to save Hellas, if thou wilt

follow my advice, which is to stay here and here to fight a seabattle, and if thou wilt not follow the advice of

those among these men who bid thee remove the ships to the Isthmus. For hear both ways, and then set them

in comparison. If thou engage battle at the Isthmus, thou wilt fight in an open sea, into which it is by no

means convenient for us that we go to fight, seeing that we have ships which are heavier and fewer in number

than those of the enemy. Then secondly thou wilt give up to destruction Salamis and Megara and Egina, even

if we have success in all else; for with their fleet will come also the landarmy, and thus thou wilt thyself

lead them to the Peloponnese and wilt risk the safety of all Hellas. If however thou shalt do as I say, thou wilt

find therein all the advantages which I shall tell thee of:in the first place by engaging in a narrow place

with few ships against many, if the fighting has that issue which it is reasonable to expect, we shall have very

much the better; for to fight a seafight in a narrow space is for our advantage, but to fight in a wide open

space is for theirs. Then again Salamis will be preserved, whither our children and our wives have been

removed for safety; and moreover there is this also secured thereby, to which ye are most of all attached,

namely that by remaining here thou wilt fight in defence of the Peloponnese as much as if the fight were at

the Isthmus; and thou wilt not lead the enemy to Peloponnese, if thou art wise. Then if that which I expect

come to pass and we gain a victory with our ships, the Barbarians will not come to you at the Isthmus nor

will they advance further than Attica, but they will retire in disorder; and we shall be the gainers by the

preservation of Megara and Egina and Salamis, at which place too an oracle tells us that we shall get the

victory over our enemies.[37] Now when men take counsel reasonably for themselves, reasonable issues are

wont as a rule to come, but if they do not take counsel reasonably, then God is not wont generally to attach

himself to the judgment of men." 61. When Themistocles thus spoke, the Corinthian Adeimantos inveighed

against him for the second time, bidding him to be silent because he had no native land, and urging

Eurybiades not to put to the vote the proposal of one who was a citizen of no city; for he said that

Themistocles might bring opinions before the council if he could show a city belonging to him, but otherwise

not. This objection he made against him because Athens had been taken and was held by the enemy. Then

Themistocles said many evil things of him and of the Corinthians both, and declared also that he himself and

his countrymen had in truth a city and a land larger than that of the Corinthians, so long as they had two

hundred ships fully manned; for none of the Hellenes would be able to repel the Athenians if they came to

fight against them. 62. Signifying this he turned then to Eurybiades and spoke yet more urgently: "If thou wilt

remain here, and remaining here wilt show thyself a good man, well; but if not, thou wilt bring about the

overthrow of Hellas, for upon the ships depends all our power in the war. Nay, but do as I advise. If,

however, thou shalt not do so, we shall forthwith take up our households and voyage to Siris in Italy, which is

ours already of old and the oracles say that it is destined to be colonised by us; and ye, when ye are left alone

and deprived of allies such as we are, will remember my words." 63. When Themistocles thus spoke,

Eurybiades was persuaded to change his mind; and, as I think, he changed his mind chiefly from fear lest the

Athenians should depart and leave them, if he should take the ships to the Isthmus; for if the Athenians left

them and departed, the rest would be no longer able to fight with the enemy. He chose then this counsel, to

64. Thus those at Salamis, after having skirmished with one another in speech, were making preparations for

a seafight there, since Eurybiades had so determined: and as day was coming on, at the same time when the

sun rose there was an earthquake felt both on the land and on the sea: and they determined to pray to the gods

and to call upon the sons of Aiacos to be their helpers. And as they had determined, so also they did; for

when they had prayed to all the gods, they called Ajax and Telamon to their help from Salamis, where the

fleet was,[38] and sent a ship to Egina to bring Aiacos himself and the rest of the sons of Aiacos.

65. Moreover Dicaios the son of Theokydes, an Athenian, who was an exile and had become of great repute

among the Medes at this time, declared that when the Attic land was being ravaged by the landarmy of

Xerxes, having been deserted by the Athenians, he happened then to be in company with Demaratos the

Lacedemonian in the Thriasian plain; and he saw a cloud of dust going up from Eleusis, as if made by a

company of about thirty thousand men, and they wondered at the cloud of dust, by what men it was caused.

Then forthwith they heard a sound of voices, and Dicaios perceived that the sound was the mystic cry

Iacchos; but Demaratos, having no knowledge of the sacred rites which are done at Eleusis, asked him what

this was that uttered the sound, and he said: "Demaratos, it cannot be but that some great destruction is about

to come to the army of the king: for as to this, it is very manifest, seeing that Attica is deserted, that this

which utters the sound is of the gods, and that it is going from Eleusis to help the Athenians and their allies: if

then it shall come down in the Peloponnese, there is danger for the king himself and for the army which is

upon the mainland, but if it shall direct its course towards the ships which are at Salamis, the king will be in

danger of losing his fleet. This feast the Athenians celebrate every year to the Mother and the Daughter;[39]

and he that desires it, both of them and of the other Hellenes, is initiated in the mysteries; and the sound of

voices which thou hearest is the cry Iacchos which they utter at this feast." To this Demaratos said: "Keep

silence and tell not this tale to any other man; for if these words of thine be reported to the king, thou wilt

surely lose thy head, and neither I nor any other man upon earth will be able to save thee: but keep thou quiet,

and about this expedition the gods will provide." He then thus advised, and after the cloud of dust and the

sound of voices there came a mist which was borne aloft and carried towards Salamis to the camp of the

Hellenes: and thus they learnt (said he) that the fleet of Xerxes was destined to be destroyed. Such was the

report made by Dicaios the son of Theodykes, appealing to Demaratos and others also as witnesses.

66. Meanwhile those who were appointed to serve in the fleet of Xerxes, having gazed in Trachis upon the

disaster of the Lacedemonians and having passed over from thence to Histiaia, after staying three days sailed

through Euripos, and in other three days they had reached Phaleron. And, as I suppose, they made their attack

upon Athens not fewer in number both by land and sea than when they had arrived at Sepias and at

Thermopylai: for against those of them who perished by reason of the storm and those who were slain at

Thermopylai and in the seafights at Artemision, I will set those who at that time were not yet accompanying

the king, the Malians, Dorians, Locrians, and B�otians (who accompanied him in a body, except the

Thespians and Plataians), and moreover those of Carystos, Andros, and Tenos, with all the other islanders

except the five cities of which I mentioned the names before; for the more the Persian advanced towards the

67. So then, when all these had come to Athens except the Parians (now the Parians had remained behind at

Kythnos waiting to see how the war would turn out),when all the rest, I say, had come to Phaleron, then

Xerxes himself came down to the ships desiring to visit them and to learn the opinions of those who sailed in

them: and when he had come and was set in a conspicuous place, then those who were despots of their own

nations or commanders of divisions being sent for came before him from their ships, and took their seats as

the king had assigned rank to each one, first the king of Sidon, then he of Tyre, and after them the rest: and

when they were seated in due order, Xerxes sent Mardonios and inquired, making trial of each one, whether

he should fight a battle by sea. 68. So when Mardonios went round asking them, beginning with the king of

Sidon, the others gave their opinions all to the same effect, advising him to fight a battle by sea, but

Artemisia spoke these words:(a) "Tell the king I pray thee, Mardonios, that I, who have proved myself not

to be the worst in the seafights which have been fought near Eub�a, and have displayed deeds not inferior

to those of others, speak to him thus: Master, it is right that I set forth the opinion which I really have, and say

that which I happen to think best for thy cause: and this I say,spare thy ships and do not make a seafight;

for the men are as much stronger than thy men by sea, as men are stronger than women. And why must thou

needs run the risk of seabattles? Hast thou not Athens in thy possession, for the sake of which thou didst set

forth on thy march, and also the rest of Hellas? and no man stands in thy way to resist, but those who did

stand against thee came off as it was fitting that they should. (b) Now the manner in which I think the affairs

of thy adversaries will have their issue, I will declare. If thou do not hasten to make a seafight, but keep thy

ships here by the land, either remaining here thyself or even advancing on to the Peloponnese, that which

thou hast come to do, O master, will easily be effected; for the Hellenes are not able to hold out against thee

for any long time, but thou wilt soon disperse them and they will take flight to their several cities: since

neither have they provisions with them in this island, as I am informed, nor is it probable that if thou shalt

march thy landarmy against the Peloponnese, they who have come from thence will remain still; for these

will have no care to fight a battle in defence of Athens. (c) If however thou hasten to fight forthwith, I fear

that damage done to the fleet may ruin the landarmy also. Moreover, O king, consider also this, that the

servants of good men are apt to grow bad, but those of bad men good; and thou, who art of all men the best,

hast bad servants, namely those who are reckoned as allies, Egyptians and Cyprians and Kilikians and

Pamphylians, in whom there is no profit." 69. When she thus spoke to Mardonios, those who were friendly to

Artemisia were grieved at her words, supposing that she would suffer some evil from the king because she

urged him not to fight at sea; while those who had envy and jealousy of her, because she had been honoured

above all the allies, were rejoiced at the opposition,[40] supposing that she would now be ruined. When

however the opinions were reported to Xerxes, he was greatly pleased with the opinion of Artemisia; and

whereas even before this he thought her excellent, he commended her now yet more. Nevertheless he gave

orders to follow the advice of the greater number, thinking that when they fought by Eub�a they were

purposely slack, because he was not himself present with them, whereas now he had made himself ready to

70. So when they passed the word to put out to sea, they brought their ships out to Salamis and quietly ranged

themselves along the shore in their several positions. At that time the daylight was not sufficient for them to

engage battle, for night had come on; but they made their preparations to fight on the following day.

Meanwhile the Hellenes were possessed by fear and dismay, especially those who were from Peloponnese:

and these were dismayed because remaining in Salamis they were to fight a battle on behalf of the land of the

Athenians, and being defeated they would be cut off from escape and blockaded in an island, leaving their

own land unguarded. And indeed the landarmy of the Barbarians was marching forward during that very

night towards the Peloponnese. 71. Yet every means had been taken that the Barbarians might not be able to

enter Peloponnesus by land: for as soon as the Peloponnesians heard that Leonidas and his company had

perished at Thermopylai, they came together quickly from the cities and took post at the Isthmus, and over

them was set as commander Cleombrotos, the son of Anaxandrides and brother of Leonidas. These being

posted at the Isthmus had destroyed the Skironian way, and after this (having so determined in counsel with

one another) they began to build a wall across the Isthmus; and as they were many myriads[41] and every

man joined in the work, the work proceeded fast; for stones and bricks and pieces of timber and baskets full

of sand were carried to it continually, and they who had thus come to help paused not at all in their work

either by night or by day. 72. Now those of the Hellenes who came in full force to the Isthmus to help their

country were these,the Lacedemonians, the Arcadians of every division, the Eleians, Corinthians,

Sikyonians, Epidaurians, Phliasians, Troizenians and Hermionians. These were they who came to the help of

Hellas in her danger and who had apprehension for her, while the rest of the Peloponnesians showed no care:

and the Olympic and Carneian festivals had by this time gone by. 73. Now Peloponnesus is inhabited by

seven races; and of these, two are natives of the soil and are settled now in the place where they dwelt of old,

namely the Arcadians and the Kynurians; and one race, that of the Achaians, though it did not remove from

the Peloponnese, yet removed in former time from its own land and dwells now in that which was not its

own. The remaining races, four in number, have come in from without, namely the Dorians, Aitolians,

Dryopians and Lemnians. Of the Dorians there are many cities and of great renown; of the Aitolians, Elis

alone; of the Dryopians, Hermion[42] and Asine, which latter is opposite Cardamyle in the Laconian land;

and of the Lemnians, all the Paroreatai. The Kynurians, who are natives of the soil, seem alone to be Ionians,

but they have become Dorians completely because they are subject to the Argives and by lapse of time, being

originally citizens of Orneai or the dwellers in the country round Orneai.[43] Of these seven nations the

remaining cities, except those which I enumerated just now, stood aside and did nothing; and if one may be

allowed to speak freely, in thus standing aside they were in fact taking the side of the Medes.

74. Those at the Isthmus were struggling with the labour which I have said, since now they were running a

course in which their very being was at stake, and they did not look to have any brilliant success with their

ships: while those who were at Salamis, though informed of this work, were yet dismayed, not fearing so

much for themselves as for Peloponnesus. For some time then they spoke of it in private, one man standing

by another, and they marvelled at the illcounsel of Eurybiades; but at last it broke out publicly. A meeting

accordingly was held, and much was spoken about the same points as before, some saying that they ought to

sail away to Peloponnesus and run the risk in defence of that, and not stay and fight for a land which had been

captured by the enemy, while the Athenians, Eginetans and Megarians urged that they should stay there and

defend themselves. 75. Then Themistocles, when his opinion was like to be defeated by the Peloponnesians,

secretly went forth from the assembly, and having gone out he sent a man to the encampment of the Medes in

a boat, charging him with that which he must say: this man's name was Sikinnos, and he was a servant of

Themistocles and tutor to his children; and after these events Themistocles entered him as a Thespian citizen,

when the Thespians were admitting new citizens, and made him a wealthy man. He at this time came with a

boat and said to the commanders of the Barbarians these words: "The commander of the Athenians sent me

privately without the knowledge of the other Hellenes (for, as it chances, he is disposed to the cause of the

king, and desires rather that your side should gain the victory than that of the Hellenes), to inform you that

the Hellenes are planning to take flight, having been struck with dismay; and now it is possible for you to

execute a most noble work, if ye do not permit them to flee away: for they are not of one mind with one

another and they will not stand against you in fight, but ye shall see them fighting a battle by sea with one

another, those who are disposed to your side against those who are not." 76. He then having signified to them

this, departed out of the way; and they, thinking that the message deserved credit, landed first a large number

of Persians in the small island of Psyttaleia, which lies between Salamis and the mainland; and then, as

midnight came on, they put out the Western wing of their fleet to sea, circling round towards Salamis, and

also those stationed about Keos and Kynosura put out their ships to sea; and they occupied all the passage

with their ships as far as Munychia. And for this reason they put out their ships, namely in order that the

Hellenes might not even be permitted to get away, but being cut off in Salamis might pay the penalty for the

contests at Artemision: and they disembarked men of the Persians on the small island called Psyttaleia for

this reason, namely that when the fight should take place, these might save the men of one side and destroy

those of the other, since there especially it was likely that the men and the wrecks of ships would be cast up

on shore, for the island lay in the way of the seafight which was to be. These things they did in silence, that

77. They then were making their preparations thus in the night without having taken any sleep at all: and with

regard to oracles, I am not able to make objections against them that they are not true, for I do not desire to

attempt to overthrow the credit of them when they speak clearly, looking at such matters as these which here

"But when with ships they shall join the sacred strand of the goddess, Artemis goldenswordgirded, and

thee, wavewashed Kynosura, Urged by a maddening hope,[44] having given rich Athens to plunder, Then

shall Justice divine quell Riot, of Insolence firstborn,[45] Longing to overthrow all things[46] and terribly

panting for bloodhshed: Brass shall encounter with brass, and Ares the sea shall empurple, Tinging its waves

with the blood: then a day of freedom for Hellas Cometh from wideseeing Zeus[47] and from Victory, lady

Looking to such things as this, and when Bakis speaks so clearly, I do not venture myself to make any

78. Now between the commanders that were at Salamis there came to be great contention of speech and they

did not yet know that the Barbarians were surrounding them with their ships, but they thought that they were

still in their place as they saw them disposed in the day. 79. Then while the commanders were engaged in

strife, there came over from Egina Aristeides the son of Lysimachos, an Athenian who had been ostracised by

the people, a man whom I hold (according to that which I hear of his character) to have been the best and

most upright of all Athenians. This man came into the council and called forth Themistocles, who was to him

not a friend, but an enemy to the last degree; but because of the greatness of the present troubles he let those

matters be forgotten and called him forth, desiring to communicate with him. Now he had heard beforehand

that the Peloponnesians were pressing to take the ships away to the Isthmus. So when Themistocles came

forth to him, Aristeides spoke these words: "Both at other times when occasion arises, and also especially at

this time we ought to carry on rivalry as to which of us shall do more service to our country. And I tell thee

now that it is indifferent whether the Peloponnesians say many words or few about sailing away from hence;

for having been myself an eyewitness I tell thee that now not even if the Corinthians and Eurybiades himself

desire to sail out, will they be able; for we are encompassed round by the enemy. Go thou in then, and signify

this to them." 80. He made answer as follows: "Thou advisest very well,[49] and also the news which thou

hast brought is good, since thou art come having witnessed with thine own eyes that which I desired might

come to pass: for know that this which is being done by the Medes is of my suggestion; because, when the

Hellenes would not come to a battle of their own will, it was necessary to bring them over to us against their

will. Do thou however, since thou art come bearing good news, thyself report it to them; for if I say these

things, I shall be thought to speak that which I have myself invented, and I shall not persuade them, but they

will think that the Barbarians are not doing so. Do thou thyself however come forward to speak, and declare

to them how things are; and when thou hast declared this, if they are persuaded, that will be the best thing,

but if this is not credible to them, it will be the same thing so far as concerns us, for they will no longer be

able to take to flight, if we are encompassed on all sides, as thou sayest." 81. Aristeides accordingly came

forward and told them this, saying that he had come from Egina and had with difficulty escaped without

being perceived by those who were blockading them; for the whole encampment of the Hellenes was

encompassed by the ships of Xerxes; and he counselled them to get ready to defend themselves. He then

having thus spoken retired, and among them again there arose dispute, for the greater number of the

commanders did not believe that which was reported to them: 83, and while these were doubting, there came

a trireme manned by Tenians, deserting from the enemy, of which the commander was Panaitios the son of

Sosimenes, which brought them the whole truth. For this deed the Tenians were inscribed at Delphi on the

tripod among those who had conquered the Barbarians. With the ship which deserted at Salamis and the

Lemnian ship which deserted before and came to Artemision, the naval force of the Hellenes was completed

to the number of three hundred and eighty ships, for before this two ships were yet wanting to make up this

83. The Hellenes then, since they believed that which was said by the Tenians, were preparing for a

seafight: and as the dawn appeared, they made an assembly of those who fought on board the ships[50] and

addressed them, Themistocles making a speech which was eloquent beyond the rest; and the substance of it

was to set forth all that is better as opposed to that which is worse, of the several things which arise in the

nature and constitution of man; and having exhorted them to choose the better,[51] and thus having wound up

his speech, he bade them embark in their ships. These then proceeded to embark, and there came in

meanwhile the trireme from Egina which had gone away to bring the sons of Aiacos. 84. Then the Hellenes

put out all their ships, and while they were putting out from shore, the Barbarians attacked them forthwith.

Now the other Hellenes began backing their ships and were about to run them aground, but Ameinias of

Pallene, an Athenian, put forth with his ship and charged one of the enemy; and his ship being entangled in

combat and the men not being able to get away, the others joined in the fight to assist Ameinias. The

Athenians say that the beginning of the battle was made thus, but the Eginetans say that the ship which went

away to Egina to bring the sons of Aiacos was that which began the fight. It is also reported that an apparition

of a woman was seen by them, and that having appeared she encouraged them to the fight so that the whole

of the army of the Hellenes heard it, first having reproached them in these words: "Madmen,[52] how far will

85. Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phenicians, for these occupied the wing towards Eleusis and

the West, and opposite the Lacedemonians were the Ionians, who occupied the wing which extended to the

East and to Pir�us. Of them however a few were purposely slack in the fight according to the injunctions of

Themistocles,[53] but the greater number were not so. I might mention now the names of many captains of

ships who destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will make no use of their names except in the case of

Theomestor, the son of Androdamas and Phylacos the son of Histiaios, of Samos both: and for this reason I

make mention of these and not of the rest, because Theomestor on account of this deed became despot of

Samos, appointed by the Persians, and Phylacos was recorded as a benefactor of the king and received much

land as a reward. Now the benefactors of the king are called in the Persian tongue orosangai. 86. Thus it was

with these; but the greater number of their ships were disabled at Salamis, being destroyed some by the

Athenians and others by the Eginetans: for since the Hellenes fought in order and ranged in their places,

while the Barbarians were no longer ranged in order nor did anything with design, it was likely that there

would be some such result as in fact followed. Yet on this day they surpassed themselves much more than

when they fought by Eub�a, every one being eager and fearing Xerxes, and each man thinking that the king

was looking especially at him. 87. As regards the rest I cannot speak of them separately, or say precisely how

the Barbarians or the Hellenes individually contended in the fight; but with regard to Artemisia that which

happened was this, whence she gained yet more esteem than before from the king.When the affairs of the

king had come to great confusion, at this crisis a ship of Artemisia was being pursued by an Athenian ship;

and as she was not able to escape, for in front of her were other ships of her own side, while her ship, as it

chanced, was furthest advanced towards the enemy, she resolved what she would do, and it proved also much

to her advantage to have done so. While she was being pursued by the Athenian ship she charged with full

career against a ship of her own side manned by Calyndians and in which the king of the Calyndians

Damasithymos was embarked. Now, even though it be true that she had had some strife with him before,

while they were still about the Hellespont, yet I am not able to say whether she did this by intention, or

whether the Calyndian ship happened by chance to fall in her way. Having charged against it however and

sunk it, she enjoyed good fortune and got for herself good in two ways; for first the captain of the Athenian

ship, when he saw her charge against a ship manned by Barbarians, turned away and went after others,

supposing that the ship of Artemisia was either a Hellenic ship or was deserting from the Barbarians and

fighting for the Hellenes, 88,first, I say, it was her fortune to have this, namely to escape and not suffer

destruction; and then secondly it happened that though she had done mischief, she yet gained great reputation

by this thing with Xerxes. For it is said that the king looking on at the fight perceived that her ship had

charged the other; and one of those present said: "Master, dost thou see Artemisia, how well she is fighting,

and how she sank even now a ship of the enemy?" He asked whether this was in truth the deed of Artemisia,

and they said that it was; for (they declared) they knew very well the sign of her ship: and that which was

destroyed they thought surely was one of the enemy; for besides other things which happened fortunately for

her, as I have said, there was this also, namely that not one of the crew of the Calyndian ship survived to

become her accuser. And Xerxes in answer to that which was said to him is reported to have uttered these

words: "My men have become women, and my women men." Thus it is said that Xerxes spoke. 89. And

meanwhile in this struggle there was slain the commander Ariabignes, son of Dareios and brother of Xerxes,

and there were slain too many others of note of the Persians and Medes and also of the allies; and of the

Hellenes on their part a few; for since they knew how to swim, those whose ships were destroyed and who

were not slain in handtohand conflict swam over to Salamis; but of the Barbarians the greater number

perished in the sea, not being able to swim. And when the first ships turned to flight, then it was that the

largest number perished, for those who were stationed behind, while endeavouring to pass with their ships to

the front in order that they also might display some deed of valour for the king to see, ran into the ships of

90. It happened also in the course of this confusion that some of the Phenicians, whose ships had been

destroyed, came to the king and accused the Ionians, saying that by means of them their ships had been lost,

and that they had been traitors to the cause. Now it so came about that not only the commanders of the

Ionians did not lose their lives, but the Phenicians who accused them received a reward such as I shall tell.

While these men were yet speaking thus, a Samothrakian ship charged against an Athenian ship: and as the

Athenian ship was being sunk by it, an Eginetan ship came up against the Samothrakian vessel and ran it

down. Then the Samothrakians, being skilful javelin throwers, by hurling cleared off the fightingmen from

the ship which had wrecked theirs and then embarked upon it and took possession of it. This event saved the

Ionians from punishment; for when Xerxes saw that they had performed a great exploit, he turned to the

Phenicians (for he was exceedingly vexed and disposed to find fault with all) and bade cut off their heads, in

order that they might not, after having been cowards themselves, accuse others who were better men than

they. For whensoever Xerxes (sitting just under the mountain opposite Salamis, which is called Aigaleos)

saw any one of his own side display a deed of valour in the seafight, he inquired about him who had done it,

and the scribes recorded the name of the ship's captain with that of his father and the city from whence he

came. Moreover also Ariaramnes, a Persian who was present, shared[54] the fate of the Phenicians, being

91. In the meantime, as the Barbarians turned to flight and were sailing out towards Phaleron, the Eginetans

waited for them in the passage and displayed memorable actions: for while the Athenians in the confused

tumult were disabling both those ships which resisted and those which were fleeing, the Eginetans were

destroying those which attempted to sail away; and whenever any escaped the Athenians, they went in full

course and fell among the Eginetans. 92. Then there met one another the ship of Themistocles, which was

pursuing a ship of the enemy, and that of Polycritos the son of Crios the Eginetan. This last had charged

against a ship of Sidon, the same that had taken the Eginetan vessel which was keeping watch in advance at

Skiathos,[56] and in which sailed Pytheas the son of Ischeno�s, whom the Persians kept in their ship, all cut

to pieces as he was, making a marvel of his valour. The Sidonian ship then was captured bearing with it this

man as well as the Persians of whom I spoke, so that Pytheas thus came safe to Egina. Now when Polycritos

looked at the Athenian vessel he recognised when he saw it the sign of the admiral's ship, and shouting out he

addressed Themistocles with mockery about the accusation brought against the Eginetans of taking the side

of the Medes,[57] and reproached him. This taunt Polycritos threw out against Themistocles after he had

charged against the ship of Sidon. And meanwhile those Barbarians whose ships had escaped destruction fled

93. In this seafight the Eginetans were of all the Hellenes the best reported of, and next to them the

Athenians; and of the individual men the Eginetan Polycritos and the Athenians Eumenes of Anagyrus and

Ameinias of Pallene, the man who had pursued after Artemisia. Now if he had known that Artemisia was

sailing in this ship, he would not have ceased until either he had taken her or had been taken himself; for

orders had been given to the Athenian captains, and moreover a prize was offered of ten thousand drachmas

for the man who should take her alive; since they thought it intolerable that a woman should make an

expedition against Athens. She then, as has been said before, had made her escape; and the others also, whose

94. As regards Adeimantos the commander of the Corinthians, the Athenians say that forthwith at the

beginning when the ships were engaging in the fight, being struck with panic and terror he put up his sails

and fled away; and the Corinthians, when they saw the admiral's ship fleeing, departed likewise: and after

this, as the story goes, when they came in their flight opposite to the temple of Athene Skiras in the land of

Salamis, there fell in with them by divine guidance a light vessel,[58] which no one was ever found to have

sent, and which approached the Corinthians at a time when they knew nothing of that which was happening

with the fleet. And by this it is conjectured[59] that the matter was of the Deity; for when they came near to

the ships, the men in the light vessel said these words: "Adeimantos, thou hast turned thy ships away and hast

set forth to flee, deserting the cause of the Hellenes, while they are in truth gaining a victory and getting the

better of their foes as much as they desired." When they said this, since Adeimantos doubted of it, they spoke

a second time and said that they might be taken as hostages and slain, if the Hellenes should prove not to be

gaining the victory. Then he turned his ship back, he and the others with him, and they reached the camp

when the work was finished. Such is the report spread by the Athenians against these: the Corinthians

however do not allow this to be so, but hold that they were among the first in the sea fight; and the rest of

95. Aristeides moreover the son of Lysimachos, the Athenian, of whom I made mention also shortly before

this as a very good man, he in this tumult which had arisen about Salamis did as follows:taking with him a

number of the hoplites of Athenian race who had been ranged along the shore of the land of Salamis, with

them he disembarked on the island of Psyttaleia; and these slew all the Persians who were in this islet.

96. When the seafight had been broken off, the Hellenes towed in to Salamis so many of the wrecks as

chanced to be still about there, and held themselves ready for another seafight, expecting that the king

would yet make use of the ships which remained unhurt; but many of the wrecks were taken by the West

Wind and borne to that strand in Attica which is called Colias; so as to fulfil[60] not only all that other oracle

which was spoken about this seafight by Bakis and Musaios, but also especially, with reference to the

wrecks cast up here, that which had been spoken in an oracle many years before these events by Lysistratos,

an Athenian who uttered oracles, and which had not been observed by any of the Hellenes:

97. When Xerxes perceived the disaster which had come upon him, he feared lest some one of the Ionians

should suggest to the Hellenes, or they should themselves form the idea, to sail to the Hellespont and break

up the bridges; and so he might be cut off in Europe and run the risk of perishing utterly: therefore he began

to consider about taking flight. He desired however that his intention should not be perceived either by the

Hellenes or by those of his own side; therefore he attempted to construct a mole going across to Salamis, and

he bound together Phenician merchant vessels in order that they might serve him both for a bridge and a wall,

and made preparations for fighting as if he were going to have another battle by sea. Seeing him do so, all the

rest made sure that he had got himself ready in earnest and intended to stay and fight; but Mardonios did not

fail to perceive the true meaning of all these things, being by experience very well versed in his way of

98. While Xerxes was doing thus, he sent a messenger to the Persians, to announce the calamity which had

come upon them. Now there is nothing mortal which accomplishes a journey with more speed than these

messengers, so skilfully has this been invented by the Persians: for they say that according to the number of

days of which the entire journey consists, so many horses and men are set at intervals, each man and horse

appointed for a day's journey. These neither snow nor rain nor heat nor darkness of night prevents from

accomplishing each one the task proposed to him, with the very utmost speed. The first then rides and

delivers the message with which he is charged to the second, and the second to the third; and after that it goes

through them handed from one to the other,[62] as in the torchrace among the Hellenes, which they perform

for Hephaistos. This kind of running of their horses the Persians call angareion. 99. The first message then

which came to Susa, announcing that Xerxes had Athens in his possession, so greatly rejoiced the Persians

who had been left behind, that they strewed all the ways with myrtle boughs and offered incense perpetually,

and themselves continued in sacrifices and feasting. The second message however, which came to them after

this, so greatly disturbed them that they all tore their garments and gave themselves up to crying and

lamentation without stint, laying the blame upon Mardonios: and this the Persians did not so much because

100. As regards the Persians this went on for all the time which intervened, until the coming of Xerxes

himself caused them to cease: and Mardonios seeing that Xerxes was greatly troubled by reason of the

seafight, and suspecting that he was meaning to take flight from Athens, considered with regard to himself

that he would have to suffer punishment for having persuaded the king to make an expedition against Hellas,

and that it was better for him to run the risk of either subduing Hellas or ending his own life honourably,

placing his safety in suspense for a great end,[63] though his opinion was rather that he would subdue

Hellas;he reckoned up these things, I say, and addressed his speech to the king as follows: "Master, be not

thou grieved, nor feel great trouble on account of this thing which has come to pass; for it is not upon a

contest of timbers that all our fortunes depend, but of men and of horses: and none of these who suppose now

that all has been achieved by them will attempt to disembark from the ships and stand against thee, nor will

any in this mainland do so; but those who did stand against us paid the penalty. If therefore thou thinkest this

good to do, let us forthwith attempt the Peloponnese, or if thou thinkest good to hold back, we may do that.

Do not despond however, for there is no way of escape for the Hellenes to avoid being thy slaves, after they

have first given an account of that which they did to thee both now and at former times. Thus it were best to

do; but if thou hast indeed resolved to retire thyself and to withdraw thy army, I have another counsel to offer

for that case too. Do not thou, O king, let the Persians be an object of laughter to the Hellenes; for none of thy

affairs have suffered by means of the Persians, nor wilt thou be able to mention any place where we proved

ourselves cowards: but if Phenicians or Egyptians or Cyprians or Kilikians proved themselves cowards, the

calamity which followed does not belong to the Persians in any way. Now therefore, since it is not the

Persians who are guilty towards thee, follow my counsel. If thou hast determined not to remain here, retire

thou to thine own abode, taking with thee the main body of the army, and it must then be for me to deliver

over to thee Hellas reduced to subjection, choosing for this purpose thirty myriads[64] from the army." 101.

Hearing this Xerxes was rejoiced and delighted so far as he might be after his misfortunes,[65] and to

Mardonios he said that when he had taken counsel he would reply and say which of these two things he

would do. So when he was taking counsel with those of the Persians who were called to be his advisers,[66] it

seemed good to him to send for Artemisia also to give him counsel, because at the former time she alone had

showed herself to have perception of that which ought to be done. So when Artemisia had come, Xerxes

removed from him all the rest, both the Persian councillors and also the spearmen of the guard and spoke to

her thus: "Mardonios bids me stay here and make an attempt on the Peloponnese, saying that the Persians and

the land army are not guilty of any share in my calamity, and that they would gladly give me proof of this.

He bids me therefore either do this or, if not, he desires himself to choose thirty myriads from the army and to

deliver over to me Hellas reduced to subjection; and he bids me withdraw with the rest of the army to my

own abode. Do thou therefore, as thou didst well advise about the seafight which was fought, urging that we

should not bring it on, so also now advise me which of these things I shall do, that I may succeed in

determining well." 102. He thus consulted her, and she spoke these words: "O king, it is hard for me to

succeed in saying the best things when one asks me for counsel; yet it seems good to me at the present that

thou shouldest retire back and leave Mardonios here, if he desires it and undertakes to do this, together with

those whom he desires to have: for on the one hand if he subdue those whom he says that he desires to

subdue, and if those matters succeed well which he has in mind when he thus speaks, the deed will after all be

thine, master, seeing that thy slaves achieved it: and on the other hand if the opposite shall come to pass of

that which Mardonios intends, it will be no great misfortune, seeing that thou wilt thyself remain safe, and

also the power in those parts[67] which concerns thy house:[68] for if thou shalt remain safe with thy house,

many contests many times over repeated will the Hellenes have to pass through for their own existence.[69]

Of Mardonios however, if he suffer any disaster, no account will be made; and if the Hellenes conquer they

gain a victory which is no victory, having destroyed one who is but thy slave. Thou however wilt retire

having done that for which thou didst make thy march, that is to say, having delivered Athens to the fire."

103. With this advice Xerxes was greatly delighted, since she succeeded in saying that very thing which he

himself was meaning to do: for not even if all the men and all the women in the world had been counselling

him to remain, would he have done so, as I think, so much had he been struck with terror. He commended

Artemisia therefore and sent her away to conduct his sons to Ephesos, for there were certain bastard sons of

his which accompanied him. 104. With these sons he sent Hermotimos to have charge of them, who was by

race of Pedasa and was in the estimation of the king second to none of the eunuchs. [Now the Pedasians dwell

above Halicarnassos, and at this Pedasa a thing happens as follows:whenever to the whole number of those

who dwell about this city some trouble is about to come within a certain time, then the priestess of Athene in

that place gets a long beard; and this has happened to them twice before now. 105. Of these Pedasians was

Hermotimos.][70] And this man of all persons whom we know up to this time obtained the greatest revenge

for a wrong done to him. For he had been captured by enemies and was being sold, and Panionios a man of

Chios bought him, one who had set himself to gain his livelihood by the most impious practices; for

whenever he obtained boys who possessed some beauty, he would make eunuchs of them, and then taking

them to Sardis or Ephesos sold them for large sums of money, since with the Barbarians eunuchs are held to

be of more value for all matters of trust than those who are not eunuchs. Panionios then, I say, made eunuchs

of many others, since by this he got his livelihood, and also of this man about whom I speak: and

Hermotimos, being not in everything unfortunate, was sent from Sardis to the king with other gifts, and as

time went on he came to be honoured more than all the other eunuchs in the sight of Xerxes. 106. And when

the king, being at that time in Sardis, was setting the Persian army in motion to march against Athens, then

Hermotimos, having gone down for some business to that part of Mysia which the Chians occupy and which

is called Atarneus, found there Panionios: and having recognised him he spoke to him many friendly words,

first recounting to him all the good things which he had by his means, and next making promises in return for

this, and saying how many good things he would do for him, if he would bring his household and dwell in

that land; so that Panionios gladly accepting his proposals brought his children and his wife. Then, when he

had caught him together with his whole house, Hermotimos spoke as follows: "O thou, who of all men that

ever lived up to this time didst gain thy substance by the most impious deeds, what evil did either I myself or

any of my forefathers do either to thee or to any of thine, that thou didst make me to be that which is nought

instead of a man? Didst thou suppose that thou wouldest escape the notice of the gods for such things as then

thou didst devise? They however following the rule of justice delivered[71] thee into my hands, since thou

hadst done impious deeds; so that thou shalt not have reason to find fault with the penalty which shall be

inflicted upon thee by me." When he had thus reproached him, the man's sons were brought into his presence

and Panionios was compelled to make eunuchs of his own sons, who were four in number, and being

compelled he did so; and then when he had so done, the sons were compelled to do the same thing to him.

107. When Xerxes had entrusted his sons to Artemisia to carry them back to Ephesos, he called Mardonios

and bade him choose of the army whom he would, and make his deeds, if possible, correspond to his words.

During this day then things went so far; and in the night on the command of the king the leaders of the fleet

began to withdraw their ships from Phaleron to the Hellespont, as quickly as they might each one, to guard

the bridges for the king to pass over. And when the Barbarians were near Zoster as they sailed, then seeing

the small points of rock which stretch out to sea from this part of the mainland, they thought that these were

ships and fled for a good distance. In time however, perceiving that they were not ships but points of rock,

108. When day dawned, the Hellenes, seeing that the landarmy was staying still in its place, supposed that

the ships also were about Phaleron; and thinking that they would fight another seabattle, they made

preparations to repel them. When however they were informed that the ships had departed, forthwith upon

this they thought it good to pursue after them. They pursued therefore as far as Andros, but did not get a sight

of the fleet of Xerxes; and when they had come to Andros, they deliberated what they should do.

Themistocles then declared as his opinion that they should take their course through the islands and pursue

after the ships, and afterwards sail straight to the Hellespont to break up the bridges; but Eurybiades

expressed the opposite opinion to this, saying that if they should break up the floatingbridges, they would

therein do[73] the greatest possible evil to Hellas: for if the Persian should be cut off and compelled to remain

in Europe, he would endeavour not to remain still, since if he remained still, neither could any of his affairs

go forward, nor would any way of returning home appear; but his army would perish of hunger: whereas if he

made the attempt and persevered in it, all Europe might be brought over to him, city by city and nation by

nation, the inhabitants being either conquered[74] or surrendering on terms before they were conquered:

moreover they would have for food the crops of the Hellenes which grew year by year. He thought however

that conquered in the seafight the Persian would not stay in Europe, and therefore he might be allowed to

flee until in his flight he came to his own land. Then after that they might begin the contest for the land which

belonged to the Persian. To this opinion the commanders of the other Peloponnesians adhered also. 109.

When Themistocles perceived that he would not be able to persuade them, or at least the greater number of

them, to sail to the Hellespont, he changed his counsel[75] and turning to the Athenians (for these were

grieved most at the escape of the enemy and were anxious to sail to the Hellespont even by themselves

alone,[76] if the others were not willing) to them he spoke as follows: "I myself also have been present before

now on many occasions, and have heard of many more, on which something of this kind came to pass,

namely that men who were forced into great straits, after they had been defeated fought again and repaired

their former disaster: and as for us, since we have won as a prize from fortune the existence of ourselves and

of Hellas by repelling from our land so great a cloud of men, let us not pursue enemies who flee from us: for

of these things not we were the doors, but the gods and heroes, who grudged that one man should become

king of both Asia and of Europe, and he a man unholy and presumptuous, one who made no difference

between things sacred and things profane,[77] burning and casting down the images of the gods, and who

also scourged the Sea and let down into it fetters. But as things are at present, it is well that we should now

remain in Hellas and look after ourselves and our households; and let each man repair his house, and have a

care for sowing his land, after he has completely driven away the Barbarian: and then at the beginning of the

spring let us sail down towards the Hellespont and Ionia." Thus he spoke, intending to lay up for himself a

store of gratitude with the Persian, in order that if after all any evil should come upon him at the hands of the

Athenians, he might have a place of refuge: and this was in fact that which came to pass.

110. Themistocles then speaking thus endeavoured to deceive them, and the Athenians followed his advice:

for he had had the reputation even in former times of being a man of ability[78] and he had now proved

himself to be in truth both able and of good judgment; therefore they were ready in every way to follow his

advice when he spoke. So when these had been persuaded by him, forthwith after this Themistocles sent men

with a vessel, whom he trusted to keep silence, to whatever test they might be brought, of that which he

himself charged them to tell the king; and of them Sikinnos his servant again was one. When these came to

Attica, the rest stayed behind in the ship, while Sikinnos went up to Xerxes and spoke these words:

"Themistocles the son of Neocles sent me, who is commander of the Athenians, and of all the allies the best

and ablest man, to tell thee that Themistocles the Athenian, desiring to be of service to thee, held back the

Hellenes when they were desirous to pursue after thy ships and to destroy the bridges on the Hellespont. Now

therefore thou mayest make thy way home quite undisturbed." They having signified this sailed away again.

111. The Hellenes meanwhile, having resolved not to pursue after the ships of the Barbarians further, nor to

sail to the Hellespont to break up the passage, were investing Andros intending to take it: for the Andrians

were the first of the islanders who, being asked by Themistocles for money, refused to give it: and when

Themistocles made proposals to them and said that the Athenians had come having on their side two great

deities, Persuasion and Compulsion, and therefore they must by all means give them money, they replied to

this that not without reason, as it now appeared, was Athens great and prosperous, since the Athenians were

well supplied with serviceable deities; but as for the Andrians, they were poor,[79] having in this respect

attained to the greatest eminence, and there were two unprofitable deities which never left their island but

always remained attached to the place, Poverty, namely, and Helplessness: and the Andrians being possessed

of these deities would not give money; for never could the power of the Athenians get the better of their

inability.[80] 112. These, I say, having thus made answer and having refused to give the money, were being

besieged: and Themistocles not ceasing in his desire for gain sent threatening messages to the other islands

and asked them for money by the same envoys, employing those whom he had before sent to the king;[81]

and he said that if they did not give that which was demanded of them, he would bring the fleet of the

Hellenes against them to besiege and take them. Thus saying he collected great sums of money from the

Carystians and the Parians, who being informed how Andros was being besieged, because it had taken the

side of the Medes, and how Themistocles was held in more regard than any of the other commanders, sent

money for fear of this. Whether any others of the islanders also gave money I am not able to say, but I think

that some others gave and not these alone. Yet to the Carystians at least there was no respite from the evil on

this account, but the Parians escaped the attack, because they propitiated Themistocles with money. Thus

Themistocles with Andros as his startingpoint was acquiring sums of money for himself from the men of the

113. Xerxes meanwhile with his army stayed for a few days after the seafight, and then they all began to

march forth towards B�otia by the same way by which they had come: for Mardonios thought both that it

was well for him to escort the king on his way, and also that it was now too late in the year to carry on the

war; it was better, he thought, to winter in Thessaly and then at the beginning of spring to attempt the

Peloponnese. When he came to Thessaly, then Mardonios chose out for himself first all those Persians who

are called "Immortals," except only their commander Hydarnes (for Hydarnes said that he would not be left

behind by the king), and after them of the other Persians those who wore cuirasses, and the body of a

thousand horse: also the Medes, Sacans, Bactrians and Indians, foot and horsemen both.[82] These nations he

chose in the mass,[83] but from the other allies he selected by few at a time, choosing whose who had fine

appearance of those of whom he knew that they had done good service. From the Persians he chose more

than from any other single nation, and these wore collars of twisted metal and bracelets; and after them came

the Medes, who in fact were not inferior in number to the Persians, but only in bodily strength. The result was

114. During this time, while Mardonios was selecting his army and Xerxes was in Thessaly, there had come

an oracle from Delphi to the Lacedemonians, bidding them ask satisfaction from Xerxes for the murder of

Leonidas and accept that which should be given by him. The Spartans therefore sent a herald as quickly as

possible, who having found the whole army still in Thessaly came into the presence of Xerxes and spoke

these words: "O king of the Medes, the Lacedemonians and the sons of Heracles of Sparta demand of thee

satisfaction for murder, because thou didst kill their king, fighting in defence of Hellas." He laughed and then

kept silence some time, and after that pointing to Mardonios, who happened to be standing by him, he said:

"Then Mardonios here shall give them satisfaction, such as is fitting for them to have." 115. The herald

accordingly accepted the utterance and departed; and Xerxes leaving Mardonios in Thessaly went on himself

in haste to the Hellespont and arrived at the passage where the crossing was in fiveandthirty days, bringing

back next to nothing, as one may say,[84] of his army: and whithersoever they came on the march and to

whatever nation, they seized the crops of that people and used them for provisions; and if they found no

crops, then they took the grass which was growing up from the earth, and stripped off the bark from the trees

and plucked down the leaves and devoured them, alike of the cultivated trees and of those growing wild; and

they left nothing behind them: thus they did by reason of famine. Then plague too seized upon the army and

dysentery, which destroyed them by the way, and some of them also who were sick the king left behind,

laying charge upon the cities where at the time he chanced to be in his march, to take care of them and

support them: of these he left some in Thessaly, and some at Siris in Paionia, and some in Macedonia. In

these parts too he had left behind him the sacred chariot of Zeus, when he was marching against Hellas; but

on his return he did not receive it back: for the Paionians had given it to the Thracians, and when Xerxes

asked for it again, they said that the mares while at pasture had been carried off by the Thracians of the upper

country, who dwelt about the source of the Strymon. 116. Here also a Thracian, the king of the Bisaltians and

of the Crestonian land, did a deed of surpassing horror; for he had said that he would not himself be subject to

Xerxes with his own will and had gone away up to Mount Rhodope, and also he had forbidden his sons to go

on the march against Hellas. They however, either because they cared not for his command, or else because a

desire came upon them to see the war, went on the march with the Persian: and when they returned all unhurt,

being six in number, their father plucked out their eyes for this cause. 117. They then received this reward:

and as to the Persians, when passing on from Thrace they came to the passage, they crossed over the

Hellespont in haste to Abydos by means of the ships, for they did not find the floatingbridges still stretched

across but broken up by a storm. While staying there for a time they had distributed to them an allowance of

food more abundant than they had had by the way, and from satisfying their hunger without restraint and also

from the changes of water there died many of those in the army who had remained safe till then. The rest

118. There is also another story reported as follows, namely that when Xerxes on his march away from

Athens came to E�on on the Strymon, from that point he did not continue further to make marches by road,

but delivered his army to Hydarnes to lead back to the Hellespont, while he himself embarked in a Phenician

ship and set forth for Asia; and as he sailed he was seized by a wind from the Strymon,[85] violent and

raising great waves; and since he was tossed by the storm more and more, the ship being heavily laden (for

there were upon the deck great numbers of Persians, those namely who went with Xerxes), the king upon that

falling into fear shouted aloud and asked the pilot whether there were for them any means of safety. He said:

"Master, there are none, unless some way be found of freeing ourselves of the excessive number of

passengers." Then it is said that Xerxes, when he heard this, spoke thus: "Persians, now let each one of you

show that he has care for the king; for my safety, as it seems, depends upon you." He, they say, thus spoke,

and they made obeisance to him and leapt out into the sea; and so the ship being lightened came safe to Asia.

As soon as they had landed Xerxes, they say, first presented the pilot with a wreath of gold, because he had

saved the life of the king, and then cut off his head, because he had caused the death of many of the Persians.

119. This other story, I say, is reported about the return of Xerxes, but I for my part can by no means believe

it, either in other respects or as regards this which is said to have happened to the Persians; for if this which I

have related had in truth been said by the pilot to Xerxes, not one person's opinion in ten thousand will differ

from mine that the king would have done some such thing as this, that is to say, he would have caused those

who were upon the deck to go down below into the hold, seeing that they were Persians of the highest rank

among the Persians; and of the rowers, who were Phenicians, he would have thrown out into the sea a number

equal to the number of those. In fact however, as I have said before, he made his return to Asia together with

the rest of the army by road. 120. And this also which follows is a strong witness that it was so; for Xerxes is

known to have come to Abdera on his way back, and to have made with them a guestfriendship and

presented them with a Persian sword of gold and a goldspangled tiara: and as the men of Abdera themselves

say (though I for my part can by no means believe it), he loosed his girdle for the first time during his flight

back from Athens, considering himself to be in security. Now Abdera is situated further towards the

Hellespont than the river Strymon and E�on, from which place the story says that he embarked in the ship.

121. The Hellenes meanwhile, when it proved that they were not able to conquer Andros, turned towards

Carystos, and having laid waste the land of that people they departed and went to Salamis. First then for the

gods they chose out firstfruits of the spoil, and among them three Persian triremes, one to be dedicated as an

offering at the Isthmus, which remained there still up to my time, another at Sunion, and the third to Ajax in

Salamis where they were. After this they divided the spoil among themselves and sent the firstfruits[86] to

Delphi, of which was made a statue holding in its hand the beak of a ship and in height measuring twelve

cubits. This statue stood in the same place with the golden statue of Alexander the Macedonian. 122. Then

when the Hellenes had sent firstfruits to Delphi, they asked the god on behalf of all whether the firstfruits

which he had received were fully sufficient and acceptable to him. He said that from the Hellenes he had

received enough, but not from the Eginetans, and from them he demanded the offering of their prize of valour

for the sea fight at Salamis. Hearing this the Eginetans dedicated golden stars, three in number, upon a ship's

mast of bronze, which are placed in the corner[87] close to the mixingbowl of Cr�sus. 123. After the

division of the spoil the Hellenes sailed to the Isthmus, to give the prize of valour to him who of all the

Hellenes had proved himself the most worthy during this war: and when they had come thither and the

commanders distributed[88] their votes at the altar of Poseidon, selecting from the whole number the first and

the second in merit, then every one of them gave in his vote for himself, each man thinking that he himself

had been the best; but for the second place the greater number of votes came out in agreement, assigning that

to Themistocles. They then were left alone in their votes, while Themistocles in regard to the second place

surpassed the rest by far: 124, and although the Hellenes would not give decision of this by reason of envy,

but sailed away each to their own city without deciding, yet Themistocles was loudly reported of and was

esteemed throughout Hellas to be the man who was the ablest[89] by far of the Hellenes: and since he had not

received honour from those who had fought at Salamis, although he was the first in the voting, he went

forthwith after this to Lacedemon, desiring to receive honour there; and the Lacedemonians received him

well and gave him great honours. As a prize of valour they gave to Eurybiades a wreath of olive; and for

ability and skill they gave to Themistocles also a wreath of olive, and presented him besides with the chariot

which was judged to be the best in Sparta. So having much commended him, they escorted him on his

departure with three hundred picked men of the Spartans, the same who are called the "horsemen,"[90] as far

as the boundaries of Tegea: and he is the only man of all we know to whom the Spartans ever gave escort on

his way. 125. When however he had come to Athens from Lacedemon, Timodemos of Aphidnai, one of the

opponents of Themistocles, but in other respects not among the men of distinction, maddened by envy

attacked him, bringing forward against him his going to Lacedemon, and saying that it was on account of

Athens that he had those marks of honour which he had from the Lacedemonians, and not on his own

account. Then, as Timodemos continued ceaselessly to repeat this, Themistocles said: "I tell thee thus it

is:if I had been a native of Belbina[91] I should never have been thus honoured by the Spartans; but

neither wouldest thou, my friend, for all that thou art an Athenian." So far then went these matters.

126. Artabazos meanwhile the son of Pharnakes, a man who was held in esteem among the Persians even

before this and came to be so yet more after the events about Plataia, was escorting the king as far as the

passage with six myriads[92] of that army which Mardonios had selected for himself; and when the king was

in Asia and Artabazos on his march back came near to Pallene, finding that Mardonios was wintering in

Thessaly and Macedonia and was not at present urgent with him to come and join the rest of the army, he

thought it not good to pass by without reducing the Potidaians to slavery, whom he had found in revolt: for

the men of Potidaia, when the king had marched by them and when the fleet of the Persians had departed in

flight from Salamis, had openly made revolt from the Barbarians; and so also had the others done who

occupy Pallene. 127. So upon this Artabazos began to besiege Potidaia, and suspecting that the men of

Olynthos also were intending revolt from the king, he began to besiege this city too, which was occupied by

Bottiaians who had been driven away from the Thermaian gulf by the Macedonians. So when he had taken

these men by siege, he brought them forth to a lake and slew them[93] there; and the city he delivered to

Critobulos of Torone to have in charge, and to the natives of Chalkidike; and thus it was that the Chalkidians

got possession of Olynthos. 128. Having taken this city Artabazos set himself to attack Potidaia with vigour,

and as he was setting himself earnestly to this work, Timoxeinos the commander of the troops from Skione

concerted with him to give up the town by treachery. Now in what manner he did this at the first, I for my

part am not able to say, for this is not reported; at last however it happened as follows. Whenever either

Timoxeinos wrote a paper wishing to send it to Artabazos, or Artabazos wishing to send one to Timoxeinos,

they wound it round by the fingernotches[94] of an arrow, and then, putting feathers over the paper, they

shot it to a place agreed upon between them. It came however to be found out that Timoxeinos was

attempting by treachery to give up Potidaia; for Artabazos, shooting an arrow at the place agreed upon,

missed this spot and struck a man of Potidaia in the shoulder; and when he was struck, a crowd came about

him, as is apt to happen when there is fighting, and they forthwith took the arrow and having discovered the

paper carried it to the commanders. Now there was present an allied force of the other men of Pallene also.

Then when the commanders had read the paper and discovered who was guilty of the treachery, they resolved

not openly to convict[95] Timoxeinos of treachery, for the sake of the city of Skione, lest the men of Skione

should be esteemed traitors for all time to come. 129. He then in such a manner as this had been discovered;

and when three months had gone by while Artabazos was besieging the town, there came to be a great ebb of

the sea backwards, which lasted for a long time; and the Barbarians, seeing that shallow water had been

produced, endeavoured to get by into the peninsula of Pallene,[96] but when they had passed through two

fifthparts of the distance, and yet three fifths remained, which they must pass through before they were

within Pallene, then there came upon them a great floodtide of the sea, higher than ever before, as the

natives of the place say, though high tides come often. So those of them who could not swim perished, and

those who could were slain by the men of Potidaia who put out to them in boats. The cause of the high tide

and flood and of that which befell the Persians was this, as the Potidaians say, namely that these same

Persians who perished by means of the sea had committed impiety towards the temple of Poseidon and his

image in the suburb of their town; and in saying that this was the cause, in my opinion they say well. The

survivors of his army Artabazos led away to Thessaly to join Mardonios. Thus it fared with these who

130. The fleet of Xerxes, so much of it as remained, when it had touched Asia in its flight from Salamis, and

had conveyed the king and his army over from the Chersonese to Abydos, passed the winter at Kyme: and

when spring dawned upon it, it assembled early at Samos, where some of the ships had even passed the

winter; and most of the Persians and Medes still served as fightingmen on board of them.[97] To be

commanders of them there came Mardontes the son of Bagaios, and Arta�ntes the son of Artachaies, and with

them also Ithamitres was in joint command, who was brother's son to Arta�ntes and had been added by the

choice of Arta�ntes himself. They then, since they had suffered a heavy blow, did not advance further up

towards the West, nor did any one compel them to do so; but they remained still in Samos and kept watch

over Ionia, lest it should revolt, having three hundred ships including those of the Ionians; and they did not

expect that the Hellenes on their part would come to Ionia, but thought that it would satisfy them to guard

their own land, judging from the fact that they had not pursued after them in their flight from Salamis but

were well contented then to depart homewards. As regards the sea then their spirit was broken, but on land

they thought that Mardonios would get much the advantage. So they being at Samos were taking counsel to

do some damage if they could to their enemies, and at the same time they were listening for news how the

131. The Hellenes on their part were roused both by the coming on of spring and by the presence of

Mardonios in Thessaly. Their landarmy had not yet begun to assemble, when the fleet arrived at Egina, in

number one hundred and ten ships, and the commander and admiral was Leotychides, who was the son of

Menares, the son of Hegesilaos, the son of Hippocratides, the son of Leotychides, the son of Anaxilaos, the

son of Archidemos, the son of Anaxandriddes, the son of Theopompos, the son of Nicander, the son of

Charilaos,[98] the son of Eunomos, the son of Polydectes, the son of Prytanis, the son of Euryphon,[99] the

son of Procles, the son of Aristodemos, the son of Aristomachos, the son of Cleodaios, the son of Hyllos, the

son of Heracles, being of the other royal house.[100] These all, except the two[101] enumerated first after

Leotychides, had been kings of Sparta. And of the Athenians the commander was Xanthippos the son of

Ariphon. 132. When all the ships had arrived at Egina, there came Ionian envoys to the camp of the Hellenes,

who also came a short time before this to Sparta and asked the Lacedemonians to set Ionia free; and of them

one was Herodotus the son of Basileides. These had banded themselves together and had plotted to put to

death Strattis the despot of Chios, being originally seven in number; but when one of those who took part

with them gave information of it and they were discovered to be plotting against him, then the remaining six

escaped from Chios and came both to Sparta and also at this time to Egina, asking the Hellenes to sail over to

Ionia: but they with difficulty brought them forward as far as Delos; for the parts beyond this were all fearful

to the Hellenes, since they were without experience of those regions and everything seemed to them to be

filled with armed force, while their persuasion was that it was as long a voyage to Samos as to the Pillars of

Heracles. Thus at the same time it so chanced that the Barbarians dared sail no further up towards the West

than Samos, being smitten with fear, and the Hellenes no further down towards the East than Delos, when the

Chians made request of them. So fear was guard of the space which lay between them.

133. The Hellenes, I say, sailed to Delos; and Mardonios meanwhile had been wintering in Thessaly. From

thence he sent round a man, a native of Europos, whose name was Mys, to the various Oracles, charging him

to go everywhere to consult,[102] wherever they[103] were permitted to make trial of the Oracles. What he

desired to find out from the Oracles when he gave this charge, I am not able to say, for that is not reported;

but I conceive for my part that he sent to consult about his present affairs and not about other things. 134.

This Mys is known to have come to Lebadeia and to have persuaded by payment of money one of the natives

of the place to go down to Trophonios, and also he came to the Oracle at Abai of the Phokians; and moreover

when he came for the first time to Thebes, he not only consulted the Ismenian Apollo, there one may

consult just as at Olympia with victims,but also by payment he persuaded a stranger who was not a

Theban, and induced him to lie down to sleep in the temple of Amphiaraos. In this temple no one of the

Thebans is permitted to seek divination, and that for the following reason:Amphiaraos dealing by oracles

bade them choose which they would of these two things, either to have him as a diviner or else as an ally in

war, abstaining from the other use; and they chose that he should be their ally in war: for this reason it is not

permitted to any of the Thebans to lie down to sleep in that temple. 135. After this a thing which to me is a

very great marvel is said by the Thebans to have come to pass:it seems that this man Mys of Europos, as

he journeyed round to all the Oracles, came also to the sacred enclosure of the Ptoan Apollo. This temple is

called "Ptoon," and belongs to the Thebans, and it lies above the lake Copa�s at the foot of the mountains,

close to the town of Acraiphia. When the man called Mys came to this temple with three men chosen from

the citizens[104] in his company, who were sent by the public authority to write down that which the god

should utter in his divination, forthwith it is said the prophet[105] of the god began to give the oracle in a

Barbarian tongue; and while those of the Thebans who accompanied him were full of wonder, hearing a

Barbarian instead of the Hellenic tongue, and did not know what to make of the matter before them, it is said

that the man of Europos, Mys, snatched from them the tablet which they bore and wrote upon it that which

was being spoken by the prophet; and he said that the prophet was giving his answer in the Carian tongue:

136. Mardonios having read that which the Oracles uttered, whatever that was, after this sent as an envoy to

Athens Alexander the son of Amyntas, the Macedonian, both because the Persians were connected with him

by marriage, (for Gygaia the sister of Alexander and daughter of Amyntas had been married to a Persian

Bubares,[106] and from her had been born to him that Amyntas who lived in Asia, having the name of his

mother's father, to whom the king gave Alabanda,[107] a great city of Phrygia, to possess), and also

Mardonios was sending him because he was informed that Alexander was a public guestfriend and

benefactor of the Athenians; for by this means he thought that he would be most likely to gain over the

Athenians to his side, about whom he heard that they were a numerous people and brave in war, and of whom

he knew moreover that these were they who more than any others had brought about the disasters which had

befallen the Persians by sea. Therefore if these should be added to him, he thought that he should easily have

command of the sea (and this in fact would have been the case), while on land he supposed himself to be

already much superior in force. Thus he reckoned that his power would be much greater than that of the

Hellenes. Perhaps also the Oracles told him this beforehand, counselling him to make the Athenian his ally,

137. Now of this Alexander the seventh ancestor[108] was that Perdiccas who first became despot of the

Macedonians, and that in the manner which here follows:From Argos there fled to the Illyrians three

brothers of the descendents of Temenos, Gauanes, A�ropos, and Perdiccas; and passing over from the

Illyrians into the upper parts of Macedonia they came to the city of Lebaia. There they became farm

servants for pay in the household of the king, one pasturing horses, the second oxen, and the youngest of

them, namely Perdiccas, the smaller kinds of cattle; for[109] in ancient times even those who were rulers over

men[110] were poor in money, and not the common people only; and the wife of the king cooked for them

their food herself. And whenever she baked, the loaf of the boy their servant, namely Perdiccas, became

double as large as by nature it should be. When this happened constantly in the same manner, she told it to

her husband, and he when he heard it conceived forthwith that this was a portent and tended to something

great. He summoned the farmservants therefore, and gave notice to them to depart out of his land; and they

said that it was right that before they went forth they should receive the wages which were due. Now it

chanced that the sun was shining into the house down through the opening which received the smoke, and the

king when he heard about the wages said, being infatuated by a divine power: "I pay you then this for wages,

and it is such as ye deserve," pointing to the sunlight. So then Gauanes and A�ropos the elder brothers stood

struck with amazement when they heard this, but the boy, who happened to have in his hand a knife, said

these words: "We accept, O king, that which thou dost give;" and he traced a line with his knife round the

sunlight on the floor of the house, and having traced the line round he thrice drew of the sunlight into his

bosom, and after that he departed both himself and his fellows. 138. They then were going away, and to the

king one of those who sat by him at table told what manner of thing the boy had done, and how the youngest

of them had taken that which was given with some design: and he hearing this and being moved with anger,

sent after them horsemen to slay them. Now there is a river in this land to which the descendents of these men

from Argos sacrifice as a saviour. This river, so soon as the sons of Temenos had passed over it, began to

flow with such great volume of water that the horsemen became unable to pass over. So the brothers, having

come to another region of Macedonia, took up their dwelling near the socalled gardens of Midas the son of

Gordias, where roses grow wild which have each one sixty petals and excel all others in perfume. In these

gardens too Silenos was captured, as is reported by the Macedonians: and above the gardens is situated a

mountain called Bermion, which is inaccessible by reason of the cold. Having taken possession of that region,

they made this their startingpoint, and proceeded to subdue also the rest of Macedonia. 139. From this

Perdiccas the descent of Alexander was as follows:Alexander was the son of Amyntas, Amyntas was the

son of Alketes, the father of Alketes was A�ropos, of him Philip, of Philip Argaios, and of this last the father

140. Thus then, I say, Alexander the son of Amyntas was descended; and when he came to Athens sent from

Mardonios, he spoke as follows: (a) "Athenians, Mardonios speaks these words:There has come to me a

message from the king which speaks in this manner:To the Athenians I remit all the offences which were

committed against me: and now, Mardonios, thus do,first give them back their own land; then let them

choose for themselves another in addition to this, whichsoever they desire, remaining independent; and set up

for them again all their temples, which I set on fire, provided that they consent to make a treaty with me. This

message having come to me, it is necessary for me to do so, unless by your means I am prevented: and thus I

speak to you now:Why are ye so mad as to raise up war against the king? since neither will ye overcome

him, nor are ye able to hold out against him for ever: for ye saw the multitude of the host of Xerxes and their

deeds, and ye are informed also of the power which is with me at the present time; so that even if ye

overcome and conquer us (of which ye can have no hope if ye are rightly minded), another power will come

many times as large. Do not ye then desire to match yourselves with the king, and so to be both deprived of

your land and for ever running a course for your own lives; but make peace with him: and ye have a most

honourable occasion to make peace, since the king has himself set out upon this road: agree to a league with

us then without fraud or deceit, and remain free. (b) These things Mardonios charged me to say to you, O

Athenians; and as for me, I will say nothing of the goodwill towards you on my part, for ye would not learn

that now for the first time; but I ask of you to do as Mardonios says, since I perceive that ye will not be able

to war with Xerxes for ever,if I perceived in you ability to do this, I should never have come to you

speaking these words,for the power of the king is above that of a man and his arm is very long. If therefore

ye do not make an agreement forthwith, when they offer you great things as the terms on which they are

willing to make a treaty, I have fear on your behalf, seeing that ye dwell more upon the highway than any of

your allies, and are exposed ever to destruction alone, the land which ye possess being parted off from the

rest and lying between the armies which are contending together.[111] Nay, but be persuaded, for this is a

matter of great consequence to you, that to you alone of the Hellenes the great king remits the offences

141. Thus spoke Alexander; and the Lacedemonians having been informed that Alexander had come to

Athens to bring the Athenians to make a treaty with the Barbarians, and remembering the oracles, who it was

destined that they together with the other Dorians should be driven forth out of the Peloponnese by the Medes

and the Athenians combined, had been very greatly afraid lest the Athenians should make a treaty with the

Persians; and forthwith they had resolved to send envoys. It happened moreover that they were introduced at

the same time with Alexander;[112] for the Athenians had waited for them, protracting the time, because they

were well assured that the Lacedemonians would hear that an envoy had come from the Barbarians to make a

treaty, and that having heard it they would themselves send envoys with all speed. They acted therefore of set

purpose, so as to let the Lacedemonians see their inclination. 142. So when Alexander had ceased speaking,

the envoys from Sparta followed him forthwith and said: "As for us, the Lacedemonians sent us to ask of you

not to make any change in that which concerns Hellas, nor to accept proposals from the Barbarian; since this

is not just in any way nor honourable for any of the Hellenes to do, but least of all for you, and that for many

reasons. Ye were they who stirred up this war, when we by no means willed it; and the contest came about for

your dominion, but now it extends even to the whole of Hellas. Besides this it is by no means to be endured

that ye Athenians, who are the authors of all this, should prove to be the cause of slavery to the Hellenes,

seeing that ye ever from ancient time also have been known as the liberators of many. We feel sympathy

however with you for your sufferings and because ye were deprived of your crops twice and have had your

substance ruined now for a long time. In compensation for this the Lacedemonians and their allies make offer

to support your wives and all those of your households who are unfitted for war, so long as this war shall last:

but let not Alexander the Macedonian persuade you, making smooth the speech of Mardonios; for these

things are fitting for him to do, since being himself a despot he is working in league with a despot: for you

however they are not fitting to do, if ye chance to be rightly minded; for ye know that in Barbarians there is

Thus spoke the envoys: 143, and to Alexander the Athenians made answer thus: "Even of ourselves we know

so much, that the Mede has a power many times as numerous as ours; so that there is no need for thee to cast

this up against us. Nevertheless because we long for liberty we shall defend ourselves as we may be able: and

do not thou endeavour to persuade us to make a treaty with the Barbarian, for we on our part shall not be

persuaded. And now report to Mardonios that the Athenians say thus:So long as the Sun goes on the same

course by which he goes now, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes; but we will go forth to defend

ourselves[113] against him, trusting in the gods and the heroes as allies, for whom he had no respect when he

set fire to their houses and to their sacred images. And in the future do not thou appear before the Athenians

with any such proposals as these, nor think that thou art rendering them good service in advising them to do

that which is not lawful; for we do not desire that thou shouldest suffer anything unpleasant at the hands of

the Athenians, who art their public guest and friend." 144. To Alexander they thus made answer, but to the

envoys from Sparta as follows: "That the Lacedemonians should be afraid lest we should make a treaty with

the Barbarian was natural no doubt;[114] but it seems to be an unworthy fear for men who know so well the

spirit of the Athenians, namely that there is neither so great quantity of gold anywhere upon the earth, nor any

land so much excelling in beauty and goodness, that we should be willing to accept it and enslave Hellas by

taking the side of the Medes. For many and great are the reasons which hinder us from doing this, even

though we should desire it; first and greatest the images and houses of the gods set on fire or reduced to ruin,

which we must necessarily avenge to the very utmost rather than make an agreement with him who did these

deeds; then secondly there is the bond of Hellenic race, by which we are of one blood and of one speech, the

common temples of the gods and the common sacrifices, the manners of life which are the same for all; to

these it would not be well that the Athenians should become traitors. And be assured of this, if by any chance

ye were not assured of it before, that so long as one of the Athenians remains alive, we will never make an

agreement with Xerxes. We admire however the forethought which ye had with regard to us, in that ye took

thought for us who have had our substance destroyed, and are willing to support the members of our

households; and so far as ye are concerned, the kindness has been fully performed: but we shall continue to

endure as we may, and not be a trouble in any way to you. Now therefore, with full conviction this is so, send

out an army as speedily as ye may: for, as we conjecture, the Barbarian will be here invading our land at no

far distant time but so soon as he shall be informed of the message sent, namely that we shall do none of

those things which he desired of us. Therefore before he arrives here in Attica, it is fitting that ye come to our

rescue quickly in B�otia." Thus the Athenians made answer, and upon that the envoys went away back to

3. os to plethos ekastoi ton neon pareikhonto: some read by conjecture oson to plethos k.t.l.

4. Perhaps "also" refers to the case of those who had come to Thermopylai, cp. vii. 207. Others translate,

"these Hellenes who had come after all to Artemision," i.e. after all the doubt and delay.

5. pantes: some MSS. have plegentes, which is adopted by most Editors, "smitten by bribes."

7. mede purphoron: the purphoros had charge of the fire brought for sacrifices from the altar of Zeus Agetor

at Sparta, and ordinarily his person would be regarded as sacred; hence the proverb oude purphoros esothe,

14. epi ten thalassan tauten: some MSS. read taute for tauten, which is to be taken with sullexas, "he

16. paleseie, a word which does not occur elsewhere, and is explained by Hesychius as equivalent to

diaphtharein. Various emendations have been proposed, and Valla seems to have had the reading apelaseie,

for he says discessisset. Stein explains paleseie (as from pale) "should contend."

17. Some suppose the number "four thousand" is interpolated by misunderstanding of the inscription in vii.

228; and it seems hardly possible that the dead were so many as four thousand, unless at least half were

30. stratarkheo: a vague expression, because being introduced after Kecrops he could not have the title of

31. The number obtained by adding up the separate contingents is 366. Many Editors suppose that the ships

with which the Eginetans were guarding their own coast (ch. 46) are counted here, and quote the authority of

Pausanias for the statement that the Eginetans supplied more ships than any others except the Athenians.

40. te anakrisi: cp. anakrinomenous, ix. 56. Some Editors, following inferior MSS., read te krisi, "at the

43. oi perioikoi: some Editors omit the article and translate "and these are the socalled Orneates or dwellers

round (Argos)," Orneates being a name for the perioikoi of Argos, derived from the conquered city of Orneai.

46. dokeunt ana panta tithesthai: the MSS. have also pithesthai. Possibly tithesthai might stand, though

anatithesthai is not found elsewhere in this sense. Stein adopts in his last edition the conjecture piesthai,

51. Many Editors reading osa de and parainesas de, make the stop after antitithemena: "and in all that is

produced in the nature and constitution of man he exhorted them to choose the better."

54. pros de eti kai proselabeto: the MSS. have prosebaleto. Most Editors translate, "Moreover Ariamnes . . .

contributed to the fate of the Phenicians, being a friend (of the Ionians);" but this does not seem possible

unless we read philos eon Iosi (or Ionon). Valla translates nearly as I have done. (It does not appear that

59. sumballontai: the Athenians apparently are spoken of, for they alone believed the story.

60. apoplesai: this is the reading of the MSS.; but many Editors adopt corrections (apoplesthai or

apoplesthenai). The subject to apoplesai is to be found in the preceding sentence and the connexion with ton

te allon panta k.t.l. is a loose one. This in fact is added as an afterthought, the idea being originally to call

61. phruxousi: a conjectural emendation, adopted by most Editors, of phrixousi, "will shudder (at the sight of

62. kat allon kai allon: the MSS. have kat allon, but Valla's rendering is "alium atque alium."

65. os ek kakon: some translate, "thinking that he had escaped from his troubles."

68. Stein would take peri oikon ton son with oudemia sumphore, but the order of words is against this.

70. See i. 175. The manner of the repetition and some points in the diction raise suspicion that the passage is

interpolated here; and so it is held to be by most Editors. In i. 175 we find tris instead of dis.

71. upegagon, cp. vi. 72, with the idea of bringing before a court for punishment, not "by underhand means,"

73. spheis . . . ergasaiato: the MSS. read sphi (one spheas) and ergasaito, and this is retained by some

75. metabalon: others translate, "he turned from them to the Athenians"; but cp. vii. 52. The words pros tous

81. khreomenos toisi kai pros basilea ekhresato. This is the reading of the best MSS.: the rest have

khreomenos logoisi toisi kai pros Andrious ekhresato, "using the same language as he had before used to the

83. ola, i.e. not the whole number of them, but great masses without individual selection.

88. dienemon: some understand this to mean "distributed the voting tablets," and some MSS. read

91. A small island near Attica, taken here as the type of insignificance. To suppose that Timodemos was

connected with it is quite unnecessary. The story in Plutarch about the Seriphian is different.

94. para tas gluphidas: some Editors read peri tas gluphidas on the authority of �neas Tacticus. The

gluphides are probably notches which give a hold for the fingers as they draw back the string.

96. The way was shut against them ordinarily by the town of Potidaia, which occupied the isthmus.

97. i.e. most of those who before served as epibatai (vii. 96) continued to serve still. The sentence is usually

translated, "of those who served as fightingmen in them the greater number were Persians or Medes," and

101. duon. It seems certain that the number required here is seven and not two, and the emendation epta for

102. khresomenon: the best MSS. read khresamenon, which is retained by Stein, with the meaning "charging

109. esan gar: this is the reading of the best MSS.: others have esan de. Stein (reading esan gar) places this

clause after the next, "The wife of the king herself baked their bread, for in ancient times, etc." This

transposition is unnecessary; for it would be easy to understand it as a comment on the statement that three

111. exaireton metaikhmion te ten gun ektemenon: there are variations of reading and punctuation in the

112. sunepipte oste omou spheon ginesthai ten katastasin, i.e. their introduction before the assembly, cp. iii.

113. epeximen amunomenoi, which possibly might be translated, "we will continue to defend ourselves."

1. Mardonios, when Alexander had returned back and had signified to him that which was said by the

Athenians, set forth from Thessaly and began to lead his army with all diligence towards Athens: and to

whatever land he came, he took up with him the people of that land. The leaders of Thessaly meanwhile did

not repent of all that which had been done already, but on the contrary they urged on the Persian yet much

more; and Thorax of Larissa had joined in escorting Xerxes in his flight and at this time he openly offered

Mardonios passage to invade Hellas. 2. Then when the army in its march came to B�otia, the Thebans

endeavoured to detain Mardonios, and counselled him saying that there was no region more convenient for

him to have his encampment than that; and they urged him not to advance further, but to sit down there and

endeavour to subdue to himself the whole of Hellas without fighting: for to overcome the Hellenes by open

force when they were united, as at the former time they were of one accord together,[1] was a difficult task

even for the whole world combined, "but," they proceeded, "if thou wilt do that which we advise, with little

labour thou wilt have in thy power all their plans of resistance.[2] Send money to the men who have power in

their cities, and thus sending thou wilt divide Hellas into two parties: after that thou wilt with ease subdue by

the help of thy party those who are not inclined to thy side." 3. Thus they advised, but he did not follow their

counsel; for there had instilled itself into him a great desire to take Athens for the second time, partly from

obstinacy[3] and partly because he meant to signify to the king in Sardis that he was in possession of Athens

by beaconfires through the islands. However he did not even at this time find the Athenians there when he

came to Attica; but he was informed that the greater number were either in Salamis or in the ships, and he

captured the city finding it deserted. Now the capture of the city by the king had taken place ten months

4. When Mardonios had come to Athens, he sent to Salamis Morychides a man of the Hellespont, bearing the

same proposals as Alexander the Macedonian had brought over to the Athenians. These he sent for the

second time, being aware beforehand that the dispositions of the Athenians were not friendly, but hoping that

they would give way and leave their obstinacy, since the Attic land had been captured by the enemy and was

in his power. 5. For this reason he sent Morychides to Salamis; and he came before the Council[4] and

reported the words of Mardonios. Then one of the Councillors, Lykidas, expressed the opinion that it was

better to receive the proposal which Morychides brought before them and refer it to the assembly of the

people.[5] He, I say, uttered this opinion, whether because he had received money from Mardonios, or

because this was his own inclination: however the Athenians forthwith, both those of the Council and those

outside, when they heard of it, were very indignant, and they came about Lykidas and stoned him to death;

but the Hellespontian Morychides they dismissed unhurt. Then when there had arisen much uproar in Salamis

about Lykidas, the women of the Athenians heard of that which was being done, and one woman passing the

word to another and one taking another with her, they went of their own accord to the house of Lykidas and

6. The Athenians had passed over to Salamis as follows:So long as they were looking that an army should

come from the Peloponnese to help them, they remained in Attica; but as those in Peloponnesus acted very

slowly and with much delay, while the invader was said to be already in B�otia, they accordingly removed

everything out of danger, and themselves passed over to Salamis; and at the same time they sent envoys to

Lacedemon to reproach the Lacedemonians for having permitted the Barbarian to invade Attica and for not

having gone to B�otia to meet him in company with them, and also to remind them how many things the

Persian had promised to give the Athenians if they changed sides; bidding the envoys warn them that if they

did not help the Athenians, the Athenians would find some shelter[6] for themselves. 7. For the

Lacedemonians in fact were keeping a feast during this time, and celebrating the Hyakinthia; and they held it

of the greatest consequence to provide for the things which concerned the god, while at the same time their

wall which they had been building at the Isthmus was just at this moment being completed with battlements.

And when the envoys from the Athenians came to Lacedemon, bringing with them also envoys from Megara

and Plataia, they came in before the Ephors and said as follows: "The Athenians sent us saying that the king

of the Medes not only offers to give us back our land, but also desires to make us his allies on fair and equal

terms without deceit or treachery,[7] and is desirous moreover to give us another land in addition to our own,

whichsoever we shall ourselves choose. We however, having respect for Zeus of the Hellenes and disdaining

to be traitors to Hellas, did not agree but refused, although we were unjustly dealt with by the other Hellenes

and left to destruction, and although we knew that it was more profitable to make a treaty with the Persian

than to carry on war: nor shall we make a treaty at any future time, if we have our own will. Thus sincerely is

our duty done towards the Hellenes:[8] but as for you, after having come then to great dread lest we should

make a treaty with the Persian, so soon as ye learnt certainly what our spirit was, namely that we should

never betray Hellas, and because your wall across the Isthmus is all but finished, now ye make no account of

the Athenians, but having agreed with us to come to B�otia to oppose the Persian, ye have now deserted us,

and ye permitted the Barbarian moreover to make invasion of Attica. For the present then the Athenians have

anger against you, for ye did not do as was fitting to be done: and now they bid[9] you with all speed send out

an army together with us, in order that we may receive the Barbarian in the land of Attica; for since we failed

of B�otia, the most suitable place to fight in our land is the Thriasian plain." 8. When the Ephors heard this

they deferred their reply to the next day, and then on the next day to the succeeding one; and this they did

even for ten days, deferring the matter from day to day, while during this time the whole body of the

Peloponnesians were building the wall over the Isthmus with great diligence and were just about to complete

it. Now I am not able to say why, when Alexander the Macedonian had come to Athens, they were so very

anxious lest the Athenians should take the side of the Medes, whereas now they had no care about it, except

indeed that their wall over the Isthmus had now been built, and they thought they had no need of the

Athenians any more; whereas when Alexander came to Attica the wall had not yet been completed, but they

were working at it in great dread of the Persians. 9. At last however the answer was given and the going forth

of the Spartans took place in the following manner:on the day before that which was appointed for the last

hearing of the envoys, Chileos a man of Tegea, who of all strangers had most influence in Lacedemon, heard

from the Ephors all that which the Athenians were saying; and he, it seems, said to them these words: "Thus

the matter stands, Ephors:if the Athenians are not friendly with us but are allies of the Barbarian, then

though a strong wall may have been built across the Isthmus, yet a wide door has been opened for the Persian

into Peloponnesus. Listen to their request, however, before the Athenians resolve upon something else

tending to the fall of Hellas." 10. Thus he counselled them, and they forthwith took his words to heart; and

saying nothing to the envoys who had come from the cities, while yet it was night they sent out five thousand

Spartans, with no less than seven of the Helots set to attend upon each man of them,[9a] appointing Pausanias

the son of Cleombrotos to lead them forth. Now the leadership belonged to Pleistarchos the son of Leonidas;

but he was yet a boy, and the other was his guardian and cousin: for Cleombrotos, the father of Pausanias and

son of Anaxandrides, was no longer alive, but when he had led home from the Isthmus the army which had

built the wall, no long time after this he died. Now the reason why Cleombrotos led home the army from the

Isthmus was this:as he was offering sacrifice for fighting against the Persian, the sun was darkened in the

heaven. And Pausanias chose as commander in addition to himself Euryanax the son of Dorieos, a man of the

same house. 11. So Pausanias with his army had gone forth out of Sparta; and the envoys, when day had

come, not knowing anything of this going forth, came in before the Ephors meaning to depart also, each to

his own State: and when they had come in before them they said these words: "Ye, O Lacedemonians, are

remaining here and celebrating this Hyakinthia and disporting yourselves, having left your allies to

destruction; and the Athenians being wronged by you and for want of allies will make peace with the Persians

on such terms as they can: and having made peace, evidently we become allies of the king, and therefore we

shall join with him in expeditions against any land to which the Persians may lead us; and ye will learn then

what shall be the issue for you of this matter." When the envoys spoke these words, the Ephors said and

confirmed it with an oath, that they supposed by this time the men were at Orestheion on their way against

the strangers: for they used to call the Barbarians "strangers."[10] So they, not knowing of the matter, asked

the meaning of these words, and asking they learnt all the truth; so that they were struck with amazement and

set forth as quickly as possible in pursuit; and together with them five thousand chosen hoplites of the

12. They then, I say, were hastening towards the Isthmus; and the Argives so soon as they heard that

Pausanias with his army had gone forth from Sparta, sent as a herald to Attica the best whom they could find

of the longdistance runners,[12] because they had before of their own motion engaged for Mardonios that

they would stop the Spartans from going forth: and the herald when he came to Athens spoke as follows:

"Mardonios, the Argives sent me to tell thee that the young men have gone forth from Lacedemon, and that

the Argives are not able to stop them from going forth: with regard to this therefore may it be thy fortune to

take measures well."[13] 13. He having spoken thus departed and went back; and Mardonios was by no

means anxious any more to remain in Attica when he heard this message. Before he was informed of this he

had been waiting, because he desired to know the news from the Athenians as to what they were about to do;

and he had not been injuring or laying waste the land of Attica, because he hoped always that they would

make a treaty with him; but as he did not persuade them, being now informed of everything he began to retire

out of the country before the force of Pausanias arrived at the Isthmus, having first set fire to Athens and cast

down and destroyed whatever was left standing of the walls, houses or temples. Now he marched away for

this cause, namely first because Attica was not a land where horsemen could act freely, and also because, if

he should be defeated in a battle in Attica, there was no way of retreat except by a narrow pass, so that a few

men could stop them. He intended therefore to retreat to Thebes, and engage battle near to a friendly city and

14. Mardonios then was retiring out of the way, and when he was already upon a road a message came to him

saying that another body of troops in advance of the rest[14] had come to Megara, consisting of a thousand

Lacedemonians. Being thus informed he took counsel with himself, desiring if possible first to capture these.

Therefore he turned back and proceeded to lead his army towards Megara, and the cavalry going in advance

of the rest overran the Megaran land: this was the furthest land in Europe towards the sunsetting to which

this Persian army came. 15. After this a message came to Mardonios that the Hellenes were assembled at the

Isthmus; therefore he marched back by Dekeleia, for the chiefs of B�otia[15] had sent for those of the

Asopians who dwelt near the line of march, and these were his guides along the road to Sphendaleis and

thence to Tanagra. So having encamped for the night at Tanagra and on the next day having directed his

march to Scolos, he was within the land of the Thebans. Then he proceeded to cut down the trees in the lands

of the Thebans, although they were on the side of the Medes, moved not at all by enmity to them, but pressed

by urgent necessity both to make a defence for his camp, and also he was making it for a refuge, in case that

when he engaged battle things should not turn out for him as he desired. Now the encampment of his army

extended from Erythrai along by Hysiai and reached the river Asopos: he was not however making the wall

to extend so far as this, but with each face measuring somewhere about ten furlongs.[16]

16. While the Barbarians were engaged upon this work, Attaginos the son of Phyrnon, a Theban, having

made magnificent preparations invited to an entertainment Mardonios himself and fifty of the Persians who

were of most account; and these being invited came; and the dinner was given at Thebes. Now this which

follows I heard from Thersander, an Orchomenian and a man of very high repute in Orchomenos. This

Thersander said that he too was invited by Attaginos to this dinner, and there were invited also fifty men of

the Thebans, and their host did not place them to recline[17] separately each nation by themselves, but a

Persian and a Theban upon every couch. Then when dinner was over, as they were drinking pledges to one

another,[18] the Persian who shared a couch with him speaking in the Hellenic tongue asked him of what

place he was, and he answered that he was of Orchomenos. The other said: "Since now thou hast become my

table companion and the sharer of my libation, I desire to leave behind with thee a memorial of my opinion,

in order that thou thyself also mayest know beforehand and be able to take such counsels for thyself as may

be profitable. Dost thou see these Persians who are feasting here, and the army which we left behind

encamped upon the river? Of all these, when a little time has gone by, thou shalt see but very few surviving."

While the Persian said these words he shed many tears, as Thersander reported; and he marvelling at his

speech said to him: "Surely then it is right to tell Mardonios and to those of the Persians who after him are

held in regard." He upon this said: "Friend, that which is destined to come from God, it is impossible for a

man to avert; for no man is willing to follow counsel, even when one speaks that which is reasonable. And

these things which I say many of us Persians know well; yet we go with the rest being bound in the bonds of

necessity: and the most hateful grief of all human griefs is this, to have knowledge of the truth but no power

over the event."[19] These things I heard from Thersander of Orchomenos, and in addition to them this also,

namely that he told them to various persons forthwith, before the battle took place at Plataia.

17. Mardonios then being encamped in B�otia, the rest of the Hellenes who lived in these parts and took the

side of the Medes were all supplying troops and had joined in the invasion of Attica, but the Phokians alone

had not joined in the invasion,the Phokians, I say, for these too were now actively[20] taking the side of

the Medes, not of their own will however, but by compulsion. Not many days however after the arrival of

Mardonios at Thebes, there came of them a thousand hoplites, and their leader was Harmokydes, the man

who was of most repute among their citizens. When these too came to Thebes, Mardonios sent horsemen and

bade the Phokians take up their position by themselves in the plain. After they had so done, forthwith the

whole cavalry appeared; and upon this there went a rumour[21] through the army of Hellenes which was with

the Medes that the cavalry was about to shoot them down with javelins, and this same report went through the

Phokians themselves also. Then their commander Harmokydes exhorted them, speaking as follows:

"Phokians, it is manifest that these men are meaning to deliver us to a death which we may plainly

foresee,[22] because we have been falsely accused by the Thessalians, as I conjecture: now therefore it is

right that every one of you prove himself a good man; for it is better to bring our lives to an end doing deeds

of valour and defending ourselves, than to be destroyed by a dishonourable death offering ourselves for the

slaughter. Let each man of them learn that they are Barbarians and that we, against whom they contrived

murder, are Hellenes." 18. While he was thus exhorting them, the horsemen having encompassed them round

were riding towards them as if to destroy them; and they were already aiming their missiles as if about to

discharge them, nay some perhaps did discharge them: and meanwhile the Phokians stood facing them

gathered together and with their ranks closed as much as possible every way. Then the horsemen turned and

rode away back. Now I am not able to say for certain whether they came to destroy the Phokians at the

request of the Thessalians, and then when they saw them turn to defence they feared lest they also might

suffer some loss, and therefore rode away back, for so Mardonios had commanded them; or whether on the

other hand he desired to make trial of them and to see if they had in them any warlike spirit. Then, when the

horsemen had ridden away back, Mardonios sent a herald and spoke to them as follows: "Be of good courage,

Phokians, for ye proved yourselves good men, and not as I was informed. Now therefore carry on this way

with zeal, for ye will not surpass in benefits either myself or the king." Thus far it happened as regards the

19. When the Lacedemonians came to the Isthmus they encamped upon it, and hearing this the rest of the

Peloponnesians who favoured the better cause, and some also because they saw the Spartans going out, did

not think it right to be behind the Lacedemonians in their going forth. So from the Isthmus, when the

sacrifices had proved favourable, they marched all together and came to Eleusis; and having performed

sacrifices there also, when the signs were favourable they marched onwards, and the Athenians together with

them, who had passed over from Salamis and had joined them at Eleusis. And then they had come to Erythrai

in B�otia, then they learnt that the Barbarians were encamping on the Asopos, and having perceived this they

ranged themselves over against them on the lower slopes of Kithairon. 20. Then Mardonios, as the Hellenes

did not descend into the plain, sent towards them all his cavalry, of which the commander was Masistios (by

the Hellenes called Makistios), a man of reputation among the Persians, who had a Nesaian horse with a

bridle of gold and in other respects finely caparisoned. So when the horsemen had ridden up to the Hellenes

they attacked them by squadrons, and attacking[23] they did them much mischief, and moreover in contempt

they called them women. 21. Now it happened by chance that the Megarians were posted in the place which

was the most assailable of the whole position and to which the cavalry could best approach: so as the cavalry

were making their attacks, the Megarians being hard pressed sent a herald to the commanders of the Hellenes,

and the herald having come spoke these words: "The Megarians say:we, O allies, are not able by ourselves

to sustain the attacks of the Persian cavalry, keeping this position where we took post at the first; nay, even

hitherto by endurance and valour alone have we held out against them, hard pressed as we are: and now

unless ye shall send some others to take up our position in succession to us, know that we shall leave the

position in which we now are." The herald brought report to them thus; and upon this Pausanias made trial of

the Hellenes, whether any others would voluntarily offer to go to this place and post themselves there in

succession to the Megarians: and when the rest were not desirous to go, the Athenians undertook the task, and

of the Athenians those three hundred picked men of whom Olympidoros the son of Lampon was captain. 22.

These they were who undertook the task and were posted at Erythrai in advance of the other Hellenes who ere

there present, having chosen to go with them the bowmen also. For some time then they fought, and at last

an end was set to the fighting in the following manner:while the cavalry was attacking by squadrons, the

horse of Masistios, going in advance of the rest, was struck in the side by an arrow, and feeling pain he reared

upright and threw Masistios off; and when he had fallen, the Athenians forthwith pressed upon him; and his

horse they took and himself, as he made resistance, they slew, though at first they could not, for his

equipment was of this kind,he wore a cuirass of gold scales underneath, and over the cuirass he had put on

a crimson tunic. So as they struck upon the cuirass they could effect nothing, until some one, perceiving what

the matter was, thrust into his eye. Then at length he fell and died; and by some means the other men of the

cavalry had not observed this take place, for they neither saw him when he had fallen from his horse nor

when he was being slain, and while the retreat and the turn[24] were being made, they did not perceive that

which was happening; but when they had stopped their horses, then at once they missed him, since there was

no one to command them; and when they perceived what had happened, they passed the word to one another

and all rode together, that they might if possible recover the body. 23. The Athenians upon that, seeing that

the cavalry were riding to attack them no longer by squadrons but all together, shouted to the rest of the army

to help them. Then while the whole number of those on foot were coming to their help, there arose a sharp

fight for the body; and so long as the three hundred were alone they had much the worse and were about to

abandon the body, but when the mass of the army came to their help, then the horsemen no longer sustained

the fight, nor did they succeed in recovering the body; and besides him they lost others of their number also.

Then they drew off about two furlongs away and deliberated what they should do; and it seemed good to

them, as they had no commander, to ride back to Mardonios. 24. When the cavalry arrived at the camp, the

whole army and also Mardonios made great mourning for Masistios, cutting off their own hair and that of

their horses and baggageanimals and giving way to lamentation without stint; for all B�otia was filled with

the sound of it, because one had perished who after Mardonios was of the most account with the Persians and

with the king. 25. The Barbarians then were paying honours in their own manner to Masistios slain: but the

Hellenes, when they had sustained the attack of the cavalry and having sustained it had driven them back,

were much more encouraged; and first they put the dead body in a cart and conveyed it along their ranks; and

the body was a sight worth seeing for its size and beauty, wherefore also the men left their places in the ranks

and went one after the other[25] to gaze upon Masistios. After this they resolved to come down further

towards Plataia; for the region of Plataia was seen to be much more convenient for them to encamp in than

that of Erythrai, both for other reasons and because it is better watered. To this region then and to the spring

Gargaphia, which is in this region, they resolved that they must come, and encamp in their several posts. So

they took up their arms and went by the lower slopes of Kithairon past Hysiai to the Plataian land; and having

there arrived they posted themselves according to their several nations near the spring Gargaphia and the

26. Then in the arranging of the several posts there arose a contention of much argument[25a] between the

Tegeans and the Athenians; for they each claimed to occupy the other wing of the army[26] themselves,

alleging deeds both new and old. The Tegeans on the one hand said as follows: "We have been always judged

worthy of this post by the whole body of allies in all the common expeditions which the Peloponnesians have

made before this, whether in old times or but lately, ever since that time when the sons of Heracles

endeavoured after the death of Eurystheus to return to the Peloponnese. This honour we gained at that time by

reason of the following event:When with the Achaians and the Ionians who were then in Peloponnesus we

had come out to the Isthmus to give assistance and were encamped opposite those who desired to return, then

it is said that Hyllos made a speech saying that it was not right that the one army should risk its safety by

engaging battle with the other, and urging that that man of the army of the Peloponnesians whom they should

judge to be the best of them should fight in single combat with himself on terms concerted between them.

The Peloponnesians then resolved that this should be done; and they made oath with one another on this

condition,that if Hyllos should conquer the leader of the Peloponnesians, then the sons of Heracles should

return to their father's heritage; but he should be conquered, then on the other hand the sons of Heracles

should depart and lead away their army, and not within a hundred years attempt to return to the Peloponnese.

There was selected then of all the allies, he himself making a voluntary offer, Echemos the son of A�ropos,

the son of Phegeus,[27] who was our commander and king: and he fought a single combat and slew Hyllos.

By reason of this deed we obtained among the Peloponnesians of that time, besides many other great

privileges which we still possess, this also of always leading the other wing of the army, when a common

expedition is made. To you, Lacedemonians, we make no opposition, but we give you freedom of choice, and

allow you to command whichever wing ye desire; but of the other we say that it belongs to us to be the

leaders as in former time: and apart from this deed which has been related, we are more worthy than the

Athenians to have this post; for in many glorious contests have we contended against you, O Spartans, and in

many also against others. Therefore it is just that we have the other wing rather than the Athenians; for they

have not achieved deeds such as ours, either new or old." 27. Thus they spoke, and the Athenians replied as

follows: "Though we know that this gathering was assembled for battle with the Barbarian and not for

speech, yet since the Tegean has proposed to us as a task to speak of things both old and new, the deeds of

merit namely which by each of our two nations have been achieved in all time, it is necessary for us to point

out to you whence it comes that to us, who have been brave men always, it belongs as a heritage rather than

to the Arcadians to have the chief place. First as to the sons of Heracles, whose leader they say that they slew

at the Isthmus, these in the former time, when they were driven away by all the Hellenes to whom they came

flying from slavery under those of Mykene, we alone received; and joining with them we subdued the

insolence of Eurystheus. having conquered in fight those who then dwelt in Peloponnesus. Again when the

Argives who with Polyneikes marched against Thebes, had been slain and were lying unburied, we declare

that we marched an army against the Cadmeians and recovered the dead bodies and gave them burial in our

own land at Eleusis. We have moreover another glorious deed performed against the Amazons who invaded

once the Attic land, coming from the river Thermodon: and in the toils of Troy we were not inferior to any.

But it is of no profit to make mention of these things; for on the one hand, though we were brave men in

those times, we might now have become worthless, and on the other hand even though we were then

worthless, yet now we might be better. Let it suffice therefore about ancient deeds; but if by us no other deed

has been displayed (as many there have been and glorious, not less than by any other people of the Hellenes),

yet even by reason of the deed wrought at Marathon alone we are worthy to have this privilege and others

besides this, seeing that we alone of all the Hellenes fought in single combat with the Persian, and having

undertaken so great a deed we overcame and conquered sixandforty nations.[28] Are we not worthy then

to have this post by reason of that deed alone? However, since at such a time as this it is not fitting to contend

for post, we are ready to follow your saying, O Lacedemonians, as to where ye think it most convenient that

we should stand and opposite to whom; for wheresoever we are posted, we shall endeavour to be brave men.

Prescribe to us therefore and we shall obey." They made answer thus; and the whole body of the

Lacedemonians shouted aloud that the Athenians were more worthy to occupy the wing than the Arcadians.

28. After this the Hellenes were ranged as follows, both those of them who came in continually

afterwards[29] and those who had come at the first. The right wing was held by ten thousand Lacedemonians;

and of these the five thousand who were Spartans were attended by thirtyfive thousand Helots serving as

lightarmed troops, seven of them appointed for each man.[30] To stand next to themselves the Spartans

chose the Tegeans, both to do them honour and also because of their valour; and of these there were one

thousand five hundred hoplites. After these were stationed five thousand Corinthians, and they had obtained

permission from Pausanias that the three hundred who were present of the men of Potidaia in Pallene should

stand by their side. Next to these were stationed six hundred Arcadians of Orchomenos; and to these three

thousand Sikyonians. Next after these were eight hundred Epidaurians: by the side of these were ranged a

thousand Troizenians: next to the Troizenians two hundred Lepreates: next to these four hundred of the men

of Mikene and Tiryns; and then a thousand Phliasians. By the side of these stood three hundred Hermionians;

and next to the Hermionians were stationed six hundred Eretrians and Styrians; next to these four hundred

Chalkidians; and to these five hundred men of Amprakia. After these stood eight hundred Leucadians and

Anactorians; and next to them two hundred from Pale in Kephallenia. After these were ranged five hundred

Eginetans; by their side three thousand Megarians; and next to these six hundred Plataians. Last, or if you

will first, were ranged the Athenians, occupying the left wing, eight thousand in number, and the commander

of them was Aristeides the son of Lysimachos. 29. These all, excepting those who were appointed to attend

the Spartans, seven for each man, were hoplites, being in number altogether three myriads eight thousand and

seven hundred.[31] This was the whole number of hoplites who were assembled against the Barbarian; and

the number of the lightarmed was as follows:of the Spartan division thirtyfive thousand men, reckoning

at the rate of seven for each man, and of these every one was equipped for fighting; and the lightarmed

troops of the rest of the Lacedemonians and of the other Hellenes, being about one for each man, amounted to

thirtyfour thousand five hundred. 30. Of the light armed fighting men the whole number then was six

myriads nine thousand and five hundred;[32] and of the whole Hellenic force which assembled at Plataia the

number (including both the hoplites and the lightarmed fighting men) was eleven myriads[33] all but one

thousand eight hundred men; and with the Thespians who were present the number of eleven myriads was

fully made up; for there were present also in the army those of the Thespians who survived, being in number

about one thousand eight hundred, and these too were without heavy arms.[34] These then having been

31. Meanwhile the Barbarians with Mardonios, when they had sufficiently mourned for Masistios, being

informed that the Hellenes were at Plataia came themselves also to that part of the Asopos which flows there;

and having arrived there, they were ranged against the enemy by Mardonios thus:against the

Lacedemonians he stationed the Persians; and since the Persians were much superior in numbers, they were

arrayed in deeper ranks than those, and notwithstanding this they extended in front of the Tegeans also: and

he ranged them in this manner,all the strongest part of that body he selected from the rest and stationed it

opposite to the Lacedemonians, but the weaker part he ranged by their side opposite to the Tegeans. This he

did on the information and suggestion of the Thebans. Then next to the Persians he ranged the Medes; and

these extended in front of the Corinthians, Potidaians, Orchomenians and Sikyonians. Next to the Medes he

ranged the Bactrians; and these extended in front of the Epidaurians, Troizenians, Lepreates, Tirynthians,

Mykenians and Phliasians. After the Bactrians he stationed the Indians; and these extended in front of the

Hermionians, Eretrians, Styrians and Chalkidians. Next to the Indians he ranged the Sacans, who extended in

front of the men of Amprakia, the Anactorians, Leucadians, Palians and Eginetans. Next to the Sacans and

opposite to the Athenians, Plataians and Megarians, he ranged the B�otians, Locrians, Malians, Thessalians,

and the thousand men of the Phokians: for not all the Phokians had taken the side of the Medes, but some of

them were even supporting the cause of the Hellenes, being shut up in Parnassos; and setting out from thence

they plundered from the army of Mardonios and from those of the Hellenes who were with him. He ranged

the Macedonians also and those who dwell about the borders of Thessaly opposite to the Athenians. 32.

These which have been named were the greatest of the nations who were arrayed in order by Mardonios,

those, I mean, which were the most renowned and of greatest consideration: but there were in his army also

men of several other nations mingled together, of the Phrygians, Thracians, Mysians, Paionians, and the rest;

and among them also some Ethiopians, and of the Egyptians those called Hermotybians and Calasirians,[35]

carrying knives,[36] who of all the Egyptians are the only warriors. These men, while he was yet at Phaleron,

he had caused to disembark from the ships in which they served as fightingmen; for the Egyptians had not

been appointed to serve in the landarmy which came with Xerxes to Athens. Of the Barbarians then there

were thirty myriads,[37] as has been declared before; but of the Hellenes who were allies of Mardonios no

man knows what the number was, for they were not numbered; but by conjecture I judge that these were

assembled to the number of five myriads. These who were placed in array side by side were on foot; and the

33. When all had been drawn up by nations and by divisions, then on the next day they offered sacrifice on

both sides. For the Hellenes Tisamenos the son of Antiochos was he who offered sacrifice, for he it was who

accompanied this army as diviner. This man the Lacedemonians had made to be one of their own people,

being an Eleian and of the race of the Iamidai:[38] for when Tisamenos was seeking divination at Delphi

concerning issue, the Pythian prophetess made answer to him that he should win five of the greatest contests.

He accordingly, missing the meaning of the oracle, began to attend to athletic games, supposing that he

should win contests of athletics; and he practised for the "five contests"[39] and came within one fall of

winning a victory at the Olympic games,[40] being set to contend with Hieronymos of Andros. The

Lacedemonians however perceived that the oracle given to Tisamenos had reference not to athletic but to

martial contests, and they endeavoured to persuade Tisamenos by payment of money, and to make him a

leader in their wars together with the kings of the race of Heracles. He then, seeing that the Spartans set much

store on gaining him over as a friend, having perceived this, I say, he raised his price and signified to them

that he would do as they desired, if they would make him a citizen of their State and give him full rights, but

for no other payment. The Spartans at first when they heard this displayed indignation and altogether gave up

their request, but at last, when great terror was hanging over them of this Persian armament, they gave

way[41] and consented. He then perceiving that they had changed their minds, said that he could not now be

satisfied even so, nor with these terms alone; but it was necessary that his brother Hegias also should be made

a Spartan citizen on the same terms as he himself became one. 34. By saying this he followed the example of

Melampus in his request,[42] if one may compare royal power with mere citizenship; for Melampus on his

part, when the women in Argos had been seized by madness, and the Argives endeavoured to hire him to

come from Pylos and to cause their women to cease from the malady, proposed as payment for himself the

half of the royal power; and the Argives did not suffer this, but departed: and afterwards, when more of their

women became mad, at length they accepted that which Melampus had proposed, and went to offer him this:

but he then seeing that they had changed their minds, increased his demand, and said that he would not do

that which they desired unless they gave to his brother Bias also the third share in the royal power.[43] And

the Argives, being driven into straits, consented to this also. 35. Just so the Spartans also, being very much in

need of Tisamenos, agreed with him on any terms which he desired: and when the Spartans had agreed to this

demand also, then Tisamenos the Eleian, having become a Spartan, had part with them in winning five of the

greatest contests as their diviner: and these were the only men who ever were made fellow citizens of the

Spartans. Now the five contests were these: one and the first of them was this at Plataia; and after this the

contest at Tegea, which took place with the Tegeans and the Argives; then that at Dipaieis against all the

Arcadians except the Mantineians; after that the contest with the Messenians at Ithome;[44] and last of all

that which took place at Tanagra against the Athenians and Argives. This, I say, was accomplished last of the

36. This Tisamenos was acting now as diviner for the Hellenes in the Plataian land, being brought by the

Spartans. Now to the Hellenes the sacrifices were of good omen if they defended themselves only, but not if

they crossed the Asopos and began a battle; 37, and Mardonios too, who was eager to begin a battle, found

the sacrifices not favourable to this design, but they were of good omen to him also if he defended himself

only; for he too used the Hellenic manner of sacrifice, having as diviner Hegesistratos an Eleian and the most

famous of the Telliadai, whom before these events the Spartans had taken and bound, in order to put him to

death, because they had suffered much mischief from him. He then being in this evil case, seeing that he was

running a course for his life and was likely moreover to suffer much torment before his death, had done a

deed such as may hardly be believed. Being made fast on a block bound with iron, he obtained an iron tool,

which in some way had been brought in, and contrived forthwith a deed the most courageous of any that we

know: for having first calculated how the remaining portion of his foot might be got out of the block, he cut

away the flat of his own foot,[45] and after that, since he was guarded still by warders, he broke through the

wall and so ran away to Tegea, travelling during the nights and in the daytime entering a wood and resting

there; so that, though the Lacedemonians searched for him in full force, he arrived at Tegea on the third night;

and the Lacedemonians were possessed by great wonder both at his courage, when they saw the piece of the

foot that was cut off lying there, and also because they were not able to find him. So he at that time having

thus escaped them took refuge at Tegea, which then was not friendly with the Lacedemonians; and when he

was healed and had procured for himself a wooden foot, he became an open enemy of the Lacedemonians.

However in the end the enmity into which he had fallen with the Lacedemonians was not to his advantage;

for he was caught by them while practising divination in Zakynthos, and was put to death.

38. However the death of Hegesistratos took place later than the events at Plataia, and he was now at the

Asopos, having been hired by Mardonions for no mean sum, sacrificing and displaying zeal for his cause both

on account of his enmity with the Lacedemonians and on account of the gain which he got: but as the

sacrifices were not favourable for a battle either for the Persians themselves or for those Hellenes who were

with them (for these also had a diviner for themselves, Hippomachos a Leucadian), and as the Hellenes had

men constantly flowing in and were becoming more in number, Timagenides the son of Herpys, a Theban,

counselled Mardonios to set a guard on the pass of Kithairon, saying that the Hellenes were constantly

flowing in every day and that he would thus cut off large numbers. 39. Eight days had now passed while they

had been sitting opposite to one another, when he gave this counsel to Mardonios; and Mardonios, perceiving

that the advice was good, sent the cavalry when night came on to the pass of Kithairon leading towards

Plataia, which the B�otians call the "Three Heads"[46] and the Athenians the "Oak Heads."[47] Having been

thus sent, the cavalry did not come without effect, for they caught five hundred baggageanimals coming out

into the plain, which were bearing provisions from Peloponnesus to the army, and also the men who

accompanied the carts: and having taken this prize the Persians proceeded to slaughter them without sparing

either beast or man; and when they were satiated with killing they surrounded the rest and drove them into the

40. After this deed they spent two days more, neither side wishing to begin a battle; for the Barbarians

advanced as far as the Asopos to make trial of the Hellenes, but neither side would cross the river. However

the cavalry of Mardonios made attacks continually and did damage to the Hellenes; for the Thebans, being

very strong on the side of the Medes, carried on the war with vigour, and always directed them up to the

moment of fighting; and after this the Persians and Medes took up the work and were they who displayed

41. For ten days then nothing more was done than this; but when the eleventh day had come, while they still

sat opposite to one another at Plataia, the Hellenes having by this time grown much more numerous and

Mardonios being greatly vexed at the delay of action, then Mardonios the son of Gobryas and Artabazos the

son of Pharnakes, who was esteemed by Xerxes as few of the Persians were besides, came to speech with one

another; and as they conferred, the opinions they expressed were these,that of Artabazos, that they must

put the whole army in motion as soon as possible and go to the walls of the Thebans, whither great stores of

corn had been brought in for them and fodder for their beasts; and that they should settle there quietly and get

their business done as follows:they had, he said, great quantities of gold, both coined and uncoined, and

also of silver and of drinking cups; and these he advised they should send about to the Hellenes without

stint, more especially to those of the Hellenes who were leaders in their several cities; and these, he said,

would speedily deliver up their freedom: and he advised that they should not run the risk of a battle. His

opinion then was the same as that of the Thebans,[48] for he as well as they had some true foresight: but the

opinion of Mardonios was more vehement and more obstinate, and he was by no means disposed to yield; for

he said that he thought their army far superior to that of the Hellenes, and he gave as his opinion that they

should engage battle as quickly as possible and not allow them to assemble in still greater numbers than were

already assembled; and as for the sacrifices of Hegesistratos, they should leave them alone and not endeavour

to force a good sign, but follow the custom of the Persians and engage battle. 42. When he so expressed his

judgment, none opposed him, and thus his opinion prevailed; for he and not Artabazos had the command of

the army given him by the king. He summoned therefore the commanders of the divisions and the generals of

those Hellenes who were with him, and asked whether they knew of any oracle regarding the Persians, which

said that they should be destroyed in Hellas; and when those summoned to council[49] were silent, some not

knowing the oracles and others knowing them but not esteeming it safe to speak, Mardonios himself said:

"Since then ye either know nothing or do not venture to speak, I will tell you, since I know very well. There

is an oracle saying that the Persians are destined when they come to Hellas to plunder the temple at Delphi,

and having plundered it to perish every one of them. We therefore, just because we know this, will not go to

that temple nor will we attempt to plunder it; and for this cause we shall not perish. So many of you therefore

as chance to wish well to the Persians, have joy so far as regards this matter, and be assured that we shall

overcome the Hellenes." Having spoken to them thus, he next commanded to prepare everything and to set all

43. Now this oracle, which Mardonios said referred to the Persians, I know for my part was composed with

reference with the Illyrians and the army of the Enchelians, and not with reference to the Persians at all.

"The gathering of Hellenes together and cry of Barbarian voices, Where the Thermodon flows, by the banks

of grassy Asopos; Here very many shall fall ere destiny gave them to perish, Medes bowbearing in fight,

these sayings, and others like them composed by Musaios, I know had reference to the Persians. Now the

44. After the inquiry about the oracles and the exhortation given by Mardonios night came on and the guards

were set: and when night was far advanced, and it seemed that there was quiet everywhere in the camps, and

that the men were in their deepest sleep, then Alexander the son of Amyntas, commander and king of the

Macedonians, rode his horse up to the guardposts of the Athenians and requested that he might have speech

with their generals. So while the greater number of the guards stayed at their posts, some ran to the generals,

and when they reached them they said that a man had come riding on a horse out of the camp of the Medes,

who discovered nothing further, but only named the generals and said that he desired to have speech with

them. 45. Having heard this, forthwith they accompanied the men to the guardposts, and when they had

arrived there, Alexander thus spoke to them: "Athenians, I lay up these words of mine as a trust to you,

charging you to keep them secret and tell them to no one except only to Pausanias, lest ye bring me to ruin:

for I should not utter them if I did not care greatly for the general safety of Hellas, seeing that I am a Hellene

myself by original descent and I should not wish to see Hellas enslaved instead of free. I say then that

Mardonios and his army cannot get the offerings to be according to their mind,[50] for otherwise ye would

long ago have fought. Now however he has resolved to let the offerings alone and to bring on a battle at dawn

of day; for, as I conjecture, he fears lest ye should assemble in greater numbers. Therefore prepare

yourselves; and if after all Mardonios should put off the battle and not bring it on, stay where ye are and hold

out patiently; for they have provisions only for a few days remaining. And if this way shall have its issue

according to your mind, then each one of you ought to remember me also concerning liberation,[51] since I

have done for the sake of the Hellenes so hazardous a deed by reason of my zeal for you, desiring to show

you the design of Mardonios, in order that the Barbarians may not fall upon you when ye are not as yet

expecting them: and I am Alexander the Macedonian." Thus having spoken he rode away back to the camp

46. Then the generals of the Athenians came to the right wing and told Pausanias that which they had heard

from Alexander. Upon this saying he being struck with fear of the Persians spoke as follows: "Since then at

dawn the battle comes on, it is right that ye, Athenians, should take your stand opposite to the Persians, and

we opposite to the B�otians and those Hellenes who are now posted against you; and for this reason, namely

because ye are acquainted with the Medes and with their manner of fighting, having fought with them at

Marathon, whereas we have had no experience of these men and are without knowledge of them; for not one

of the Spartans has made trial of the Medes in fight, but of the B�otians and Thessalians we have had

experience. It is right therefore that ye should take up your arms and come to this wing of the army, and that

we should go to the left wing." In answer to this the Athenians spoke as follows: "To ourselves also long ago

at the very first, when we saw that the Persians were being ranged opposite to you, it occurred to us to say

these very things, which ye now bring forward before we have uttered them; but we feared lest these words

might not be pleasing to you. Since however ye yourselves have made mention of this, know that your words

have caused us pleasure, and that we are ready to do this which ye say." 47. Both then were content to do this,

and as dawn appeared they began to change their positions with one another: and the B�otians perceiving

that which was being done reported it to Mardonios, who, when he heard it, forthwith himself also

endeavoured to change positions, bringing the Persians along so as to be against the Lacedemonians: and

when Pausanias learnt that this was being done, he perceived that he was not unobserved, and he led the

Spartans back again to the right wing; and just so also did Mardonios upon his left.

48. When they had been thus brought to their former positions, Mardonios sent a herald to the Spartans and

said as follows: "Lacedemonians, ye are said forsooth by those who are here to be very good men, and they

have admiration for you because ye do not flee in war nor leave your post, but stay there and either destroy

your enemies or perish yourselves. In this however, as it now appears, there is no truth; for before we

engaged battle and came to handto hand conflict we saw you already flee and leave your station, desiring

to make the trial with the Athenians first, while ye ranged yourselves opposite to our slaves. These are not at

all the deeds of good men in war, but we were deceived in you very greatly; for we expected by reason of

your renown that ye would send a herald to us, challenging us and desiring to fight with the Persians alone;

but though we on our part were ready to do this, we did not find that ye said anything of this kind, but rather

that ye cowered with fear. Now therefore since ye were not the first to say this, we are the first. Why do we

not forthwith fight,[52] ye on behalf of the Hellenes, since ye have the reputation of being the best, and we on

behalf of the Barbarians, with equal numbers on both sides? and if we think it good that the others should

fight also, then let them fight afterwards; and if on the other hand we should not think it good, but think it

sufficient that we alone should fight, then let us fight it out to the end, and whichsoever of us shall be the

victors, let these be counted as victorious with their whole army." 49. The herald having thus spoken waited

for some time, and then, as no one made him any answer, he departed and went back; and having returned he

signified to Mardonios that which had happened to him. Mardonios then being greatly rejoiced and elated by

his empty[53] victory, sent the cavalry to attack the Hellenes: and when the horsemen had ridden to attack

them, they did damage to the whole army of the Hellenes by hurling javelins against them and shooting with

bows, being mounted archers and hard therefore to fight against: and they disturbed and choked up the spring

Gargaphia, from which the whole army of the Hellenes was drawing its water. Now the Lacedemonians alone

were posted near this spring, and it was at some distance from the rest of the Hellenes, according as they

chanced to be posted, while the Asopos was near at hand; but when they were kept away from the Asopos,

then they used to go backwards and forwards to this spring; for they were not permitted by the horsemen and

archers to fetch water from the river. 50. Such then being the condition of things, the generals of the Hellenes,

since the army had been cut off from its water and was being harassed by the cavalry, assembled to consult

about these and other things, coming to Pausanias upon the right wing: for other things too troubled them yet

more than these of which we have spoken, since they no longer had provisions, and their attendants who had

been sent to Peloponnese for the purpose of getting them had been cut off by the cavalry and were not able to

reach the camp. 51. It was resolved then by the generals in council with one another, that if the Persians put

off the battle for that day, they would go to the Island. This is distant ten furlongs[54] from the Asopos and

the spring Gargaphia, where they were then encamped, and is in front of the city of the Plataians: and if it be

asked how there can be an island on the mainland, thus it is[55]: the river parts in two above, as it flows

from Kithairon down to the plain, keeping a distance of about three furlongs between its streams, and after

that it joins again in one stream; and the name of it is O�roe, said by the natives of the country to be the

daughter of Asopos. To this place of which I speak they determined to remove, in order that they might be

able to get an abundant supply of water and that the cavalry might not do them damage, as now when they

were right opposite. And they proposed to remove when the second watch of the night should have come, so

that the Persians might not see them set forth and harass them with the cavalry pursuing. They proposed also,

after they had arrived at this place, round which, as I say, O�roe the daughter of Asopos flows, parting into

two streams[56] as she runs from Kithairon, to send half the army to Kithairon during this same night, in

order to take up their attendants who had gone to get the supplies of provisions; for these were cut off from

52. Having thus resolved, during the whole of that day they had trouble unceasingly, while the cavalry

pressed upon them; but when the day drew to a close and the attacks of the cavalry had ceased, then as it was

becoming night and the time had arrived at which it had been agreed that they should retire from their place,

the greater number of them set forth and began to retire, not however keeping it in mind to go to the place

which had been agreed upon; but on the contrary, when they had begun to move, they readily took occasion

to flee[57] from the cavalry towards the city of the Plataians, and in their flight they came as far as the temple

of Hera, which temple is in front of the city of the Plataians at a distance of twenty furlongs from the spring

Gargaphia; and when they had there arrived they halted in front of the temple. 53. These then were

encamping about the temple of Hera; and Pausanias, seeing that they were retiring from the camp, gave the

word to the Lacedemonians also to take up their arms and go after the others who were preceding them,

supposing that these were going to the place to which they had agreed to go. Then, when all the other

commanders were ready to obey Pausanias, Amompharetos the son of Poliades, the commander of the

Pitanate division,[58] said that he would not flee from the strangers, nor with his own will would he disgrace

Sparta; and he expressed wonder at seeing that which was being done, not having been present at the former

discussion. And Pausanias and Euryanax were greatly disturbed that he did not obey them and still more that

they should be compelled to leave the Pitanate division behind, since he thus refused;[59] for they feared that

if they should leave it in order to do that which they had agreed with the other Hellenes, both Amompharetos

himself would perish being left behind and also the men with him. With this thought they kept the

Lacedemonian force from moving, and meanwhile they endeavoured to persuade him that it was not right for

him to do so. 54. They then were exhorting Amompharetos, who had been left behind alone of the

Lacedemonians and Tegeans; and meanwhile the Athenians were keeping themselves quiet in the place

where they had been posted, knowing the spirit of the Lacedemonians, that they were apt to say otherwise

than they really meant;[60] and when the army began to move, they sent a horseman from their own body to

see whether the Spartans were attempting to set forth, or whether they had in truth no design at all to retire;

and they bade him ask Pausanias what they ought to do. 55. So when the herald came to the Lacedemonians,

he saw that they were still in their place and that the chiefs of them had come to strife with one another: for

when Euryanax and Pausanias both exhorted Amompharetos not to run the risk of remaining behind with his

men, alone of all the Lacedemonians, they did not at all persuade him, and at last they had come to downright

strife; and meanwhile the herald of the Athenians had arrived and was standing by them. And Amompharetos

in his contention took a piece of rock in both his hands and placed it at the feet of Pausanias, saying that with

this pebble he gave his vote not to fly from the strangers, meaning the Barbarians.[61] Pausanias then, calling

him a madman and one who was not in his right senses, bade tell the state of their affairs to the Athenian

herald,[62] who was asking that which he had been charged to ask; and at the same time he requested the

Athenians to come towards the Lacedemonians and to do in regard to the retreat the same as they did. 56. He

then went away back to the Athenians; and as the dawn of day found them yet disputing with one another,

Pausanias, who had remained still throughout all this time, gave the signal, and led away all the rest over the

low hills, supposing that Amonpharetos would not stay behind when the other Lacedemonians departed (in

which he was in fact right); and with them also went the Tegeans. Meanwhile the Athenians, following the

commands which were given them, were going in the direction opposite to that of the Lacedemonians; for

these were clinging to the hills and the lower slope of Kithairon from fear of the cavalry, while the Athenians

were marching below in the direction of the plain. 57. As for Amonpharetos, he did not at first believe that

Pausanias would ever venture to leave him and his men behind, and he stuck to it that they should stay there

and not leave their post; but when Pausanias and his troops were well in front, then he perceived that they had

actually left him behind, and he made his division take up their arms and led them slowly towards the main

body. This, when it had got away about ten furlongs, stayed for the division of Amompharetos, halting at the

river Moloeis and the place called Argiopion, where also there stands a temple of the Eleusinian Demeter:

and it stayed there for this reason, namely in order that of Amonpharetos and his division should not leave the

place where they had been posted, but should remain there, it might be able to come back to their assistance.

So Amompharetos and his men were coming up to join them, and the cavalry also of the Barbarians was at

the same time beginning to attack them in full force: for the horsemen did on this day as they had been wont

to do every day; and seeing the place vacant in which the Hellenes had been posted on the former days, they

rode their horses on continually further, and as soon as they came up with them they began to attack them.

58. Then Mardonios, when he was informed that the Hellenes had departed during the night, and when he

saw their place deserted, called Thorax of Larissa and his brothers Eurypylos and Thrasydeios, and said:

"Sons of Aleuas, will ye yet say anything,[63] now that ye see these places deserted? For ye who dwell near

them were wont to say that the Lacedemonians did not fly from a battle, but were men unsurpassed in war;

and these men ye not only saw before this changing from their post, but now we all of us see that they have

run away during the past night; and by this they showed clearly, when the time came for them to contend in

battle with those who were in truth the best of all men, that after all they were men of no worth, who had been

making a display of valour among Hellenes, a worthless race. As for you, since ye had had no experience of

the Persians, I for my part was very ready to excuse you when ye praised these, of whom after all ye knew

something good; but much more I marvelled at Artabazos that he should have been afraid of the

Lacedemonians, and that having been afraid he should have uttered that most cowardly opinion, namely that

we ought to move our army away and go to the city of the Thebans to be besieged there,an opinion about

which the king shall yet be informed by me. Of these things we will speak in another place; now however we

must not allow them to act thus, but we must pursue them until they are caught and pay the penalty to us for

all that they did to the Persians in time past." 59. Thus having spoken he led on the Persians at a run, after

they had crossed the Asopos, on the track of the Hellenes, supposing that these were running away from him;

and he directed his attack upon the Lacedemonians and Tegeans only, for the Athenians, whose march was

towards the plain, he did not see by reason of the hills. Then the rest of the commanders of the Barbarian

divisions, seeing that the Persians had started to pursue the Hellenes, forthwith all raised the signals for battle

and began to pursue, each as fast as they could, not arranged in any order or succession of post. 60. These

then were coming on with shouting and confused numbers, thinking to make short work of[64] the Hellenes;

and Pausanias, when the cavalry began to attack, sent to the Athenians a horseman and said thus: "Athenians,

now that the greatest contest is set before us, namely that which has for its issue the freedom or the slavery of

Hellas, we have been deserted by our allies, we Lacedemonians and ye Athenians, seeing that they have run

away during the night that is past. Now therefore it is determined what we must do upon this, namely that we

must defend ourselves and protect one another as best we may. If then the cavalry had set forth to attack you

at the first, we and the Tegeans, who with us refuse to betray the cause of Hellas, should have been bound to

go to your help; but as it is, since the whole body has come against us, it is right that ye should come to that

portion of the army which is hardest pressed, to give aid. If however anything has happened to you which

makes it impossible for you to come to our help, then do us a kindness by sending to us the archers; and we

know that ye have been in the course of this present war by far the most zealous of all, so that ye will listen to

our request in this matter also." 61. When the Athenians heard this they were desirous to come to their help

and to assist them as much as possible; and as they were already going, they were attacked by those of the

Hellenes on the side of the king who had been ranged opposite to them, so that they were no longer able to

come to the help of the Lacedemonians, for the force that was attacking them gave them much trouble. Thus

the Lacedemonians and Tegeans were left alone, being in number, together with lightarmed men, the former

fifty thousand and the Tegeans three thousand; for these were not parted at all from the Lacedemonians: and

they began to offer sacrifice, meaning to engage battle with Mardonios and the force which had come against

them. Then since their offerings did not prove favourable, and many of them were being slain during this

time and many more wounded,for the Persians had made a palisade of their wickerwork shields[65] and

were discharging their arrows in great multitude and without sparing,Pausanias, seeing that the Spartans

were hard pressed and that the offerings did not prove favourable, fixed his gaze upon the temple of Hera of

the Plataians and called upon the goddess to help, praying that they might by no means be cheated of their

hope: 62, and while he was yet calling upon her thus, the Tegeans started forward before them and advanced

against the Barbarians, and forthwith after the prayer of Pausanias the offerings proved favourable for the

Lacedemonians as they sacrificed. So when this at length came to pass, then they also advanced against the

Persians; and the Persians put away their bows and came against them. Then first there was fighting about the

wickerwork shields, and when these had been overturned, after that the fighting was fierce by the side of the

temple of Demeter, and so continued for a long time, until at last they came to justling; for the Barbarians

would take hold of the spears and break them off. Now in courage and in strength the Persians were not

inferior to the others, but they were without defensive armour,[66] and moreover they were unversed in war

and unequal to their opponents in skill; and they would dart out one at a time or in groups of about ten

together, some more and some less, and fall upon the Spartans and perish. 63. In the place where Mardonios

himself was, riding on a white horse and having about him the thousand best men of the Persians chosen out

from the rest, here, I say, they pressed upon their opponents most of all: and so long as Mardonios survived,

they held out against them, and defending themselves they cast down many of the Lacedemonians; but when

Mardonios was slain and the men who were ranged about his person, which was the strongest portion of the

whole army, had fallen, then the others too turned and gave way before the Lacedemonians; for their manner

of dress, without defensive armour, was a very great cause of destruction to them, since in truth they were

contending lightarmed against hoplites. 64. Then the satisfaction for the murder of Leonidas was paid by

Mardonios according to the oracle given to the Spartans,[67] and the most famous victory of all those about

which we have knowledge was gained by Pausanias the son of Cleombrotos, the son of Anaxandrides; of his

ancestors above this the names have been given for Leonidas,[68] since, as it happens, they are the same for

both. Now Mardonios was slain by Arimnestos,[69] a man of consideration in Sparta, who afterwards, when

the Median wars were over, with three hundred men fought a battle against the whole army of the

Messenians, then at war with the Lacedemonians, at Stenycleros, and both he was slain and also the three

hundred. 65. When the Persians were turned to flight at Plataia by the Lacedemonians, they fled in disorder to

their own camp and to the palisade which they had made in the Theban territory:[70] and it is a marvel to me

that, whereas they fought by the side of the sacred grove of Demeter, not one of the Persians was found to

have entered the enclosure or to have been slain within it, but round about the temple in the unconsecrated

ground fell the greater number of the slain. I suppose (if one ought to suppose anything about divine things)

that the goddess herself refused to receive them, because they had set fire to the temple, that is to say the

66. Thus far then had this battle proceeded: but Artabazos the son of Pharnakes had been displeased at the

very first because Mardonios remained behind after the king was gone; and afterwards he had been bringing

forward objections continually and doing nothing, but had urged them always not to fight a battle: and for

himself he acted as follows, not being pleased with the things which were being done by Mardonios.The

men of whom Artabazos was commander (and he had with him no small force but one which was in number

as much as four myriads[72] of men), these, when the fighting began, being well aware what the issue of the

battle would be, he led carefully,[73] having first given orders that all should go by the way which he should

lead them and at the same pace at which they should see him go. Having given these orders he led his troops

on pretence of taking them into battle; and when he was well on his way, he saw the Persians already taking

flight. Then he no longer led his men in the same order as before, but set off at a run, taking flight by the

quickest way not to the palisade nor yet to the wall of the Thebans, but towards Phokis, desiring as quickly as

possible to reach the Hellespont. 67. These, I say, were thus directing their march: and in the meantime, while

the other Hellenes who were on the side of the king were purposely slack in the fight,[74] the B�otians

fought with the Athenians for a long space; for those of the Thebans who took the side of the Medes had no

small zeal for the cause, and they fought and were not slack, so that three hundred of them, the first and best

of all, fell there by the hands of the Athenians: and when these also turned to flight, they fled to Thebes, not

to the same place as the Persians: and the main body of the other allies fled without having fought constantly

with any one or displayed any deeds of valour. 68. And this is an additional proof to me that all the fortunes

of the Barbarians depended upon the Persians, namely that at that time these men fled before they had even

engaged with the enemy, because they saw the Persians doing so. Thus all were in flight except only the

cavalry, including also that of the B�otians; and this rendered service to the fugitives by constantly keeping

close to the enemy and separating the fugitives of their own side from the Hellenes. 69. The victors then were

coming after the troops of Xerxes, both pursuing them and slaughtering them; and during the time when this

panic arose, the report was brought to the other Hellenes who had posted themselves about the temple of Hera

and had been absent from the battle, that a battle had taken place and that the troops of Pausanias were

gaining the victory. When they heard this, then without ranging themselves in any order the Corinthians and

those near them turned to go by the skirts of the mountain and by the low hills along the way which led

straight up to the temple of Demeter, while the Megarians and Phliasians and those near them went by the

plain along the smoothest way. When however the Megarians and Phliasians came near to the enemy, the

cavalry of the Thebans caught sight of them from a distance hurrying along without any order, and rode up to

attack them, the commander of the cavalry being Asopodoros the son of Timander; and having fallen upon

them they slew six hundred of them, and the rest they pursued and drove to Kithairon.

70. These then perished thus ingloriously;[75] and meanwhile the Persians and the rest of the throng, having

fled for refuge to the palisade, succeeded in getting up to the towers before the Lacedemonians came; and

having got up they strengthened the wall of defence as best they could. Then when the Lacedemonians[76]

came up to attack it, there began between them a vigorous[77] fight for the wall: for so long as the Athenians

were away, they defended themselves and had much the advantage over the Lacedemonians, since these did

not understand the art of fighting against walls; but when the Athenians came up to help them, then there was

a fierce fight for the wall, lasting for a long time, and at length by valour and endurance the Athenians

mounted up on the wall and made a breach in it, through which the Hellenes poured in. Now the Tegeans

were the first who entered the wall, and these were they who plundered the tent of Mardonios, taking, besides

the other things which were in it, also the manger of his horse, which was all of bronze and a sight worth

seeing. This manger of Mardonios was dedicated by the Tegeans as an offering in the temple of Athene

Alea,[78] but all the other things which they took, they brought to the common stock of the Hellenes. The

Barbarians however, after the wall had been captured, no longer formed themselves into any close body, nor

did any of them think of making resistance, but they were utterly at a loss,[79] as you might expect from men

who were in a panic with many myriads of them shut up together in a small space: and the Hellenes were able

to slaughter them so that out of an army of thirty myriads,[80] if those four be subtracted which Artabazos

took with him in his flight, of the remainder not three thousand men survived. Of the Lacedemonians from

Sparta there were slain in the battle ninetyone in all, of the Tegeans sixteen, and of the Athenians

71. Among the Barbarians those who proved themselves the best men were, of those on foot the Persians, and

of the cavalry the Sacans, and for a single man Mardonios it is said was the best. Of the Hellenes, though

both the Tegeans and the Athenians proved themselves good men, yet the Lacedemonians surpassed them in

valour. Of this I have no other proof (for all these were victorious over their opposites), but only this, that

they fought against the strongest part of the enemy's force and overcame it. And the man who proved himself

in my opinion by much the best was that Aristodemos who, having come back safe from Thermopylai alone

of the three hundred, had reproach and dishonour attached to him. After him the best were Poseidonios and

Philokyon and Amompharetos the Spartan.[81] However, when there came to be conversation as to which of

them had proved himself the best, the Spartans who were present gave it as their opinion that Aristodemos

had evidently wished to be slain in consequence of the charge which lay against him, and so, being as it were

in a frenzy and leaving his place in the ranks, he had displayed great deeds, whereas Poseidonios had proved

himself a good man although he did not desire to be slain; and so far he was the better man of the two. This

however they perhaps said from illwill; and all these whose names I mentioned among the men who were

killed in this battle, were specially honoured, except Aristodemos; but Aristodemos, since he desired to be

72. These obtained the most renown of those who fought at Plataia, for as for Callicrates, the most beautiful

who came to the camp, not of the Lacedemonians alone, but also of all the Hellenes of his time, he was not

killed in the battle itself; but when Pausanias was offering sacrifice, he was wounded by an arrow in the side,

as he was sitting down in his place in the ranks; and while the others were fighting, he having been carried

out of the ranks was dying a lingering death: and he said to Arimnestos[82] a Plataian that it did not grieve

him to die for Hellas, but it grieved him only that he had not proved his strength of hand, and that no deed of

valour had been displayed by him worthy of the spirit which he had in him to perform great deeds.[83]

73. Of the Athenians the man who gained most glory is said to have been Sophanes the son of Eutychides of

the deme of Dekeleia,a deme of which the inhabitants formerly did a deed that was of service to them for

all time, as the Athenians themselves report. For when of old the sons of Tyndareus invaded the Attic land

with a great host, in order to bring home Helen, and were laying waste the demes, not knowing to what place

of hiding Helen had been removed, then they say that the men of Dekeleia, or as some say Dekelos himself,

being aggrieved by the insolence of Theseus and fearing for all the land of the Athenians, told them the whole

matter and led them to Aphidnai, which Titakos who was sprung from the soil delivered up by treachery to

the sons of Tyndareus. In consequence of this deed the Dekeleians have had continually freedom from dues

in Sparta and front seats at the games,[84] privileges which exist still to this day; insomuch that even in the

war which many years after these events arose between the Athenians and the Peloponnesians, when the

Lacedemonians laid waste all the rest of Attica, they abstained from injury to Dekeleia. 74. To this deme

belonged Sophanes, who showed himself the best of all the Athenians in this battle; and of him there are two

different stories told: one that he carried an anchor of iron bound by chains of bronze to the belt of his corslet;

and this he threw whensoever he came up with the enemy, in order, they say, that the enemy when they came

forth out of their ranks might not be able to move him from his place; and when a flight of his opponents took

place, his plan was to take up the anchor first and then pursue after them. This story is reported thus; but the

other of the stories, disputing the truth of that which has been told above, is reported as follows, namely that

upon his shield, which was ever moving about and never remaining still, he bore an anchor as a device, and

not one of iron bound to his corslet. 75. There was another illustrious deed done too by Sophanes; for when

the Athenians besieged Egina he challenged to a fight and slew Eurybates the Argive,[85] one who had been

victor in the five contests[86] at the games. To Sophanes himself it happened after these events that when he

was general of the Athenians together with Leagros the son of Glaucon, he was slain after proving himself a

76. When the Barbarians had been laid low by the Hellenes at Plataia, there approached to these a woman, the

concubine of Pharandates the son of Teaspis a Persian, coming over of her own free will from the enemy,

who when she perceived that the Persians had been destroyed and that the Hellenes were the victors,

descended from her carriage and came up to the Lacedemonians while they were yet engaged in the

slaughter. This woman had adorned herself with many ornaments of gold, and her attendants likewise, and

she had put on the fairest robe of those which she had; and when she saw that Pausanias was directing

everything there, being well acquainted before with his name and with his lineage, because she had heard it

often, she recognised Pausanias and taking hold of his knees she said these words: "O king of Sparta, deliver

me thy suppliant from the slavery of the captive: for thou hast also done me service hitherto in destroying

these, who have regard neither for demigods nor yet for gods.[87] I am by race of Cos, the daughter of

Hegetorides the son of Antagoras; and the Persian took me by force in Cos and kept me a prisoner." He made

answer in these words: "Woman, be of good courage, both because thou art a suppliant, and also if in addition

to this it chances that thou art speaking the truth and art the daughter of Hegetorides the Coan, who is bound

to me as a guestfriend more than any other of the men who dwell in those parts." Having thus spoken, for

that time her gave her in charge to those Ephors who were present, and afterwards he sent her away to Egina,

77. After the arrival of the woman, forthwith upon this arrived the Mantineians, when all was over; and

having learnt that they had come too late for the battle, they were greatly grieved, and said that they deserved

to be punished: and being informed that the Medes with Artabazos were in flight, they pursued after them as

far as Thessaly, though the Lacedemonians endeavoured to prevent them from pursuing after fugitives.[88]

Then returning back to their own country they sent the leaders of their army into exile from the land. After

the Mantineians came the Eleians; and they, like the Mantineians, were greatly grieved by it and so departed

home; and these also when they had returned sent their leaders into exile. So much of the Mantineians and

78. At Plataia among the troops of the Eginetans was Lampon the son of Pytheas, one of the leading men of

the Eginetans, who was moved to go to Pausanias with a most impious proposal, and when he had come with

haste, he said as follows: "Son of Cleombrotos, a deed has been done by thee which is of marvellous

greatness and glory, and to thee God has permitted by rescuing Hellas to lay up for thyself the greatest

renown of all the Hellenes about whom we have any knowledge. Do thou then perform also that which

remains to do after these things, in order that yet greater reputation may attach to thee, and also that in future

every one of the Barbarians may beware of being the beginner of presumptuous deeds towards the Hellenes.

For when Leonidas was slain at Thermopylai, Mardonios and Xerxes cut off his head and crucified him: to

him therefore do thou repay like with like, and thou shalt have praise first from all the Spartans and then

secondly from the other Hellenes also; for if thou impale the body of Mardonios, thou wilt then have taken

vengeance for Leonidas thy father's brother." 79. He said this thinking to give pleasure; but the other made

him answer in these words: "Stranger of Egina, I admire thy friendly spirit and thy forethought for me, but

thou hast failed of a good opinion nevertheless: for having exalted me on high and my family and my deed,

thou didst then cast me down to nought by advising me to do outrage to a dead body, and by saying that if I

do this I shall be better reported of. These things it is more fitting for Barbarians to do than for Hellenes; and

even with them we find fault for doing so. However that may be, I do not desire in any such manner as this to

please either Eginetans or others who like such things; but it is enough for me that I should keep from unholy

deeds, yea and from unholy speech also, and so please the Spartans. As for Leonidas, whom thou biddest me

avenge, I declare that he has been greatly avenged already, and by the unnumbered lives which have been

taken of these men he has been honoured, and not he only but also the rest who brought their lives to an end

at Thermopylai. As for thee however, come not again to me with such a proposal, nor give me such advice;

80. He having heard this went his way; and Pausanias made a proclamation that none should lay hands upon

the spoil, and he ordered the Helots to collect the things together. They accordingly dispersed themselves

about the camp and found tents furnished with gold and silver, and beds overlaid with gold and overlaid with

silver, and mixingbowls of gold, and cups and other drinking vessels. They found also sacks laid upon

waggons, in which there proved to be caldrons both of gold and of silver; and from the dead bodies which lay

there they stripped bracelets and collars, and also their swords[89] if they were of gold, for as to embroidered

raiment, there was no account made of it. Then the Helots stole many of the things and sold them to the

Eginetans, but many things also they delivered up, as many of them as they could not conceal; so that the

great wealth of the Eginetans first came from this, that they bought the gold from the Helots making pretence

that it was brass. 81. Then having brought the things together, and having set apart a tithe for the god of

Delphi, with which the offering was dedicated of the golden tripod which rests upon the threeheaded serpent

of bronze and stands close by the altar, and also[90] for the god at Olympia, with which they dedicated the

offering of a bronze statue of Zeus ten cubits high, and finally for the god at the Isthmus, with which was

made a bronze statue of Poseidon seven cubits high,having set apart these things, they divided the rest, and

each took that which they ought to have, including the concubines of the Persians and the gold and the silver

and the other things, and also the beasts of burden. How much was set apart and given to those of them who

had proved themselves the best men at Plataia is not reported by any, though for my part I suppose that gifts

were made to these also; Pausanias however had ten of each thing set apart and given to him, that is women,

82. It is said moreover that this was done which here follows, namely that Xerxes in his flight from Hellas

had left to Mardonios the furniture of his own tent, and Pausanias accordingly seeing the furniture of

Mardonios furnished[91] with gold and silver and hangings of different colours ordered the bakers and the

cooks to prepare a meal as they were used to do for Mardonios. Then when they did this as they had been

commanded, it is said that Pausanias seeing the couches of gold and of silver with luxurious coverings, and

the tables of gold and silver, and the magnificent apparatus of the feast, was astonished at the good things set

before him, and for sport he ordered his own servants to prepare a Laconian meal; and as, when the banquet

was served, the difference between the two was great, Pausanias laughed and sent for the commanders of the

Hellenes; and when these had come together, Pausanias said, pointing to the preparation of the two meals

severally: "Hellenes, for this reason I assembled you together, because I desired to show you the

senselessness of this leader of the Medes, who having such fare as this, came to us who have such sorry fare

as ye see here, in order to take it away from us." Thus it is said that Pausanias spoke to the commanders of

83. However,[92] in later time after these events many of the Plataians also found chests of gold and of silver

and of other treasures; and moreover afterwards this which follows was seen in the case of the dead bodies

here, after the flesh had been stripped off from the bones; for the Plataians brought together the bones all to

one place:there was found, I say, a skull with no suture but all of one bone, and there was seen also a

jawbone, that is to say the upper part of the jaw, which had teeth joined together and all of one bone, both

the teeth that bite and those that grind; and the bones were seen also of a man five cubits high. 84. The body

of Mardonios however had disappeared[93] on the day after the battle, taken by whom I am not able with

certainty to say, but I have heard the names of many men of various cities who are said to have buried

Mardonios, and I know that many received gifts from Artontes the son of Mardonios for having done this:

who he was however who took up and buried the body of Mardonios I am not able for certain to discover, but

Dionysophanes an Ephesian is reported with some show of reason to have been he who buried Mardonios.

85. He then was buried in some such manner as this: and the Hellenes when they had divided the spoil at

Plataia proceeded to bury their dead, each nation apart by themselves. The Spartans made for themselves

three several burialplaces, one in which they buried the younger Spartans,[94] of whom also were

Poseidonios, Amompharetos, Philokyon and Callicrates,in one of the graves, I say, were laid the younger

men, in the second the rest of the Spartans, and in the third the Helots. These then thus buried their dead; but

the Tegeans buried theirs all together in a place apart from these, and the Athenians theirs together; and the

Megarians and Phliasians those who had been slain by the cavalry. Of all these the burialplaces had bodies

laid in them, but as to the burialplaces of other States which are to be seen at Plataia, these, as I am

informed, are all mere mounds of earth without any bodies in them, raised by the several peoples on account

of posterity, because they were ashamed of their absence from the fight; for among others there is one there

called the burialplace of the Eginetans, which I hear was raised at the request of the Eginetans by Cleades

the son of Autodicos, a man of Plataia who was their public guestfriend,[95] no less than ten years after

86. When the Hellenes had buried their dead at Plataia, forthwith they determined in common council to

march upon Thebes and to ask the Thebans to surrender those who had taken the side of the Medes, and

among the first of them Timagenides and Attaginos, who were leaders equal to the first; and if the Thebans

did not give them up, they determined not to retire from the city until they had taken it. Having thus resolved,

they came accordingly on the eleventh day after the battle and began to besiege the Thebans, bidding them

give the men up: and as the Thebans refused to give them up, they began to lay waste their land and also to

attack their wall. 87. So then, as they did not cease their ravages, on the twentieth day Timagenides spoke as

follows to the Thebans: "Thebans, since it has been resolved by the Hellenes not to retire from the siege until

either they have taken Thebes or ye have delivered us up to them, now therefore let not the land of B�otia

suffer[96] any more for our sakes, but if they desire to have money and are demanding our surrender as a

colour for this, let us give them money taken out of the treasury of the State; for we took the side of the

Medes together with the State and not by ourselves alone: but if they are making the siege truly in order to get

us into their hands, then we will give ourselves up for trial."[97] In this it was thought that he spoke very well

and seasonably, and the Thebans forthwith sent a herald to Pausanias offering to deliver up the men. 88. After

they had made an agreement on these terms, Attaginos escaped out of the city; and when his sons were

delivered up to Pausanias, he released them from the charge, saying that the sons had no share in the guilt of

taking the side of the Medes. As to the other men whom the Thebans delivered up, they supposed that they

would get a trial,[98] and they trusted moreover to be able to repel the danger by payment of money; but

Pausanias, when he had received them, suspecting this very thing, first dismissed the whole army of allies,

and then took the men to Corinth and put them to death there. These were the things which happened at

89. Artabazos meanwhile, the son of Pharnakes, in his flight from Plataia was by this time getting forward on

his way: and the Thessalians, when he came to them, offered him hospitality and inquired concerning the rest

of the army, not knowing anything of that which had happened at Plataia; and Artabazos knowing that if he

should tell them the whole truth about the fighting, he would run the risk of being destroyed, both himself

and the whole army which was with him, (for he thought that they would all set upon him if they were

informed of that which had happened),reflecting, I say, upon this he had told nothing of it to the Phokians,

and now to the Thessalians he spoke as follows: "I, as you see, Thessalians, am earnest to march by the

shortest way to Thracia; and I am in great haste, having been sent with these men for a certain business from

the army; moreover Mardonios himself and his army are shortly to be looked for here, marching close after

me. To him give entertainment and show yourselves serviceable, for ye will not in the end repent of so

doing." Having thus said he continued to march his army with haste through Thessaly and Macedonia straight

for Thracia, being in truth earnest to proceed and going through the land by the shortest possible way:[99]

and so he came to Byzantion, having left behind him great numbers of his army, who had either been cut

down by the Thracians on the way or had been overcome by hunger and fatigue;[100] and from Byzantion he

90. Now on the same day on which the defeat took place at Plataia, another took place also, as fortune would

have it, at Mycale in Ionia. For when the Hellenes who had come in the ships with Leotychides the

Lacedemonian, were lying at Delos, there came to them as envoys from Samos Lampon the son of Thrasycles

and Athenagoras the son of Archestratides and Hegesistratos the son of Aristagoras, who had been sent by the

people of Samos without the knowledge either of the Persians or of the despot Theomestor the son of

Androdamas, whom the Persians had set up to be despot of Samos. When these had been introduced before

the commanders, Hegesistratos spoke at great length using arguments of all kinds, and saying that so soon as

the Ionians should see them they would at once revolt from the Persians, and that the Barbarians would not

wait for their attack; and if after all they did so, then the Hellenes would take a prize such as they would

never take again hereafter; and appealing to the gods worshipped in common he endeavoured to persuade

them to rescue from slavery men who were Hellenes and to drive away the Barbarian: and this he said was

easy for them to do, for the ships of the enemy sailed badly and were no match for them in fight. Moreover if

the Hellenes suspected that they were endeavouring to bring them on by fraud, they were ready to be taken as

hostages in their ships. 91. Then as the stranger of Samos was urgent in his prayer, Leotychides inquired thus,

either desiring to hear for the sake of the omen or perhaps by a chance which Providence brought about:

"Stranger of Samos, what is thy name?" He said "Hegesistratos."[102] The other cut short the rest of the

speech, stopping all that Hegesistratos had intended to say further, and said: "I accept the augury given in

Hegesistratos, stranger of Samos. Do thou on thy part see that thou give us assurance, thou and the men who

are with thee, that the Samians will without fail be our zealous allies, and after that sail away home." 92. Thus

he spoke and to the words he added the deed; for forthwith the Samians gave assurance and made oaths of

alliance with the Hellenes, and having so done the others sailed away home, but Hegesistratos he bade sail

with the Hellenes, considering the name to be an augury of good success. Then the Hellenes after staying still

that day made sacrifices for success on the next day, their diviner being De�phonos the son of Euenios an

Apolloniate, of that Apollonia which lies in the Ionian gulf.[102a] 93. To this man's father Euenios it

happened as follows:There are at this place Apollonia sheep sacred to the Sun, which during the day feed

by a river[103] running from Mount Lacmon through the land of Apollonia to the sea by the haven of Oricos;

and by night they are watched by men chosen for this purpose, who are the most highly considered of the

citizens for wealth and noble birth, each man having charge of them for a year; for the people of Apollonia

set great store on these sheep by reason of an oracle: and they are folded in a cave at some distance from the

city. Here at the time of which I speak this man Euenios was keeping watch over them, having been chosen

for that purpose; and it happened one night that he fell asleep during his watch, and wolves came by into the

cave and killed about sixty of the sheep. When he perceived this, he kept it secret and told no one, meaning to

buy others and substitute them in the place of those that were killed. It was discovered however by the people

of Apollonia that this had happened; and when they were informed of it, they brought him up before a court

and condemned him to be deprived of his eyesight for having fallen asleep during his watch. But when they

had blinded Euenios, forthwith after this their flocks ceased to bring forth young and their land to bear crops

as before. Then prophesyings were uttered to them both at Dodona and also at Delphi, when they asked the

prophets the cause of the evil which they were suffering, and they told them[104] that they had done unjustly

in depriving of his sight Euenios the watcher of the sacred sheep; for the gods of whom they inquired had

themselves sent the wolves to attack the sheep; and they would not cease to take vengeance for him till the

men of Apollonia should have paid to Euenios such satisfaction as he himself should choose and deem

sufficient; and this being fulfilled, the gods would give to Euenios a gift of such a kind that many men would

think him happy in that he possessed it. 94. These oracles then were uttered to them, and the people of

Apollonia, making a secret of it, proposed to certain men of the citizens to manage the affair; and they

managed it for them thus:when Euenios was sitting on a seat in public, they came and sat by him, and

conversed about other matters, and at last they came to sympathising with him in his misfortune; and thus

leading him on they asked what satisfaction he should choose, if the people of Apollonia should undertake to

give him satisfaction for that which they had done. He then, not having heard the oracle, made choice and

said that if there should be given him the lands belonging to certain citizens, naming those whom he knew to

possess the two best lots of land in Apollonia, and a dwellinghouse also with these, which he knew to be the

best house in the city,if he became the possessor of these, he said, he would have no anger against them for

the future, and this satisfaction would be sufficient for him if it should be given. Then as he was thus

speaking, the men who sat by him said interrupting him: "Euenios, this satisfaction the Apolloniates pay to

thee for thy blinding in accordance with the oracles which have been given to them." Upon this he was angry,

being thus informed of the whole matter and considering that he had been deceived; and they bought the

property from those who possessed it and gave him that which he had chosen. And forthwith after this he had

a natural gift of divination,[105] so that he became very famous. 95. Of this Euenios, I say, De�phonos was

the son, and he was acting as diviner for the army, being brought by the Corinthians. I have heard however

also that De�phonos wrongly made use of the name of Euenios, and undertook work of this kind about Hellas,

96. Now when the sacrifices were favourable to the Hellenes, they put their ships to sea from Delos to go to

Samos; and having arrived off Calamisa[106] in Samos, they moored their ships there opposite the temple of

Hera which is at this place, and made preparations for a seafight; but the Persians, being informed that they

were sailing thither, put out to sea also and went over to the mainland with their remaining ships, (those of

the Phenicians having been already sent away to sail home): for deliberating of the matter they thought it

good not to fight a battle by sea, since they did not think that they were a match for the enemy. And they

sailed away to the mainland in order that they might be under the protection of their landarmy which was in

Mycale, a body which had stayed behind the rest of the army by command of Xerxes and was keeping watch

over Ionia: of this the number was six myriads[107] and the commander of it was Tigranes, who in beauty

and stature excelled the other Persians. The commanders of the fleet then had determined to take refuge under

the protection of this army, and to draw up their ships on shore and put an enclosure round as a protection for

the ships and a refuge for themselves. 97. Having thus determined they began to put out to sea; and they came

along by the temple of the "Revered goddesses"[107a] to the Gaison and to Scolopoeis in Mycale, where

there is a temple of the Eleusinian Demeter, which Philistos the son of Pasicles erected when he had

accompanied Neileus the son of Codros for the founding of Miletos; and there they drew up their ships on

shore and put an enclosure round them of stones and timber, cutting down fruittrees for this purpose, and

they fixed stakes round the enclosure and made their preparations either for being besieged or for gaining a

98. The Hellenes however, when they were informed that the Barbarians had gone away to the mainland,

were vexed because they thought that they had escaped; and they were in a difficulty what they should do,

whether they should go back home, or sail down towards the Hellespont. At last they resolved to do neither of

these two things, but to sail on to the mainland. Therefore when they had prepared as for a sea fight both

boardingbridges and all other things that were required, they sailed towards Mycale; and when they came

near to the camp and no one was seen to put out against them, but they perceived ships drawn up within the

wall and a large landarmy ranged along the shore, then first Leotychides, sailing along in his ship and

coming as near to the shore as he could, made proclamation by a herald to the Ionians, saying: "Ionians, those

of you who chance to be within hearing of me, attend to this which I say: for the Persians will not understand

anything at all of that which I enjoin to you. When we join battle, each one of you must remember first the

freedom of all, and then the watchword 'Hebe'; and this let him also who has not heard know from him who

has heard." The design in this act was the same as that of Themistocles at Artemision; for it was meant that

either the words uttered should escape the knowledge of the Barbarians and persuade the Ionians, or that they

should be reported to the Barbarians and make them distrustful of the Hellenes.[108]

99. After Leotychides had thus suggested, then next the Hellenes proceeded to bring their ships up to land,

and they disembarked upon the shore. These then were ranging themselves for fight; and the Persians, when

they saw the Hellenes preparing for battle and also that they had given exhortation to the Ionians, in the first

place deprived the Samians of their arms, suspecting that they were inclined to the side of the Hellenes; for

when the Athenian prisoners, the men whom the army of Xerxes had found left behind in Attica, had come in

the ships of the Barbarians, the Samians had ransomed these and sent them back to Athens, supplying them

with means for their journey; and for this reason especially they were suspected, since they had ransomed

five hundred persons of the enemies of Xerxes. Then secondly the Persians appointed the Milesians to guard

the passes which lead to the summits of Mycale, on the pretext that they knew the country best, but their true

reason for doing this was that they might be out of the camp. Against these of the Ionians, who, as they

suspected, would make some hostile move[109] if they found the occasion, the Persians sought to secure

themselves in the manner mentioned; and they themselves then brought together their wickerwork shields to

100. Then when the Hellenes had made all their preparations, they proceeded to the attack of the Barbarians;

and as they went, a rumour came suddenly[110] to their whole army, and at the same time a herald's staff was

found lying upon the beach; and the rumour went through their army to this effect, namely that the Hellenes

were fighting in B�otia and conquering the army of Mardonios. Now by many signs is the divine power seen

in earthly things, and by this among others, namely that now, when the day of the defeat at Plataia and of that

which was about to take place at Mycale happened to be the same, a rumour came to the Hellenes here, so

that the army was encouraged much more and was more eagerly desirous to face the danger. 101. Moreover

this other thing by coincidence happened besides, namely that there was a sacred enclosure of the Eleusinian

Demeter close by the side of both the battlefields; for not only in the Plataian land did the fight take place

close by the side of the temple of Demeter, as I have before said, but also in Mycale it was to be so likewise.

And whereas the rumour which came to them said that a victory had been already gained by the Hellenes

with Pausanias, this proved to be a true report; for that which was done at Plataia came about while it was yet

early morning, but the fighting at Mycale took place in the afternoon; and that it happened on the same day of

the same month as the other became evident to them not long afterwards, when they inquired into the matter.

Now they had been afraid before the rumour arrived, not for themselves so much as for the Hellenes

generally, lest Hellas should stumble and fall over Mardonios; but when this report had come suddenly to

them, they advanced on the enemy much more vigorously and swiftly than before. The Hellenes then and the

Barbarians were going with eagerness into the battle, since both the islands and the Hellespont were placed

102. Now for the Athenians and those who were ranged next to them, to the number perhaps of half the

whole army, the road lay along the sea beach and over level ground, while the Lacedemonians and those

ranged in order by these were compelled to go by a ravine and along the mountain side: so while the

Lacedemonians were yet going round, those upon the other wing were already beginning the fight; and as

long as the wickerwork shields of the Persians still remained upright, they continued to defend themselves

and had rather the advantage in the fight; but when the troops of the Athenians and of those ranged next to

them, desiring that the achievement should belong to them and not to the Lacedemonians, with exhortations

to one another set themselves more vigorously to the work, then from that time forth the fortune of the fight

was changed; for these pushed aside the wickerwork shields and fell upon the Persians with a rush all in one

body, and the Persians sustained their first attack and continued to defend themselves for a long time, but at

last they fled to the wall; and the Athenians, Corinthians, Sikyonians and Troizenians, for that was the order

in which they were ranged, followed close after them and rushed in together with them to the space within the

wall: and when the wall too had been captured, then the Barbarians no longer betook themselves to

resistance, but began at once to take flight, excepting only the Persians, who formed into small groups and

continued to fight with the Hellenes as they rushed in within the wall. Of the commanders of the Persians two

made their escape and two were slain; Arta�ntes and Ithamitres commanders of the fleet escaped, while

Mardontes and the commander of the landarmy, Tigranes, were slain. 103. Now while the Persians were

still fighting, the Lacedemonians and those with them arrived, and joined in carrying through the rest of the

work; and of the Hellenes themselves many fell there and especially many of the Sikyonians, together with

their commander Perilaos. And those of the Samians who were serving in the army, being in the camp of the

Medes and having been deprived of their arms, when they saw that from the very first the battle began to be

doubtful,[111] did as much as they could, endeavouring to give assistance to the Hellenes; and the other

Ionians seeing that the Samians had set the example, themselves also upon that made revolt from the Persians

and attacked the Barbarians. 104. The Milesians too had been appointed to watch the passes of the

Persians[112] in order to secure their safety, so that if that should after all come upon them which actually

came, they might have guides and so get safe away to the summits of Mycale,the Milesians, I say, had

been appointed to do this, not only for that end but also for fear that, if they were present in the camp, they

might make some hostile move:[113] but they did in fact the opposite of that which they were appointed to

do; for they not only directed them in the flight by other than the right paths, by paths indeed which led

towards the enemy, but also at last they themselves became their worst foes and began to slay them. Thus

105. In this battle, of the Hellenes the Athenians were the best men, and of the Athenians Hermolycos the son

of Euthoinos, a man who had trained for the pancration. This Hermolycos after these events, when there was

war between the Athenians and the Carystians, was killed in battle at Kyrnos in the Carystian land near

Geraistos, and there was buried. After the Athenians the Corinthians, Troizenians and Sikyonians were the

106. When the Hellenes had slain the greater number of the Barbarians, some in the battle and others in their

flight, they set fire to the ships and to the whole of the wall, having first brought out the spoil to the

seashore; and among the rest they found some stores of money. So having set fire to the wall and to the

ships they sailed away; and when they came to Samos, the Hellenes deliberated about removing the

inhabitants of Ionia, and considered where they ought to settle them in those parts of Hellas of which they

had command, leaving Ionia to the Barbarians: for it was evident to them that it was impossible on the one

hand for them to be always stationed as guards to protect the Ionians, and on the other hand, if they were not

stationed to protect them, they had no hope that the Ionians would escape with impunity from the Persians.

Therefore it seemed good to those of the Peloponnesians that were in authority that they should remove the

inhabitants of the trading ports which belonged to those peoples of Hellas who had taken the side of the

Medes, and give that land to the Ionians to dwell in; but the Athenians did not think it good that the

inhabitants of Ionia should be removed at all, nor that the Peloponnesians should consult about Athenian

colonies; and as these vehemently resisted the proposal, the Peloponnesians gave way. So the end was that

they joined as allies to their league the Samians, Chians, Lesbians, and the other islanders who chanced to be

serving with the Hellenes, binding them by assurance and by oaths to remain faithful and not withdraw from

the league: and having bound these by oaths they sailed to break up the bridges, for they supposed they would

These then were sailing towards the Hellespont; 107, and meanwhile those Barbarians who had escaped and

had been driven to the heights of Mycale, being not many in number, were making their way to Sardis: and as

they went by the way, Masistes the son of Dareios, who had been present at the disaster which had befallen

them, was saying many evil things of the commander Arta�ntes, and among other things he said that in

respect of the generalship which he had shown he was worse than a woman, and that he deserved every kind

of evil for having brought evil on the house of the king. Now with the Persians to be called worse than a

woman is the greatest possible reproach. So he, after he had been much reviled, at length became angry and

drew his sword upon Masistes, meaning to kill him; and as he was running upon him, Xeinagoras the son of

Prexilaos, a man of Halicarnassos, perceived it, who was standing just behind Arta�ntes; and this man seized

him by the middle and lifting him up dashed him upon the ground; and meanwhile the spearmen of Masistes

came in front to protect him. Thus did Xeinagoras, and thus he laid up thanks for himself both with Masistes

and also with Xerxes for saving the life of his brother; and for this deed Xeinagoras became ruler of all

Kilikia by the gift of the king. Nothing further happened than this as they went on their way, but they arrived

Now at Sardis, as it chanced, king Xerxes had been staying ever since that time when he came thither in flight

from Athens, after suffering defeat in the seafight. 108. At that time, while he was in Sardis, he had a

passionate desire, as it seems, for the wife of Masistes, who was also there: and as she could not be bent to his

will by his messages to her, and he did not wish to employ force because he had regard for his brother

Masistes and the same consideration withheld the woman also, for she well knew that force would not be

used towards her), then Xerxes abstained from all else, and endeavoured to bring about the marriage of his

own son Dareios with the daughter of this woman and of Masistes, supposing that if he should do so he

would obtain her more easily. Then having made the betrothal and done all the customary rites, he went away

to Susa; and when he had arrived there and had brought the woman into his own house for Dareios, then he

ceased from attempting the wife of Masistes and changing his inclination he conceived a desire for the wife

of Dareios, who was daughter of Masistes, and obtained her: now the name of this woman was Arta�nte. 109.

However as time went on, this became known in the following manner:Amestris the wife of Xerxes had

woven a mantle, large and of various work and a sight worthy to be seen, and this she gave to Xerxes. He

then being greatly pleased put it on and went to Arta�nte; and being greatly pleased with her too, he bade her

ask what she would to be given to her in return for the favours which she had granted to him, for she should

obtain, he said, whatsoever she asked: and she, since it was destined that she should perish miserably with her

whole house, said to Xerxes upon this: "Wilt thou give me whatsoever I ask thee for?" and he, supposing that

she would ask anything rather than that which she did, promised this and swore to it. Then when he had

sworn, she boldly asked for the mantle; and Xerxes tried every means of persuasion, not being willing to give

it to her, and that for no other reason but only because he feared Amestris, lest by her, who even before this

had some inkling of the truth, he should thus be discovered in the act; and he offered her cities and gold in

any quantity, and an army which no one else should command except herself. Now this of an army is a

thoroughly Persian gift. Since however he did not persuade her, he gave her the mantle; and she being

overjoyed by the gift wore it and prided herself upon it. 110. And Amestris was informed that she had it; and

having learnt that which was being done, she was not angry with the woman, but supposing that her mother

was the cause and that she was bringing this about, she planned destruction for the wife of Masistes. She

waited then until her husband Xerxes had a royal feast set before him:this feast is served up once in the

year on the day on which the king was born, and the name of this feast is in Persian tycta, which in the tongue

of the Hellenes means "complete"; also on this occasion alone the king washes his head,[114] and he makes

gifts then to the Persians:Amestris, I say, waited for this day and then asked of Xerxes that the wife of

Masistes might be given to her. And he considered it a strange and untoward thing to deliver over to her his

brother's wife, especially since she was innocent of this matter; for he understood why she was making the

request. 111. At last however as she continued to entreat urgently and he was compelled by the rule, namely

that it is impossible among them that he who makes request when a royal feast is laid before the king should

fail to obtain it, at last very much against his will consented; and in delivering her up he bade Amestris do as

she desired, and meanwhile he sent for his brother and said these words: "Masistes, thou art the son of

Dareios and my brother, and moreover in addition to this thou art a man of worth. I say to thee, live no longer

with this wife with whom thou now livest, but I give thee instead of her my daughter; with her live as thy

wife, but the wife whom thou now hast, do not keep; for it does not seem good to me that thou shouldest keep

her." Masistes then, marvelling at that which was spoken, said these words: "Master, how unprofitable a

speech is this which thou utterest to me, in that thou biddest me send away a wife by whom I have sons who

are grown up to be young men, and daughters one of whom even thou thyself didst take as a wife for thy son,

and who is herself, as it chances, very much to my mind,that thou biddest me, I say, send away her and

take to wife thy daughter! I, O king, think it a very great matter that I am judged worthy of thy daughter, but

nevertheless I will do neither of these things: and do not thou urge me by force to do such a thing as this: but

for thy daughter another husband will be found not in any wise inferior to me, and let me, I pray thee, live

still with my own wife." He returned answer in some such words as these; and Xerxes being stirred with

anger said as follows: "This then, Masistes, is thy case,I will not give thee my daughter for thy wife, nor

yet shalt thou live any longer with that one, in order that thou mayest learn to accept that which is offered

thee." He then when he heard this went out, having first said these words: "Master, thou hast not surely

brought ruin upon me?"[115] 112. During this interval of time, while Xerxes was conversing with his brother,

Amestris had sent the spearmen of Xerxes to bring the wife of Masistes, and she was doing to her shameful

outrage; for she cut away her breasts and threw them to dogs, and she cut off her nose and ears and lips and

tongue, and sent her back home thus outraged. 113. Then Masistes, not yet having heard any of these things,

but supposing that some evil had fallen upon him, came running to his house; and seeing his wife thus

mutilated, forthwith upon this he took counsel with his sons and set forth to go to Bactria together with his

sons and doubtless some others also, meaning to make the province of Bactria revolt and to do the greatest

possible injury to the king: and this in fact would have come to pass, as I imagine, if he had got up to the land

of the Bactrians and Sacans before he was overtaken, for they were much attached to him, and also he was

the governor of the Bactrians: but Xerxes being informed that he was doing this, sent after him an army as he

was on his way, and slew both him and his sons and his army. So far of that which happened about the

114. Now the Hellenes who had set forth from Mycale to the Hellespont first moored their ships about

Lecton, being stopped from their voyage by winds; and thence they came to Abydos and found that the

bridges had been broken up, which they thought to find still stretched across, and on account of which

especially they had come to the Hellespont. So the Peloponnesians which Leotychides resolved to sail back to

Hellas, while the Athenians and Xanthippos their commander determined to stay behind there and to make an

attempt upon the Chersonese. Those then sailed away, and the Athenians passed over from Abydos to the

Chersonese and began to besiege Sestos. 115. To this town of Sestos, since it was the greatest stronghold of

those in that region, men had come together from the cities which lay round it, when they heard that the

Hellenes had arrived at the Hellespont, and especially there had come from the city of Cardia Oiobazos a

Persian, who had brought to Sestos the ropes of the bridges. The inhabitants of the city were Aiolians, natives

of the country, but there were living with them a great number of Persians and also of their allies. 116. And of

the province Arta�ctes was despot, as governor under Xerxes, a Persian, but a man of desperate and reckless

character, who also had practised deception upon the king on his march against Athens, in taking away from

Elaius the things belonging to Protesilaos the son of Iphiclos. For at Elaius in the Chersonese there is the

tomb of Protesilaos with a sacred enclosure about it, where there were many treasures, with gold and silver

cups and bronze and raiment and other offerings, which things Arta�ctes carried off as plunder, the king

having granted them to him. And he deceived Xerxes by saying to him some such words as these: "Master,

there is here the house of a man, a Hellene, who made an expedition against thy land and met with his deserts

and was slain: this man's house I ask thee to give to me, that every one may learn not to make expeditions

against thy land." By saying this it was likely that he would easily enough persuade Xerxes to give him a

man's house, not suspecting what was in his mind: and when he said that Protesilaos had made expedition

against the land of the king, it must be understood that the Persians consider all Asia to be theirs and to

belong to their reigning king. So when the things had been given him, he brought them from Elaius to Sestos,

and he sowed the sacred enclosure for crops and occupied it as his own; and he himself, whenever he came to

Elaius, had commerce with women in the inner cell of the temple.[116] And now he was being besieged by

the Athenians, when he had not made any preparation for a siege nor had been expecting that the Hellenes

would come; for they fell upon him, as one may say, inevitably.[117] 117. When however autumn came and

the siege still went on, the Athenians began to be vexed at being absent from their own land and at the same

time not able to conquer the fortress, and they requested their commanders to lead them away home; but these

said that they would not do so, until either they had taken the town or the public authority of the Athenians

sent for them home: and so they endured their present state.[118] 118. Those however who were within the

walls had now come to the greatest misery, so that they boiled down the girths of their beds and used them

for food; and when they no longer had even these, then the Persians and with them Arta�ctes and Oiobazos

ran away and departed in the night, climbing down by the back part of the wall, where the place was left most

unguarded by the enemy; and when day came, the men of the Chersonese signified to the Athenians from the

towers concerning that which had happened, and opened the gates to them. So the greater number of them

went in pursuit, and the rest occupied the city. 119. Now Oiobazos, as he was escaping[119] into Thrace, was

caught by the Apsinthian Thracians and sacrificed to their native god Pleistoros with their rites, and the rest

who were with him they slaughtered in another manner: but Arta�ctes with his companions, who started on

their flight later and were overtaken at a little distance above Aigospotamoi, defended themselves for a

considerable time and were some of them killed and others taken alive: and the Hellenes had bound these and

were bringing them to Sestos, and among them Arta�ctes also in bonds together with his son. 120. Then, it is

said by the men of the Chersonese, as one of those who guarded them was frying dried fish, a portent

occurred as follows,the dried fish when laid upon the fire began to leap and struggle just as if they were

fish newly caught: and the others gathered round and were marvelling at the portent, but Arta�ctes seeing it

called to the man who was frying the fish and said: "Stranger of Athens, be not at all afraid of this portent,

seeing that it has not appeared for thee but for me. Protesilaos who dwells at Elaius signifies thereby that

though he is dead and his body is dried like those fish,[120] yet he has power given him by the gods to exact

vengeance from the man who does him wrong. Now therefore I desire to impose this penalty for

him,[121]that in place of the things which I took from the temple I should pay down a hundred talents to

the god, and moreover as ransom for myself and my son I will pay two hundred talents to the Athenians, if

my life be spared." Thus he engaged to do, but he did not prevail upon the commander Xanthippos; for the

people of Elaius desiring to take vengeance for Protesilaos asked that he might be put to death, and the

inclination of the commander himself tended to the same conclusion. They brought him therefore to that

headland to which Xerxes made the passage across, or as some say to the hill which is over the town of

Madytos, and there they nailed him to boards[122] and hung him up; and they stoned his son to death before

the eyes of Arta�ctes himself. 121. Having so done, they sailed away to Hellas, taking with them, besides

other things, the ropes also of the bridges, in order to dedicate them as offerings in the temples: and for that

122. Now a forefather of this Arta�ctes who was hung up, was that Artembares who set forth to the Persians a

proposal which they took up and brought before Cyrus, being to this effect: "Seeing that Zeus grants to the

Persians leadership, and of all men to thee, O Cyrus, by destroying Astyages, come, since the land we possess

is small and also rugged, let us change from it and inhabit another which is better: and there are many near at

hand, and many also at a greater distance, of which if we take one, we shall have greater reverence and from

more men. It is reasonable too that men who are rulers should do such things; for when will there ever be a

fairer occasion than now, when we are rulers of many nations and of the whole of Asia?" Cyrus, hearing this

and not being surprised at the proposal,[123] bade them do so if they would; but he exhorted them and bade

them prepare in that case to be no longer rulers but subjects; "For," said he, "from lands which are not rugged

men who are not rugged are apt to come forth, since it does not belong to the same land to bring forth fruits

of the earth which are admirable and also men who are good in war." So the Persians acknowledged that he

was right and departed from his presence, having their opinion defeated by that of Cyrus; and they chose

rather to dwell on poor land and be rulers, than to sow crops in a level plain and be slaves to others.

2. ta ekeinon iskhura bouleumata: some good MSS. omit iskhura, and so many Editors.

8. to men ap emeon outo akibdelon nemetai epi tous Ellenas, "that which we owe to the Hellenes is thus paid

9a. This clause, "with no lesseach man of them," is omitted in some MSS. and considered spurious by

17. klinai: several Editors have altered this, reading klithenai or klinenai, "they were made to recline."

20. sphodra: not quite satisfactory with emedizon, but it can hardly go with ouk ekontes, as Kr�ger suggests.

23. prosballontes: most of the MSS. have prosbalontes, and so also in ch. 21 and 22 they have prosbalouses.

24. i.e. the retreat with which each charge ended and the turn from retreat in preparation for a fresh charge.

27. The name apparently should be Kepheus, but there is no authority for changing the text.

28. This is the number of nations mentioned in vii. 6180 as composing the landarmy of Xerxes.

34. opla de oud outoi eikhon: i.e. these too must be reckoned with the lightarmed.

38. geneos tou Iamideon: the MSS. have Klutiaden after Iamideon, but the Clytiadai seem to have been a

40. para en palaisma edrame nikan Olumpiada. The meaning is not clear, because the conditions of the

pentaethlon are not known: however the wrestling pale seems to have been the last of the five contests, and

the meaning may be that both Tisamenos and Hieronymos had beaten all the other competitors and were

equal so far, when Tisamenos failed to win two out of three falls in the wrestling.

42. aiteomenos: this is the reading of the MSS., but the conjecture aiteomenous (or aiteomenon) seems

probable enough: "if one may compare the man who asked for royal power with him who asked only for

43. i.e. instead of half for himself, he asks for twothirds to be divided between himself and his brother.

58. tou Pitaneteon lokhou, called below ton lokhon ton Pitaneten. Evidently lokhos here is a division of

59. anainomenou: some MSS. and many Editors read nenomenou, "since he was thus minded."

62. The structure of the sentence is rather confused, and perhaps some emendation is required.

63. eti ti lexete. The MSS. and most Editors read ti, "what will ye say after this?" The order of the words is

66. anoploi, by which evidently more is meant than the absence of shields; cp. the end of ch. 63, where the

68. es Leoniden: this is ordinarily translated "as far as Leonidas;" but to say "his ancestors above

Anaxandrides have been given as far as Leonidas" (the son of Anaxandrides), is hardly intelligible. The

69. Most of the MSS. call him Aeimnestos (with some variation of spelling), but Plutarch has Arimnestos.

70. See ch. 15. There is no sharp distinction here between camp and palisade, the latter being merely the

71. anaktoron, a usual name for the temple of Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis.

73. ege katertemenos: the better MSS. have eie for ege, which is retained by some Editors (toutous being then

taken with inai pantas): for katertemenos we find as variations katertemenos and katertismenos. Many

76. Stein proposes to substitute "Athenians" for "Lacedemonians" here, making the comparative

81. o Spartietes: it has been proposed to read Spartietai, for it can hardly be supposed that the other two were

82. One MS. at least calls him Aeimenstos, cp. ch. 64. Thucydides (iii. 52) mentions Aeimnestos as the name

of a Plataian citizen, the father of Lacon. Stein observes that in any case this cannot be that Arimnestos who

87. oute daimonon oute theon: heroes and in general divinities of the second order are included under the

88. Most of the commentators (and following them the historians) understand the imperfect ediokon to

express the mere purpose to attempt, and suppose that this purpose was actually hindered by the

Lacedemonians. but for a mere halfformed purpose the expression mekhri Thessalies seems to definite, and

Diodorus states that Artabazos was pursued. I think therefore that Kr�ger is right in understanding eon of an

attempt to dissuade which was not successful. The alternative version would be "they were for pursuing them

as far as Thessaly, but the Lacedemonians prevented them from pursuing fugitives."

91. "furniture furnished" is hardly tolerable; perhaps Herodotus wrote skenen for kataskeuen here.

92. The connexion here is not satisfactory, and the chapter is in part a continuation of chapter 81. It is

possible that ch. 82 may be a later addition by the author, thrown in without much regard to the context.

93. "Whereas however the body of Mardonios had disappeared on the day after the battle (taken by whom I

am not able to say . . . .), it is reported with some show of reason that Dionysophanes, an Ephesian, was he

who buried it." The construction however is irregular and broken by parentheses: possibly there is some

94. tous irenas. Spartans between twenty and thirty years old were so called. The MSS. have ireas.

99. ten mesogaian tamnon tes odou, cp. vii. 124. The expression seems almost equivalent to tamnon ten

101. autos: some MSS. read outos. If the text is right, it means Artabazos as distinguished from his troops.

103. Stein reads para Khona potamon, "by the river Chon," a conjecture derived from Theognostus.

104. It is thought by some Editors that "the prophets" just above, and these words, "and they told them," are

105. emphuton mantiken, as opposed to the entekhnos mantike possessed for example by Melampus, cp. ii.

108. apistous toisi Ellesi. Perhaps the last two words are to be rejected, and apistous to be taken in its usual

112. ton Perseon: perhaps we should read ek ton Perseon, "appointed by the Persians to guard the passes."

115. Pou de kou me apolesas: some Editors read ko for kou (by conjecture), and print the clause as a

117. aphuktos: many Editors adopt the reading aphulakto from inferior MSS., "they fell upon him when he

120. tarikhos eon. The word tarikhos suggests the idea of human bodies embalmed, as well as of dried or

121. oi: some Editors approve the conjecture moi, "impose upon myself this penalty."

123. Or, "when he had heard this, although he did not admire the proposal, yet bade them do so if they