Title: Men of Invention and Industry
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Author: Samuel Smiles
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Men of Invention and Industry
Samuel Smiles
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Table of Contents
Men of Invention and Industry ..........................................................................................................................1
Samuel Smiles ..........................................................................................................................................1
PREFACE ................................................................................................................................................1
CHAPTER I. PHINEAS PETT: BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH SHIPBUILDING.............................2
CHAPTER II. FRANCIS PETTIT SMITH: PRACTICAL INTRODUCER OF THE SCREW
PROPELLER........................................................................................................................................22
CHAPTER III.[1] JOHN HARRISON: INVENTOR OF THE MARINE CHRONOMETER...........31
CHAPTER IV. JOHN LOMBE: INTRODUCER OF THE SILK INDUSTRY INTO
ENGLAND...........................................................................................................................................45
CHAPTER V. WILLIAM MURDOCK: HIS LIFE AND INVENTIONS...........................................51
CHAPTER VI. FREDERICK KOENIG: INVENTOR OF THE STEAMPRINTING
MACHINE. ...........................................................................................................................................65
CHAPTER VII. THE WALTERS OF THE TIMES: INVENTION OF THE WALTER PRESS. ......76
CHAPTER VIII. WILLIAM CLOWES: INTRODUCER OF BOOKPRINTING BY STEAM. ......86
CHAPTER IX. CHARLES BIANCONI: A LESSON OF SELFHELP IN IRELAND. .....................91
CHAPTER X. INDUSTRY IN IRELAND: THROUGH CONNAUGHT AND ULSTER, TO
BELFAST............................................................................................................................................105
CHAPTER XI. SHIPBUILDING IN BELFASTITS ORIGIN AND PROGRESS........................119
CHAPTER XII. ASTRONOMERS AND STUDENTS IN HUMBLE LIFE:....................................132
Men of Invention and Industry
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Men of Invention and Industry
Samuel Smiles
PREFACE
CHAPTER I. PHINEAS PETT: BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH SHIPBUILDING.
CHAPTER II. FRANCIS PETTIT SMITH: PRACTICAL INTRODUCER OF THE SCREW
PROPELLER.
CHAPTER III.[1] JOHN HARRISON: INVENTOR OF THE MARINE CHRONOMETER.
CHAPTER IV. JOHN LOMBE: INTRODUCER OF THE SILK INDUSTRY INTO ENGLAND.
CHAPTER V. WILLIAM MURDOCK: HIS LIFE AND INVENTIONS.
CHAPTER VI. FREDERICK KOENIG: INVENTOR OF THE STEAMPRINTING MACHINE.
CHAPTER VII. THE WALTERS OF THE TIMES: INVENTION OF THE WALTER PRESS.
CHAPTER VIII. WILLIAM CLOWES: INTRODUCER OF BOOKPRINTING BY STEAM.
CHAPTER IX. CHARLES BIANCONI: A LESSON OF SELFHELP IN IRELAND.
CHAPTER X. INDUSTRY IN IRELAND: THROUGH CONNAUGHT AND ULSTER, TO BELFAST.
CHAPTER XI. SHIPBUILDING IN BELFASTITS ORIGIN AND PROGRESS.
CHAPTER XII. ASTRONOMERS AND STUDENTS IN HUMBLE LIFE:
"Men there have been, ignorant of letters; without art, without
eloquence; who yet had the wisdom to devise and the courage to
perform that which they lacked language to explain. Such men
have worked the deliverance of nations and their own greatness.
Their hearts are their books; events are their tutors; great
actions are their eloquence."MACAULAY.
PREFACE
I offer this book as a continuation of the memoirs of men of invention and industry published some years ago
in the 'Lives of Engineers,' 'Industrial Biography,' and 'SelfHelp.'
The early chapters relate to the history of a very important branch of British industrythat of Shipbuilding.
A later chapter, kindly prepared by Sir Edward J. Harland, of Belfast, relates to the origin and progress of
shipbuilding in Ireland.
Many of the facts set forth in the Life and Inventions of William Murdock have already been published in my
'Lives of Boulton and Watt;" but these are now placed in a continuous narrative, and supplemented by other
information, more particularly the correspondence between Watt and Murdock, communicated to me by the
present representative of the family, Mr. Murdock, C.E, of Gilwern, near Abergavenny.
I have also endeavoured to give as accurate an account as possible of the Invention of the Steamprinting
Press, and its application to the production of Newspapers and Books,an invention certainly of great
importance to the spread of knowledge, science, and literature, throughout the world.
Men of Invention and Industry 1
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The chapter on the "Industry of Ireland" will speak for itself. It occurred to me, on passing through Ireland
last year, that much remained to be said on that subject; and, looking to the increasing means of the country,
and the wellknown industry of its people, it seems reasonable to expect, that with peace, security, energy,
and diligent labour of head and hand, there is really a great future before Ireland.
The last chapter, on "Astronomers in Humble Life," consists for the most part of a series of Autobiographies.
It may seem, at first sight, to have little to do with the leading object of the book; but it serves to show what a
number of active, earnest, and able men are comparatively hidden throughout society, ready to turn their
hands and heads to the improvement of their own characters, if not to the advancement of the general
community of which they form a part.
In conclusion, I say to the reader, as Quarles said in the preface to his 'Emblems,' "I wish thee as much
pleasure in the reading as I had in the writing." In fact, the last three chapters were in some measure the cause
of the book being published in its present form.
London, November, 1884.
CHAPTER I. PHINEAS PETT: BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH
SHIPBUILDING.
"A speck in the Northern Ocean, with a rocky coast, an ungenial
climate, and a soil scarcely fruitful,this was the material
patrimony which descended to the English racean inheritance
that would have been little worth but for the inestimable moral
gift that accompanied it. Yes; from Celts, Saxons, Danes,
Normansfrom some or all of themhave come down with English
nationality a talisman that could command sunshine, and plenty,
and empire, and fame. The 'go' which they transmitted to usthe
national visthis it is which made the old Angleland a glorious
heritage. Of this we have had a portion above our brethrengood
measure, running over. Through this our islandmother has
stretched out her arms till they enriched the globe of the
earth....Britain, without her energy and enterprise, what would
she be in Europe?"Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine (1870).
In one of the few records of Sir Isaac Newton's life which he left for the benefit of others, the following
comprehensive thought occurs:
"It is certainly apparent that the inhabitants of this world are of a short date, seeing that all arts, as letters,
ships, printing, the needle, were discovered within the memory of history."
If this were true in Newton's time, how much truer is it now. Most of the inventions which are so greatly
influencing, as well as advancing, the civilization of the world at the present time, have been discovered
within the last hundred or hundred and fifty years. We do not say that man has become so much wiser during
that period; for, though he has grown in Knowledge, the most fruitful of all things were said by "the heirs of
all the ages" thousands of years ago.
But as regards Physical Science, the progress made during the last hundred years has been very great. Its
most recent triumphs have been in connection with the discovery of electric power and electric light. Perhaps
the most important invention, however, was that of the working steam engine, made by Watt only about a
hundred years ago. The most recent application of this form of energy has been in the propulsion of ships,
which has already produced so great an effect upon commerce, navigation, and the spread of population over
the world.
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Equally important has been the influence of the Railwaynow the principal means of communication in all
civilized countries. This invention has started into full life within our own time. The locomotive engine had
for some years been employed in the haulage of coals; but it was not until the opening of the Liverpool and
Manchester Railway in 1830, that the importance of the invention came to be acknowledged. The locomotive
railway has since been everywhere adopted throughout Europe. In America, Canada, and the Colonies, it has
opened up the boundless resources of the soil, bringing the country nearer to the towns, and the towns to the
country. It has enhanced the celerity of time, and imparted a new series of conditions to every rank of life.
The importance of steam navigation has been still more recently ascertained. When it was first proposed, Sir
Joseph Banks, President of the Royal Society, said: "It is a pretty plan, but there is just one point overlooked:
that the steamengine requires a firm basis on which to work." Symington, the practical mechanic, put this
theory to the test by his successful experiments, first on Dalswinton Lake, and then on the Forth and Clyde
Canal. Fulton and Bell afterwards showed the power of steamboats in navigating the rivers of America and
Britain.
After various experiments, it was proposed to unite England and America by steam. Dr. Lardner, however,
delivered a lecture before the Royal Institution in 1838, "proving" that steamers could never cross the
Atlantic, because they could not carry sufficient coal to raise steam enough during the voyage. But this theory
was also tested by experience in the same year, when the Sirius, of London, left Cork for New York, and
made the passage in nineteen days. Four days after the departure of the Sirius, the Great Western left Bristol
for New York, and made the passage in thirteen days five hours.[1] The problem was solved; and great ocean
steamers have ever since passed in continuous streams between the shores of England and America.
In an age of progress, one invention merely paves the way for another. The first steamers were impelled by
means of paddle wheels; but these are now almost entirely superseded by the screw. And this, too, is an
invention almost of yesterday. It was only in 1840 that the Archimedes was fitted as a screw yacht.
A few years later, in 1845, the Great Britain, propelled by the screw, left Liverpool for New York, and made
the voyage in fourteen days. The screw is now invariably adopted in all long ocean voyages.
It is curious to look back, and observe the small beginnings of maritime navigation. As regards this country,
though its institutions are old, modern England is still young. As respects its mechanical and scientific
achievements, it is the youngest of all countries. Watt's steam engine was the beginning of our manufacturing
supremacy; and since its adoption, inventions and discoveries in Art and Science, within the last hundred
years, have succeeded each other with extraordinary rapidity. In 1814 there was only one steam vessel in
Scotland; while England possessed none at all. Now, the British mercantile steamships number about 5000,
with about 4 millions of aggregate tonnage.[2]
In olden times this country possessed the materials for great things, as well as the men fitted to develope them
into great results. But the nation was slow to awake and take advantage of its opportunities. There was no
enterprise, no commerceno "go" in the people. The roads were frightfully bad; and there was little
communication between one part of the country and another.
If anything important had to be done, we used to send for foreigners to come and teach us how to do it. We
sent for them to drain our fens, to build our piers and harbours, and even to pump our water at London
Bridge. Though a seafaring population lived round our coasts, we did not fish our own seas, but left it to the
industrious Dutchmen to catch the fish, and supply our markets. It was not until the year 1787 that the
Yarmouth people began the deepsea herring fishery; and yet these were the most enterprising amongst the
English fishermen.
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English commerce also had very slender beginnings. At the commencement of the fifteenth century, England
was of very little account in the affairs of Europe. Indeed, the history of modern England is nearly coincident
with the accession of the Tudors to the throne. With the exception of Calais and Dunkirk, her dominions on
the Continent had been wrested from her by the French. The country at home had been made desolate by the
Wars of the Roses. The population was very small, and had been kept down by war, pestilence, and
famine.[3] The chief staple was wool, which was exported to Flanders in foreign ships, there to be
manufactured into cloth. Nearly every article of importance was brought from abroad; and the little
commerce which existed was in the hands of foreigners. The seas were swept by privateers, little better than
pirates, who plundered without scruple every vessel, whether friend or foe, which fell in their way.
The British navy has risen from very low beginnings. The English fleet had fallen from its high estate since
the reign of Edward III., who won a battle from the French and Flemings in 1340, with 260 ships; but his
vessels were all of moderate size, being boats, yachts, and caravels, of very small tonnage. According to the
contemporary chronicles, Weymouth, Fowey, Sandwich, and Bristol, were then of nearly almost as much
importance as London;[4] which latter city only furnished twentyfive vessels, with 662 mariners.
The Royal Fleet began in the reign of Henry VII. Only six or seven vessels then belonged to the King, the
largest being the Grace de Dieu, of comparatively small tonnage. The custom then was, to hire ships from the
Venetians, the Genoese, the Hanse towns, and other trading people; and as soon as the service for which the
vessels so hired was performed, they were dismissed.
When Henry VIII. ascended the throne in 1509, he directed his attention to the state of the navy. Although the
insular position of England was calculated to stimulate the art of shipbuilding more than in most continental
countries, our best ships long continued to be built by foreigners. Henry invited from abroad, especially from
Italy, where the art of shipbuilding had made the greatest progress, as many skilful artists and workmen as he
could procure, either by the hope of gain, or the high honours and distinguished countenance which he paid
them. "By incorporating," says Charnock, "these useful persons among his own subjects, he soon formed a
corps sufficient to rival those states which had rendered themselves most distinguished by their knowledge in
this art; so that the fame of Genoa and Venice, which had long excited the envy of the greater part of Europe,
became suddenly transferred to the shores of Britain."[5]
In fitting out his fleet, we find Henry disbursing large sums to foreigners for shipbuilding, for "harness" or
armour, and for munitions of all sorts. The State Papers[6] particularize the amounts paid to Lewez de la Fava
for "harness;" to William Gurre, "bregandymaker;" and to Leonard Friscobald for "almayn ryvetts."
Francis de Errona, a Spaniard, supplied the gunpowder. Among the foreign mechanics and artizans employed
were Hans Popenruyter, gunfounder of Mechlin; Robert Sakfeld, Robert Skorer, Fortuno de Catalenago, and
John Cavelcant. On one occasion 2,797L. 19s. 4 1/2d. was disbursed for guns and grindstones. This sum must
be multiplied by about four, to give the proper present value. Popenruyter seems to have been the great
gunfounder of the age; he supplied the principal guns and gun stores for the English navy, and his name
occurs in every Ordnance account of the series, generally for sums of the largest amounts.
Henry VIII. was the first to establish Royal dockyards, first at Woolwich, then at Portsmouth, and thirdly at
Deptford, for the erection and repair of ships. Before then, England had been principally dependent upon
Dutchmen and Venetians, both for ships of war and merchantmen. The sovereign had neither naval arsenals
nor dockyards, nor any regular establishment of civil or naval affairs to provide ships of war. Sir Edward
Howard, Lord High Admiral of England, at the accession of Henry VIII., actually entered into a "contract"
with that monarch to fight his enemies.
This singular document is still preserved in the State Paper office. Even after the establishment of royal
dockyards, the sovereignas late as the reign of Elizabethentered into formal contracts with shipwrights
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for the repair and maintenance of ships, as well as for additions to the fleet.
The King, having made his first effort at establishing a royal navy, sent the fleet to sea against the ships of
France. The Regent was the ship royal, with Sir Thomas Knivet, Master of the Horse, and Sir John Crew of
Devonshire, as Captains. The fleet amounted to twentyfive well furnished ships. The French fleet were
thirtynine in number. They met in Brittany Bay, and had a fierce fight. The Regent grappled with a great
carack of Brest; the French, on the English boarding their ship, set fire to the gunpowder, and both ships were
blown up, with all their men. The French fleet fled, and the English kept the seas. The King, hearing of the
loss of the Regent, caused a great ship to be built, the like of which had never before been seen in England,
and called it Harry Grace de Dieu.
This ship was constructed by foreign artizans, principally by Italians, and was launched in 1515. She was said
to be of a thousand tons portage the largest ship in England. The vessel was fourmasted, with two round
tops on each mast, except the shortest mizen. She had a high forecastle and poop, from which the crew could
shoot down upon the deck or waist of another vessel. The object was to have a sort of castle at each end of
the ship. This style of shipbuilding was doubtless borrowed from the Venetians, then the greatest naval power
in Europe. The length of the masts, the height of the ship above the water's edge, and the ornaments and
decorations, were better adapted for the stillness of the Adriatic and Mediterranean Seas, than for the
boisterous ocean of the northern parts of Europe.[7] The story long prevailed that "the Great Harry swept a
dozen flocks of sheep off the Isle of Man with her bobstay." An American gentleman (N.B. Anderson,
LL.D., Boston) informed the present author that this saying is still proverbial amongst the United States
sailors.
The same features were reproduced in merchant ships. Most of them were suited for defence, to prevent the
attacks of pirates, which swarmed the seas round the coast at that time. Shipbuilding by the natives in private
shipyards was in a miserable condition. Mr. Willet, in his memoir relative to the navy, observes: "It is said,
and I believe with truth, that at this time (the middle of the sixteenth century) there was not a private builder
between London Bridge and Gravesend, who could lay down a ship in the mould left from a Navy Board's
draught, without applying to a tinker who lived in Knave's Acre."[8]
Another ship of some note built at the instance of Henry VIII. was the Mary Rose, of the portage of 500 tons.
We find her in the "pond at Deptford" in 1515. Seven years later, in the thirtieth year of Henry VIII.'s reign,
she was sent to sea, with five other English ships of war, to protect such commerce as then existed from the
depredations of the French and Scotch pirates. The Mary Rose was sent many years later (in 1544) with the
English fleet to the coast of France, but returned with the rest of the fleet to Portsmouth without entering into
any engagement. While laid at anchor, not far from the place where the Royal George afterwards went down,
and the ship was under repair, her gunports being very low when she was laid over, "the shipp turned, the
water entered, and sodainly she sanke."
What was to be done? There were no English engineers or workmen who could raise the ship. Accordingly,
Henry VIII. sent to Venice for assistance, and when the men arrived, Pietro de Andreas was dispatched with
the Venetian marines and carpenters to raise the Mary Rose. Sixty English mariners were appointed to attend
upon them. The Venetians were then the skilled "heads," the English were only the "hands." Nevertheless
they failed with all their efforts; and it was not until the year 1836 that Mr. Dean, the engineer, succeeded in
raising not only the Royal George, but the Mary Rose, and cleared the roadstead at Portsmouth of the remains
of the sunken ships.
When Elizabeth ascended the throne in 1558, the commerce and navigation of England were still of very
small amount. The population of the kingdom amounted to only about five millionsnot much more than
the population of London is now. The country had little commerce, and what it had was still mostly in the
hands of foreigners. The Hanse towns had their large entrepot for merchandise in Cannon Street, on the site
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of the present Cannon Street Station. The wool was still sent abroad to Flanders to be fashioned into cloth,
and even garden produce was principally imported from Holland. Dutch, Germans, Flemings, French, and
Venetians continued to be our principal workmen. Our iron was mostly obtained from Spain and Germany.
The best arms and armour came from France and Italy. Linen was imported from Flanders and Holland,
though the best came from Rheims. Even the coarsest dowlas, or sailcloth, was imported from the Low
Countries.
The royal ships continued to be of very small burthen, and the mercantile ships were still smaller. The Queen,
however, did what she could to improve the number and burthen of our ships. "Foreigners," says Camden,
"stiled her the restorer of naval glory and Queen of the Northern Seas." In imitation of the Queen, opulent
subjects built ships of force; and in course of time England no longer depended upon Hamburg, Dantzic,
Genoa, and Venice, for her fleet in time of war.
Spain was then the most potent power in Europe, and the Netherlands, which formed part of the dominions of
Spain, was the centre of commercial prosperity. Holland possessed above 800 good ships, of from 200 to 700
tons burthen, and above 600 busses for fishing, of from 100 to 200 tons. Amsterdam and Antwerp were in the
heyday of their prosperity. Sometimes 500 great ships were to be seen lying together before Amsterdam;[9]
whereas England at that time had not four merchant ships of 400 tons each! Antwerp, however, was the most
important city in the Low Countries. It was no uncommon thing to see as many as 2500 ships in the Scheldt,
laden with merchandize. Sometimes 500 ships would come and go from Antwerp in one day, bound to or
returning from the distant parts of the world. The place was immensely rich, and was frequented by
Spaniards, Germans, Danes, English, Italians, and Portuguese the Spaniards being the most numerous.
Camden, in his history of Queen Elizabeth, relates that our general trade with the Netherlands in 1564
amounted to twelve millions of ducats, five millions of which was for English cloth alone.
The religious persecutions of Philip II. of Spain and of Charles IX. of France shortly supplied England with
the population of which she stood in needactive, industrious, intelligent artizans. Philip set up the
Inquisition in Flanders, and in a few years more than 50,000 persons were deliberately murdered. The
Duchess of Parma, writing to Philip II. in 1567, informed him that in a few days above 100,000 men had
already left the country with their money and goods, and that more were following every day. They fled to
Germany, to Holland, and above all to England, which they hailed as Asylum Christi. The emigrants settled
in the decayed cities and towns of Canterbury, Norwich, Sandwich, Colchester, Maidstone, Southampton, and
many other places, where they carried on their manufactures of woollen, linen, and silk, and established many
new branches of industry.[10]
Five years later, in 1572, the massacre of St. Bartholomew took place in France, during which the Roman
Catholic Bishop Perefixe alleges that 100,000 persons were put to death because of their religions opinions.
All this persecution, carried on so near the English shores, rapidly increased the number of foreign fugitives
into England, which was followed by the rapid advancement of the industrial arts in this country.
The asylum which Queen Elizabeth gave to the persecuted foreigners brought down upon her the hatred of
Philip II. and Charles IX. When they found that they could not prevent her furnishing them with an asylum,
they proceeded to compass her death. She was excommunicated by the Pope, and Vitelli was hired to
assassinate her. Philip also proceeded to prepare the Sacred Armada for the subjugation of the English nation,
and he was master of the most powerful army and navy in the world.
Modern England was then in the throes of her birth. She had not yet reached the vigour of her youth, though
she was full of life and energy. She was about to become the England of free thought, commerce, and
manufactures; to plough the ocean with her navies, and to plant her colonies over the earth. Up to the
accession of Elizabeth, she had done little, but now she was about to do much.
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It was a period of sudden emancipation of thought, and of immense fertility and originality. The poets and
prose writers of the time united the freshness of youth with the vigour of manhood. Among these were
Spenser, Shakespeare, Sir Philip Sidney, the Fletchers, Marlowe, and Ben Jonson. Among the statesmen of
Elizabeth were Burleigh, Leicester, Walsingham, Howard, and Sir Nicholas Bacon. But perhaps greatest of
all were the sailors, who, as Clarendon said, "were a nation by themselves;" and their leadersDrake,
Frobisher, Cavendish, Hawkins, Howard, Raleigh, Davis, and many more distinguished seamen.
They were the representative men of their time, the creation in a great measure of the national spirit. They
were the offspring of long generations of seamen and lovers of the sea. They could not have been great but
for the nation which gave them birth, and imbued them with their worth and spirit. The great sailors, for
instance, could not have originated in a nation of mere landsmen.
They simply took the lead in a country whose coasts were fringed with sailors. Their greatness was but the
result of an excellence in seamanship which prevailed widely around them.
The age of English maritime adventure only began in the reign of Elizabeth. England had then no
coloniesno foreign possessions whatever. The first of her extensive colonial possessions was established in
this reign. "Ships, colonies, and commerce "began to be the national mottonot that colonies make ships
and commerce, but that ships and commerce make colonies. Yet what cockleshells of ships our pioneer
navigators first sailed in!
Although John Cabot or Gabota, of Bristol, originally a citizen of Venice, had discovered the continent of
North America in 1496, in the reign of Henry VII., he made no settlement there, but returned to Bristol with
his four small ships. Columbus did not see the continent of America until two years later, in 1498, his first
discoveries being the islands of the West Indies.
It was not until the year 1553 that an attempt was made to discover a Northwest passage to Cathaya or
China. Sir Hugh Willonghby was put in command of the expedition, which consisted of three ships,the
Bona Esperanza, the Bona Ventura (Captain Chancellor), and the Bona Confidentia (Captain
Durforth),most probably ships built by Venetians. Sir Hugh reached 72 degrees of north latitude, and was
compelled by the buffeting of the winds to take refuge with Captain Durforth's vessel at Arcina Keca, in
Russian Lapland, where the two captains and the crews of these ships, seventy in number, were frozen to
death. In the following year some Russian fishermen found Sir John Willonghby sitting dead in his cabin,
with his diary and other papers beside him.
Captain Chancellor was more fortunate. He reached Archangel in the White Sea, where no ship had ever been
seen before. He pointed out to the English the way to the whale fishery at Spitzbergen, and opened up a trade
with the northern parts of Russia. Two years later, in 1556, Stephen Burroughs sailed with one small ship,
which entered the Kara Sea; but he was compelled by frost and ice to return to England. The strait which he
entered is still called "Burrough's Strait."
It was not, however, until the reign of Elizabeth that great maritime adventures began to be made. Navigators
were not so venturous as they afterwards became. Without proper methods of navigation, they were apt to be
carried away to the south, across an ocean without limit. In 1565 a young captain, Martin Frobisher, came
into notice. At the age of twentyfive he captured in the South Seas the Flying Spirit, a Spanish ship laden
with a rich cargo of cochineal. Four years later, in 1569, he made his first attempt to discover the northwest
passage to the Indies, being assisted by Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick. The ships of Frobisher were three
in number, the Gabriel, of from 15 to 20 tons; the Michael, of from 20 to 25 tons, or half the size of a modern
fishingboat; and a pinnace, of from 7 to 10 tons! The aggregate of the crews of the three ships was only
thirtyfive, men and boys. Think of the daring of these early navigators in attempting to pass by the North
Pole to Cathay through snow, and storm, and ice, in such miserable little cockboats! The pinnace was lost;
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the Michael, under Owen Griffith, a Welshman, deserted; and Martin Frobisher in the Gabriel went alone
into the northwestern sea!
He entered the great bay, since called Hudson's Bay, by Frobisher's Strait. He returned to England without
making the discovery of the Passage, which long remained the problem of arctic voyagers. Yet ten years
later, in 1577, he made another voyage, and though he made his second attempt with one of Queen
Elizabeth's own ships, and two barks, with 140 persons in all, he was as unsuccessful as before. He brought
home some supposed gold ore; and on the strength of the stones containing gold, a third expedition went out
in the following year. After losing one of the ships, consuming the provisions, and suffering greatly from ice
and storms, the fleet returned home one by one. The supposed gold ore proved to be only glittering sand.
While Frobisher was seeking ElDorado in the North, Francis Drake was finding it in the South. He was a
sailor, every inch of him.
"Pains, with patience in his youth," says Fuller, "knit the joints of his soul, and made them more solid and
compact." At an early age, when carrying on a coasting trade, his imagination was inflamed by the exploits of
his protector Hawkins in the New World, and he joined him in his last unfortunate adventure on the Spanish
Main. He was not, however, discouraged by his first misfortune, but having assembled about him a number of
seamen who believed in him, he made other adventures to the West Indies, and learnt the navigation of that
part of the ocean. In 1570, he obtained a regular commission from Queen Elizabeth, though he sailed his own
ships, and made his own ventures. Every Englishman, who had the means, was at liberty to fit out his own
ships; and with tolerable vouchers, he was able to procure a commission from the Court, and proceed to sea at
his own risk and cost. Thus, the naval enterprise and pioneering of new countries under Elizabeth, was almost
altogether a matter of private enterprise and adventure.
In 1572, the butchery of the Hugnenots took place at Paris and throughout France; while at the same time the
murderous power of Philip II. reigned supreme in the Netherlands. The sailors knew what they had to expect
from the Spanish king in the event of his obtaining his threatened revenge upon England; and under their
chosen chiefs they proceeded to make war upon him. In the year of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, Drake
set sail for the Spanish Main in the Pasha, of seventy tons, accompanied by the Swan, of twentyfive tons;
the united crews of the vessels amounting to seventythree men and boys. With this insignificant force,
Drake made great havoc amongst the Spanish shipping at Nombre de Dios. He partially crossed the Isthmus
of Darien, and obtained his first sight of the great Pacific Ocean. He returned to England in August 1573,
with his frail barks crammed with treasure.
A few years later, in 1577, he made his evermemorable expedition. Charnock says it was "an attempt in its
nature so bold and unprecedented, that we should scarcely know whether to applaud it as a brave, or condemn
it as a rash one, but for its success." The squadron with which he sailed for South America consisted of five
vessels, the largest of which, the Pelican, was only of 100 tons burthen; the next, the Elizabeth, was of 80; the
third, the Swan, a flyboat, was of 50; the Marygold bark, of 30; and the Christopher, a pinnace, of 15 tons.
The united crews of these vessels amounted to only 164, gentlemen and sailors.
The gentlemen went with Drake "to learn the art of navigation." After various adventures along the South
American coast, the little fleet passed through the Straits of Magellan, and entered the Pacific Ocean. Drake
took an immense amount of booty from the Spanish towns along the coast, and captured the royal galleon, the
Cacafuego, laden with treasure. After trying in vain to discover a passage home by the Northeastern ocean,
though what is now known as Behring Straits, he took shelter in Port San Francisco, which he took
possession of in the name of the Queen of England, and called New Albion. He eventually crossed the Pacific
for the Moluccas and Java, from which he sailed right across the Indian Ocean, and by the Cape of Good
Hope to England, thus making the circumnavigation of the world. He was absent with his little fleet for about
two years and ten months.
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Not less extraordinary was the voyage of Captain Cavendish, who made the circumnavigation of the globe at
his own expense. He set out from Plymouth in three small vessels on the 21st July, 1586. One vessel was of
120 tons, the second of 60 tons, and the third of 40 tonsnot much bigger than a Thames yacht. The united
crews, of officers, men, and boys, did not exceed 123! Cavendish sailed along the South American continent,
and made through the Straits of Magellan, reaching the Pacific Ocean. He burnt and plundered the Spanish
settlements along the coast, captured some Spanish ships, and took by boarding the galleon St. Anna, with
122,000 Spanish dollars on board. He then sailed across the Pacific to the Ladrone Islands, and returned
home through the Straits of Java and the Indian Archipelago by the Cape of Good Hope, and reached England
after an absence of two years and a month.
The sacred and invincible Armada was now ready, Philip II. was determined to put down those English
adventurers who had swept the coasts of Spain and plundered his galleons on the high seas. The English
sailors knew that the sword of Philip was forged in the gold mines of South America, and that the only way to
defend their country was to intercept the plunder on its voyage home to Spain. But the sailors and their
captainsDrake, Hawkins, Frobisher, Howard, Grenville, Raleigh, and the restcould not altogether
interrupt the enterprise of the King of Spain. The Armada sailed, and came in sight of the English coast on
the 20th of July, 1588.
The struggle was of an extraordinary character. On the one side was the most powerful naval armament that
had ever put to sea. It consisted of six squadrons of sixty fine large ships, the smallest being of 700 tons.
Besides these were four gigantic galleasses, each carrying fifty guns, four large armed galleys, fiftysix
armed merchant ships, and twenty caravelsin all, 149 vessels. On board were 8000 sailors, 20,000 soldiers,
and a large number of galleyslaves. The ships carried provisions enough for six months' consumption; and
the supply of ammunition was enormous.
On the other side was the small English fleet under Hawkins and Drake. The Royal ships were only thirteen
in number. The rest were contributed by private enterprize, there being only thirtyeight vessels of all sorts
and sizes, including cutters and pinnaces, carrying the Queen's flag. The principal armed merchant ships were
provided by London, Southampton, Bristol, and the other southern ports. Drake was followed by some
privateers; Hawkins had four or five ships, and Howard of Effingham two. The fleet was, however, very
badly found in provisions and ammunition. There was only a week's provisions on board, and scarcely
enough ammunition for one day's hard fighting. But the ships, small though they were, were in good
condition. They could sail, whether in pursuit or in flight, for the men who navigated them were thorough
sailors.
The success of the defence was due to tact, courage, and seamanship. At the first contact of the fleets, the
Spanish towering galleons wished to close, to grapple with their contemptuous enemies, and crush them to
death. "Come on!" said Medina Sidonia. Lord Howard came on with the Ark and three other ships, and fired
with immense rapidity into the great floating castles. The Sam Mateo luffed, and wanted them to board. "No!
not yet!" The English tacked, returned, fired again, riddled the Spaniards, and shot away in the eye of the
wind. To the astonishment of the Spanish Admiral, the English ships approached him or left him just as they
chose. "The enemy pursue me," wrote the Spanish Admiral to the Prince of Parma; "they fire upon me most
days from morning till nightfall, but they will not close and grapple, though I have given them every
opportunity." The Capitana, a galleon of 1200 tons, dropped behind, struck her flag to Drake, and increased
the store of the English fleet by some tons of gunpowder. Another Spanish ship surrendered, and another
store of powder and shot was rescued for the destruction of the Armada. And so it happened throughout, until
the Spanish fleet was driven to wreck and ruin, and the remaining ships were scattered by the tempests of the
north. After all, Philip proved to be, what the sailors called him, only "a Colossus stuffed with clouts."
The English sailors followed up their advantage. They went on "singeing the Ring of Spain's beard." Private
adventurers fitted up a fleet under the command of Drake, and invaded the mainland of Spain. They took the
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lower part of the town of Corunna; sailed to the Tagus, and captured a fleet of ships laden with wheat and
warlike stores for a new Armada. They next sacked Vigo, and returned to England with 150 pieces of cannon
and a rich booty. The Earl of Cumberland sailed to the West Indies on a private adventure, and captured more
Spanish prizes. In 1590, ten English merchantmen, returning from the Levant, attacked twelve Spanish
galleons, and after six hours' contest, put them to flight with great loss. In the following year, three merchant
ships set sail for the East Indies, and in the course of their voyage took several Portuguese vessels.
A powerful Spanish fleet still kept the seas, and in 1591 they conquered the noble Sir Richard Grenville at the
Azoresfifteen great Spanish galleons against one Queen's ship, the Revenge. In 1593, two of the Queen's
ships, accompanied by a number of merchant ships, sailed for the West Indies, under Burroughs, Frobisher,
and Cross, and amongst their other captures they took the greatest of all the East India caracks, a vessel of
1600 tons, 700 men, and 36 brass cannon, laden with a magnificent cargo. She was taken to Dartmouth, and
surprised all who saw her, being the largest ship that had ever been seen in England. In 1594, Captain James
Lancaster set sail with three ships upon a voyage of adventure. He was joined by some Dutch and French
privateers. The result was, that they captured thirtynine of the Spanish ships. Sir Amias Preston, Sir John
Hawkins, and Sir Francis Drake, also continued their action upon the seas. Lord Admiral Howard and the
Earl of Essex made their famous attack upon Cadiz for the purpose of destroying the new Armada; they
demolished all the forts; sank eleven of the King of Spain's best ships, fortyfour merchant ships, and
brought home much booty.
Nor was maritime discovery neglected. The planting of new colonies began, for the English people had
already begun to swarm. In 1578, Sir Humphrey Gilbert planted Newfoundland for the Queen. In 1584, Sir
Waiter Raleigh planted the first settlement in Virginia. Nor was the Northwest passage neglected; for in
1580, Captain Pett (a name famous on the Thames) set sail from Harwich in the George, accompanied by
Captain Jackman in the William. They reached the ice in the North Sea, but were compelled to return without
effecting their purpose! Will it be believed that the George was only of 40 tons, and that its crew consisted of
nine men and a boy; and that the William was of 20 tons, with five men and a boy? The wonder is that these
little vessels could resist the terrible icefields, and return to England again with their hardy crews.
Then in 1585, another of our adventurous sailors, John Davis, of Sandridge on the Dart, set sail with two
barks, the Sunshine and the Moonshine, of 50 and 35 tons respectively, and discovered in the far Northwest
the Strait which now bears his name. He was driven back by the ice; but, undeterred by his failure, he set out
on a second, and then on a third voyage of discovery in the two following years. But he never succeeded in
discovering the Northwest passage. It all reads like a mysterythese repeated, determined, and energetic
attempts to discover a new way of reaching the fabled region of Cathay.
In these early times the Dutch were not unworthy rivals of the English. After they had succeeded in throwing
off the Spanish yoke and achieved their independence, they became one of the most formidable of maritime
powers. In the course of another century Holland possessed more colonies, and had a larger share of the
carrying trade of the world than Britain. It was natural therefore that the Dutch republic should take an
interest in the Northwest passage; and the Dutch sailors, by their enterprise and bravery, were among the
first to point the way to Arctic discovery. Barents and Behring, above all others, proved the courage and
determination of their heroic ancestors.
The romance of the East India Company begins with an advertisement in the London Gazette of 1599,
towards the end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. As with all other enterprises of the nation, it was established
by private means. The Company was started with a capital of 72,000L. in 50L. shares. The adventurers
bought four vessels of an average burthen of 350 tons. These were stocked with provisions, "Norwich stuffs,"
and other merchandise. The tiny fleet sailed from Billingsgate on the 13th February, 1601. It went by the
Cape of Good Hope to the East Indies, under the command of Captain James Lancaster. It took no less than
sixteen months to reach the Indian Archipelago.
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The little fleet reached Acheen in June, 1602. The king of the territory received the visitors with courtesy, and
exchanged spices with them freely. The four vessels sailed homeward, taking possession of the island of St.
Helena on their way back; having been absent exactly thirtyone months. The profits of the first voyage
proved to be about one hundred per cent. Such was the origin of the great East India Companynow
expanded into an empire, and containing about two hundred millions of people.
To return to the shipping and the mercantile marine of the time of Queen Elizabeth. The number of Royal
ships was only thirteen, the rest of the navy consisting of merchant ships, which were hired and discharged
when their purpose was served.[11] According to Wheeler, at the accession of the Queen, there were not
more than four ships belonging to the river Thames, excepting those of the Royal Navy, which were over 120
tons in burthen;[12] and after forty years, the whole of the merchant ships of England, over 100 tons,
amounted to 135; only a few of these being of 500 tons. In 1588, the number had increased to 150, "of about
150 tons one with another, employed in trading voyages to all parts and countries." The principal shipping
which frequented the English ports still continued to be foreignItalian, Flemish, and German.
Liverpool, now possessing the largest shipping tonnage in the world, had not yet come into existence. It was
little better than a fishing village. The people of the place presented a petition to the Queen, praying her to
remit a subsidy which had been imposed upon them, and speaking of their native place as "Her Majesty's
poor decayed town of Liverpool." In 1565, seven years after Queen Elizabeth began to reign, the number of
vessels belonging to Liverpool was only twelve. The largest was of forty tons burthen, with twelve men; and
the smallest was a boat of six tons, with three men.[13]
James I., on his accession to the throne of England in 1603, called in all the ships of war, as well as the
numerous privateers which had been employed during the previous reign in waging war against the
commerce of Spain, and declared himself to be at peace with all the world. James was as peaceful as a
Quaker. He was not a fighting King; and, partly on this account, he was not popular. He encouraged
manufactures in wool, silk, and tapestry. He gave every encouragement to the mercantile and colonizing
adventurers to plant and improve the rising settlements of Virginia, New England, and Newfoundland. He
also promoted the trade to the East Indies. Attempts continued to be made, by Hudson, Poole, Button, Hall,
Baffin, and other courageous seamen, to discover the NorthWest passage, but always without effect.
The shores of England being still much infested by Algerine and other pirates,[14] King James found it
necessary to maintain the ships of war in order to protect navigation and commerce. He nearly doubled the
ships of the Royal Navy, and increased the number from thirteen to twentyfour. Their size, however,
continued small, both Royal and merchant ships. Sir William Monson says, that at the accession of James I.
there were not above four merchant ships in England of 400 tons burthen.[15] The East Indian merchants
were the first to increase the size. In 1609, encouraged by their Charter, they built the Trade's Increase, of
1100 tons burthen, the largest merchant ship that had ever been built in England. As it was necessary that, the
crew of the ship should be able to beat off the pirates, she was fully armed. The additional ships of war were
also of heavier burthen. In the same year, the Prince, of 1400 tons burthen, was launched; she carried
sixtyfour cannon, and was superior to any ship of the kind hitherto seen in England.
And now we arrive at the subject of this memoir. The Petts were the principal shipbuilders of the time. They
had long been known upon the Thames, and had held posts in the Royal Dockyards since the reign of Henry
VII. They were gallant sailors, too; one of them, as already mentioned, having made an adventurous voyage
to the Arctic Ocean in his little bark, the George, of only 40 tons burthen. Phineas Pett was the first of the
great shipbuilders. His father, Peter Pett, was one of the Queen's master shipwrights. Besides being a
shipbuilder, he was also a poet, being the author of a poetical piece entitled, "Time's Journey to seek his
daughter Truth,"[16] a very respectable performance. Indeed, poetry is by no means incompatible with
shipbuildingthe late Chief Constructor of the Navy being, perhaps, as proud of his poetry as of his ships.
Pett's poem was dedicated to the Lord High Admiral, Howard, Earl of Nottingham; and this may possibly
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have been the reason of the singular interest which he afterwards took in Phineas Pett, the poet shipwright's
son.
Phineas Pett was the second son of his father. He was born at Deptford, or "Deptford Strond," as the place
used to be called, on the 1st of November, 1570. At nine years old, he was sent to the freeschool at
Rochester, and remained there for four years. Not profiting much by his education there, his father removed
him to a private school at Greenwich, kept by a Mr. Adams. Here he made so much progress, that in three
years time he was ready for Cambridge. He was accordingly sent to that University at Shrovetide, l586, and
was entered at Emmanuel College, under charge of Mr. Charles Chadwick, the president. His father allowed
him 20L. per annum, besides books, apparel, and other necessaries.
Phineas remained at Cambridge for three years. He was obliged to quit the University by the death of his
"reverend, everloving father," whose loss, he says, "proved afterwards my utter undoing almost, had not
God been more merciful to me." His mother married again, "a most wicked husband," says Pett in his
autobiography,[17] "one, Mr. Thomas Nunn, a minister," but of what denomination he does not state. His
mother's imprudence wholly deprived him of his maintenance, and having no hopes of preferment from his
friends, he necessarily abandoned his University career, "presently after Christmas, 1590."
Early in the following year, he was persuaded by his mother to apprentice himself to Mr. Richard Chapman,
of Deptford Strond, one of the Queen's Master shipwrights, whom his late father had "bred up from a child to
that profession." He was allowed 2L. 6s. 8d. per annum, with which he had to provide himself with tools and
apparel. Pett spent two years in this man's service to very little purpose; Chapman then died, and the
apprentice was dismissed. Pett applied to his elder brother Joseph, who would not help him, although he had
succeeded to his father's post in the Royal Dockyard. He was accordingly "constrained to ship himself to sea
upon a desperate voyage in a manofwar." He accepted the humble place of carpenter's mate on board the
galleon Constance, of London. Pett's younger brother, Peter, then living at Wapping, gave him lodging, meat,
and drink, until the ship was ready to sail. But he had no money to buy clothes. Fortunately one William
King, a yoeman in Essex, taking pity upon the unfortunate young man, lent him 3L. for that purpose; which
Pett afterwards repaid.
The Constance was of only 200 tons burden. She set sail for the South a few days before Christmas, 1592.
There is no doubt that she was bound upon a piratical adventure. Piracy was not thought dishonourable in
those days. Four years had elapsed since the Armada had approached the English coast; and now the English
and Dutch ships were scouring the seas in search of Spanish galleons.
Whoever had the means of furnishing a ship, and could find a plucky captain to command her, sent her out as
a privateer. Even the Companies of the City of London clubbed their means together for the purpose of
sending out Sir Waiter Raleigh to capture Spanish ships, and afterwards to divide the plunder; as any one may
see on referring to the documents of the London Corporation.[18]
The adventure in which Pett was concerned did not prove very fortunate. He was absent for about twenty
months on the coasts of Spain and Barbary, and in the Levant, enduring much misery for want of victuals and
apparel, and "without taking any purchase of any value." The Constance returned to the Irish coast, "extreme
poorly." The vessel entered Cork harbour, and then Pett, thoroughly disgusted with privateering life, took
leave of both ship and voyage. With much difficulty, he made his way across the country to Waterford, from
whence he took ship for London. He arrived there three days before Christmas, 1594, in a beggarly condition,
and made his way to his brother Peter's house at Wapping, who again kindly entertained him. The elder
brother Joseph received him more coldly, though he lent him forty shillings to find himself in clothes. At that
time, the fleet was ordered to be got ready for the last expedition of Drake and Hawkins to the West Indies.
The Defiance was sent into Woolwich dock to be sheathed; and as Joseph Pett was in charge of the job, he
allowed his brother to be employed as a carpenter.
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In the following year, Phineas succeeded in attracting the notice of Matthew Baker, who was commissioned
to rebuild Her Majesty's Triumph. Baker employed Pett as an ordinary workman; but he had scarcely begun
the job before Baker was ordered to proceed with the building of a great new ship at Deptford, called the
Repulse.
Phineas wished to follow the progress of the Triumph, but finding his brother Joseph unwilling to retain him
in his employment, he followed Baker to Deptford, and continued to work at the Repulse until she was
finished, launched, and set sail on her voyage, at the end of April, 1596. This was the leading ship of the
squadron which set sail for Cadiz, under the command of the Earl of Essex and the Lord Admiral Howard,
and which did so much damage to the forts and shipping of Philip II. of Spain.
During the winter months, while the work was in progress, Pett spent the leisure of his evenings in perfecting
himself in learning, especially in drawing, cyphering, and mathematics, for the purpose, as he says, of
attaining the knowledge of his profession. His master, Mr. Baker, gave him every encouragement, and from
his assistance, he adds, "I must acknowledge I received my greatest lights." The Lord Admiral was often
present at Baker's house. Pett was importuned to set sail with the ship when finished, but he preferred
remaining at home. The principal reason, no doubt, that restrained him at this moment from seeking the
patronage of the great, was the care of his two sisters,[19] who, having fled from the house of their barbarous
stepfather, could find no refuge but in that of their brother Phineas. Joseph refused to receive them, and Peter
of Wapping was perhaps less able than willing to do so.
In April, 1597, Pett had the advantage of being introduced to Howard, Earl of Nottingham, then Lord High
Admiral of England. This, he says, was the first beginning of his rising. Two years later, Howard
recommended him for employment in purveying plank and timber in Norfolk and Suffolk for shipbuilding
purposes. Pett accomplished his business satisfactorily, though he had some malicious enemies to contend
against. In his leisure, he began to prepare models of ships, which he rigged and finished complete. He also
proceeded with the study of mathematics. The beginning of the year 1600 found Pett once more out of
employment; and during his enforced idleness, which continued for six months, he seriously contemplated
abandoning his profession and attempting to gain "an honest and convenient maintenance" by joining a friend
in purchasing a caravel (a small vessel), and navigating it himself.
He was, however, prevented from undertaking this enterprise by a message which he received from the Court,
then stationed at Greenwich. The Lord High Admiral desired to see him; and after many civil compliments,
he offered him the post of keeper of the plankyard at Chatham. Pett was only too glad to accept this offer,
though the salary was small. He shipped his furniture on board a hoy of Rainham, and accompanied it down
the Thames to the junction with the Medway. There he escaped a great dangerone of the sea perils of the
time. The mouths of navigable rivers were still infested with pirates; and as the hoy containing Pett
approached the Nore about three o'clock in the morning, and while still dark, she came upon a Dunkirk
picaroon, full of men. Fortunately the pirate was at anchor; she weighed and gave chase, and had not the hoy
set full sail, and been impelled up the Swale by a fresh wind, Pett would have been taken prisoner, with all
his furniture.[20]
Arrived at Chatham, Pett met his brother Joseph, became reconciled to him, and ever after they lived together
as loving brethren. At his brother's suggestion, Pett took a lease of the Manor House, and settled there with
his sisters. He was now in the direct way to preferment. Early in the following year (March, 1601) he
succeeded to the place of assistant to the principal master shipwright at Chatham, and undertook the repairs
of Her Majesty's ship The Lion's Whelp, and in the next year he newbuilt the Moon enlarging her both in
length and breadth.
At the accession of James I. in 1603, Pett was commanded by the Lord High Admiral with all possible speed
to build a little vessel for the young Prince Henry, eldest son of His Majesty. It was to be a sort of copy of the
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Ark Royal, which was the flagship of the Lord High Admiral when he defeated the Spanish Armada. Pett
proceeded to accomplish the order with all dispatch. The little ship was in length by the keel 28 feet, in
breadth 12 feet, and very curiously garnished within and without with painting and carving. After working by
torch and candle light, night and day, the ship was launched, and set sail for the Thames, with the noise of
drums, trumpets, and cannon, at the beginning of March, 1604. After passing through a great storm at the
Nore, the vessel reached the Tower, where the King and the young Prince inspected her with delight. She was
christened Disdain by the Lord High Admiral, and Pett was appointed captain of the ship.
After his return to Chatham, Pett, at his own charge, built a small ship at Gillingham, of 300 tons, which he
launched in the same year, and named the Resistance. The ship was scarcely out of hand, when Pett was
ordered to Woolwich, to prepare the Bear and other vessels for conveying his patron, the Lord High Admiral,
as an Ambassador Extraordinary to Spain, for the purpose of concluding peace, after a strife of more than
forty years. The Resistance was hired by the Government as a transport, and Pett was put in command. He
seems to have been married at this time, as he mentions in his memoir that he parted with his wife and
children at Chatham on the 24th of March, 1605, and that he sailed from Queenborough on Easter Sunday.
During the voyage to Lisbon the Resistance became separated from the Ambassador's squadron, and took
refuge in Corunna. She then set sail for Lisbon, which she reached on the 24th of April; and afterwards for St.
Lucar, on the Guadalquiver, near Seville, which she reached on the 11th of May following. After revisiting
Corunna, "according to instructions," on the homeward voyage, Pett directed his course for England, and
reached Rye on the 26th of June, "amidst much rain, thunder, and lightning." In the course of the same year,
his brother Joseph died, and Phineas succeeded to his post as master shipbuilder at Chatham. He was
permitted, in conjunction with one Henry Farvey and three others, to receive the usual reward of 5s. per ton
for building five new merchant ships,[21] most probably for East Indian commerce, now assuming large
dimensions. He was despatched by the Government to Bearwood, in Hampshire, to make a selection of
timber from the estate of the Earl of Worcester for the use of the navy, and on presenting his report 3000 tons
were purchased. What with his building of ships, his attendance on the Lord Admiral to Spain, and his
selection of timber for the Government, his hands seem to have been kept very full during the whole of 1605.
In July, 1606, Pett received private instructions from the Lord High Admiral to have all the King's ships "put
into comely readiness" for the reception of the King of Denmark, who was expected on a Royal visit.
"Wherein," he says, "I strove extraordinarily to express my service for the honour of the kingdom; but by
reason the time limited was short, and the business great, we laboured night and day to effect it, which
accordingly was done, to the great honour of our sovereign king and master, and no less admiration of all
strangers that were eyewitnesses to the same." The reception took place on the 10th of August, 1606.
Shortly after the departure of His Majesty of Denmark, four of the Royal shipsthe Ark, Victory, Golden
Lion, and Swiftsurewere ordered to be drydocked; the two last mentioned at Deptford, under charge of
Matthew Baker; and the two former at Woolwich, under that of Pett. For greater convenience, Pett removed
his family to Woolwich. After being elected and sworn Master of the Company of Shipwrights, he refers in
his manuscript, for the first time, to his magnificent and original design of the Prince Royal.[22]
"After settling at Woolwich," he says, "I began a curious model for the prince my master, most part whereof I
wrought with my own hands." After finishing the model, he exhibited it to the Lord High Admiral, and, after
receiving his approval and commands, he presented it to the young prince at Richmond. "His Majesty (who
was present) was exceedingly delighted with the sight of the model, and passed some time in questioning the
divers material things concerning it, and demanded whether I could build the great ship in all parts like the
same; for I will, says His Majesty, compare them together when she shall be finished. Then the Lord Admiral
commanded me to tell His Majesty the story of the Three Ravens[23] I had seen at Lisbon, in St. Vincent's
Church; which I did as well as I could, with my best expressions, though somewhat daunted at first at His
Majesty's presence, having never before spoken before any King."
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Before, however, he could accomplish his purpose, Pett was overtaken by misfortunes. His enemies, very
likely seeing with spite the favour with which he had been received by men in high position, stirred up an
agitation against him. There may, and there very probably was, a great deal of jobbery going on in the
dockyards. It was difficult, under the system which prevailed, to have any proper check upon the expenditure
for the repair and construction of ships. At all events, a commission was appointed for the purpose of
inquiring into the abuses and misdemeanors of those in office; and Pett's enemies took care that his past
proceedings should be thoroughly overhauled,together with those of Sir Robert Mansell, then Treasurer to
the Navy; Sir John Trevor, surveyor; Sir Henry Palmer, controller; Sir Thomas Bluther, victualler; and many
others.
While the commission was still sitting and holding what Pett calls their "malicious proceedings," he was able
to lay the keel of his new great ship upon the stocks in the dock at Woolwich on the 20th of October, 1608.
He had a clear conscience, for his hands were clean. He went on vigorously with his work, though he knew
that the inquisition against him was at its full height. His enemies reported that he was "no artist, and that he
was altogether insufficient to perform such a service" as that of building his great ship. Nevertheless, he
persevered, believing in the goodness of his cause. Eventually, he was enabled to turn the tables upon his
accusers, and to completely justify himself in all his transactions with the king, the Lord Admiral, and the
public officers, who were privy to all his transactions. Indeed, the result of the enquiry was not only to cause
a great trouble and expense to all the persons accused, but, as Pett says in his Memoir, "the Government itself
of that royal office was so shaken and disjoined as brought almost ruin upon the whole Navy, and a far
greater charge to his Majesty in his yearly expense than ever was known before."[24]
In the midst of his troubles and anxieties, Pett was unexpectedly cheered with the presence of his "Master"
Prince Henry, who specially travelled out of his way from Essex to visit him at Woolwich, to see with his
own eyes what progress he was making with the great ship. After viewing the dry dock, which had been
constructed by Pett, and was one of the first, if not the very first in England,his Highness partook of a
banquet which the shipbuilder had hastily prepared for him in his temporary lodgings.
One of the circumstances which troubled Pett so much at this time, was the strenuous opposition of the other
shipbuilders to his plans of the great ship. There never had been such a frightful innovation. The model was
all wrong. The lines were detestable. The man who planned the whole thing was a fool, a "cozener" of the
king, and the ship, suppose it to be made, was "unfit for any other use but a dungboat!" This attack upon his
professional character weighed very heavily upon his mind.
He determined to put his case in a staightforward manner before the Lord High Admiral. He set down in
writing in the briefest manner everything that he had done, and the plots that had been hatched against him;
and beseeched his lordship, for the honour of the State, and the reputation of his office, to cause the entire
matter to be thoroughly investigated "by judicious and impartial persons." After a conference with Pett, and
an interview with his Majesty, the Lord High Admiral was authorised by the latter to invite the Earls of
Worcester and Suffolk to attend with him at Woolwich, and bring all the accusers of Pett's design of the great
ship before them for the purpose of examination, and to report to him as to the actual state of affairs.
Meanwhile Pett's enemies had been equally busy. They obtained a private warrant from the Earl of
Northampton[25] to survey the work; "which being done," says Pett, "upon return of the insufficiency of the
same under their hands, and confirmation by oath, it was resolved amongst them I should be turned out, and
for ever disgraced."
But the lords appointed by the King now interfered between Pett and his adversaries. They first inspected the
ship, and made a diligent survey of the form and manner of the work and the goodness of the materials, and
then called all the accusers before them to hear their allegations. They were examined separately. First, Baker
the master shipbuilder was called. He objected to the size of the ship, to the length, breadth, depth, draught of
water, height of jack, rake before and aft, breadth of the floor, scantling of the timber, and so on. Then
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another of the objectors was called; and his evidence was so clearly in contradiction to that which had already
been given, that either one or both must be wrong. The principal objector, Captain Waymouth, next gave his
evidence; but he was able to say nothing to any purpose, except giving their lordships "a long, tedious
discourse of proportions, measures, lines, and an infinite rabble of idle and unprofitable speeches, clean from
the matter."
The result was that their lordships reported favourably of the design of the ship, and the progress which had
already been made.
The Earl of Nottingham interposed his influence; and the King himself, accompanied by the young Prince,
went down to Woolwich, and made a personal examination.[26] A great many witnesses were again
examined, twentyfour on one side, and twentyseven on the other. The King then carefully examined the
ship himself: "the planks, the treenails, the workmanship, and the crossgrained timber." "The crossgrain,"
he concluded, "was in the men and not in the timber." After all the measurements had been made and found
correct, "his Majesty," says Pett, "with a loud voice commanded the measurers to declare publicly the very
truth; which when they had delivered clearly on our side, all the whole multitude heaved up their hats, and
gave a great and loud shout and acclamation. And then the Prince, his Highness, called with a high voice in
these words: 'Where be now these perjured fellows that dare thus abuse his Majesty with these false
accusations? Do they not worthily deserve hanging?"'
Thus Pett triumphed over all his enemies, and was allowed to finish the great ship in his own way. By the
middle of September 1610, the vessel was ready to be "strucken down upon her ways"; and a dozen of the
choice master carpenters of his Majesty's navy came from Chatham to assist in launching her. The ship was
decorated, gilded, draped, and garlanded; and on the 24th the King, the Queen, and the Royal family came
from the palace at Theobald's to witness the great sight. Unfortunately, the day proved very rough; and it was
little better than a neap tide. The ship started very well, but the wind "overblew the tide"; she caught in the
dockgates, and settled hard upon the ground, so that there was no possibility of launching her that day.
This was a great disappointment. The King retired to the palace at Greenwich, though the Prince lingered
behind. When he left, he promised to return by midnight, after which it was proposed to make another effort
to set the ship afloat. When the time arrived, the Prince again made his appearance, and joined the Lord High
Admiral, and the principal naval officials. It was bright moonshine. After midnight the rain began to fall, and
the wind to blow from the southwest. But about two o'clock, an hour before high water, the word was given
to set all taut, and the ship went away without any straining of screws and tackles, till she came clear afloat
into the midst of the Thames. The Prince was aboard, and amidst the blast of trumpets and expressions of joy,
he performed the ceremony of drinking from the great standing cup, and throwing the rest of the wine
towards the halfdeck, and christening the ship by the name of the Prince Royal.[27]
The dimensions of the ship may be briefly described. Her keel was 114 feet long, and her crossbeam 44 feet.
She was of 1400 tons burthen, and carried 64 pieces of great ordnance. She was the largest ship that had yet
been constructed in England.
The Prince Royal was, at the time she was built, considered one of the most wonderful efforts of human
genius. Mr. Charnock, in his 'Treatise on Marine Architecture,' speaks of her as abounding in striking
peculiarities. Previous to the construction of this ship, vessels were built in the style of the Venetian galley,
which although well adapted for the quiet Mediterranean, were not suited for the stormy northern ocean. The
fighting ships also of the time of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth were too full of "tophamper" for modern
navigation. They were oppressed by high forecastles and poops. Pett struck out entirely new ideas in the build
and lines of his new ship; and the course which he adopted had its effect upon all future marine structures.
The ship was more handy, more wieldy, and more convenient. She was unquestionably the first effort of
English ingenuity in the direction of manageableness and simplicity. "The vessel in question," says Charnock,
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"may be considered the parent of the class of shipping which continues in practice even to the present
moment."
It is scarcely necessary to pursue in detail the further history of Phineas Pett. We may briefly mention the
principal points. In 1612, the Prince Royal was appointed to convey the Princess Elizabeth and her husband,
The Palsgrave, to the Continent. Pett was on board the ship, and found that "it wrought exceedingly well, and
was so yare of conduct that a foot of helm would steer her." While at Flushing, "such a multitude of people,
men, women, and children, came from all places in Holland to see the ship, that we could scarce have room
to go up and down till very night."
About the 27th of March, 1616, Pett bargained with Sir Waiter Raleigh to build a vessel of 500 tons,[28] and
received 500L. from him on account. The King, through the interposition of the Lord Admiral, allowed Pett
to lay her keel on the galley dock at Woolwich. In the same year he was commissioned by the Lord Zouche,
now Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, to construct a pinnace of 40 tons, in respect of which Pett remarks,
"towards the whole of the hull of the pinnace, and all her rigging, I received only 100L. from the Lord
Zouche, the rest Sir Henry Mainwaring (halfbrother to Raleigh) cunningly received on my behalf, without
my knowledge, which I never got from him but by piecemeal, so that by the bargain I was loser 100L. at
least."
Pett fared much worse at the hands of Raleigh himself. His great ship, the Destiny, was finished and launched
in December, 1616. "I delivered her to him," says Pett, "on float, in good order and fashion; by which
business I lost 700L., and could never get any recompense at all for it; Sir Walter going to sea and leaving me
unsatisfied."[29] Nor was this the only loss that Pett met with this year. The King, he states, "bestowed upon
me for the supply of my present relief the making of a knightbaronet," which authority Pett passed to a
recusant, one Francis Ratcliffe, for 700L.; but that worthy defrauded him, so that he lost 30L. by the bargain.
Next year, Pett was despatched by the Government to the New Forest in Hampshire, "where," he says, "one
Sir Giles Mompesson[30] had made a vast waste in the spoil of his Majesty's timber, to redress which I was
employed thither, to make choice out of the number of trees he had felled of all such timber as was useful for
shipping, in which business I spent a great deal of time, and brought myself into a great deal of trouble."
About this period, poor Pett's wife and two of his children lay for some time at death's door. Then more
enquiries took place into the abuses of the dockyards, in which it was sought to implicate Pett. During the
next three years (161820) he worked under the immediate orders of the Commissioners in the New Dock at
Chatham.
In 1620, Pett's friend Sir Robert Mansell was appointed General of the Fleet destined to chastise the Algerine
pirates, who still continued their depredations on the shipping in the Channel, and the King thereupon
commissioned Pett to build with all dispatch two pinnaces, of 120 and 80 tons respectively. "I was myself,"
he says, "to serve as Captain in the voyage"being glad, no doubt, to escape from his tormentors. The two
pinnaces were built at Ratcliffe, and were launched on the 16th and l8th of October, 1620. On the 30th, Pett
sailed with the fleet, and after driving the pirates out of the Channel, he returned to port after an absence of
eleven months.
His enemies had taken advantage of his absence from England to get an order for the survey of the Prince
Royal, his masterpiece; the result of which was, he says, that "they maliciously certified the ship to be
unserviceable, and not fit to continuethat what charges should be bestowed upon her would be lost."
Nevertheless, the Prince Royal was docked, and fitted for a voyage to Spain. She was sent thither with
Charles Prince of Wales and the Duke of Buckingham, the former going in search of a Spanish wife. Pett, the
builder of the ship, was commanded to accompany the young Prince and the Duke.
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The expedition sailed on the 24th of August, 1623, and returned on the l4th of October. Pett was entertained
on board the Prince Royal, and rendered occasional services to the officers in command, though nothing of
importance occurred during the voyage.
The Prince of Wales presented him with a valuable gold chain as a reward for his attendance. In 1625, Pett,
after rendering many important services to the Admiralty, was ordered again to prepare the Prince Royal for
sea. She was to bring over the Prince of Wales's bride from France. While the preparations were making for
the voyage, news reached Chatham of the death of King James. Pett was afterwards commanded to go
forward with the work of preparing the Prince Royal, as well as the whole fleet, which was intended to escort
the French Princess, or rather the Queen, to England. The expedition took place in May, and the young Queen
landed at Dover on the 12th of that month.
Pett continued to be employed in building and repairing ships, as well as in preparing new designs, which he
submitted to the King and the Commissioners of the Navy. In 1626, he was appointed a joint commissioner,
with the Lord High Admiral, the Lord Treasurer Marlborough, and others, "to enquire into certain alleged
abuses of the Navy, and to view the state thereof, and also the stores thereof," clearly showing that he was
regaining his old position. He was also engaged in determining the best mode of measuring the tonnage of
ships.[31] Four years later he was again appointed a commissioner for making "a general survey of the whole
navy at Chatham." For this and his other services the King promoted Pett to be a principal officer of the
Navy, with a fee of 200L. per annum. His patent was sealed on the 16th of January, 1631. In the same year
the King visited Woolwich to witness the launching of the Vanguard, which Pett had built; and his Majesty
honoured the shipwright by participating in a banquet at his lodgings.
From this period to the year 1637, Pett records nothing of particular importance in his autobiography. He was
chiefly occupied in aiding his son Peterwho was rapidly increasing his fame as a shipwrightin repairing
and building firstclass ships of war. As Pett had, on an early occasion in his life, prepared a miniature ship
for Prince Henry, eldest son of James I., he now proceeded to prepare a similar model for the Prince of
Wales, the King's eldest son, afterwards Charles II. This model was presented to the Prince at St. James's,
"who entertained it with great joy, being purposely made to disport himself withal." On the next visit of his
Majesty to Woolwich, he inspected the progress made with the Leopard, a sloopofwar built by Peter Pett.
While in the hold of the vessel, the King called Phineas to one side, and told him of his resolution to have a
great new ship built, and that Phineas must be the builder. This great new ship was The Sovereign of the
Seas, afterwards built by Phineas and Peter Pett. Some say that the model was prepared by the latter; but
Phineas says that it was prepared by himself, and finished by the 29th of October, 1634. As a compensation
for his services, his Majesty renewed his pension of 40L. (which had been previously stopped), with orders
for all the arrears due upon it to be paid.
To provide the necessary timber for the new ship, Phineas and his son went down into the North to survey the
forests. They went first by water to Whitby; from thence they proceeded on horseback to Gisborough and
baited; then to Stockton, where they found but poor entertainment, though they lodged with the Mayor,
whose house "was only a mean thatched cottage!" Middlesborough and the great iron district of the North had
not yet come into existence.
Newcastle, already of some importance, was the principal scene of their labours. The timber for the new ship
was found in Chapley Wood and Bracepeth Park. The gentry did all they could to facilitate the object of Pett.
On his journey homewards (July, 1635), he took Cambridge on his way, where, says he, "I lodged at the
Falcon, and visited Emmanuel College, where I had been a scholar in my youth."
The Sovereign of the Seas was launched on the l2th of October, 1637, having been about two years in
building. Evelyn in his diary says of the ship (l9th July, 1641): "We rode to Rochester and Chatham to see
the Soveraigne, a monstrous vessel so called, being for burthen, defence, and ornament, the richest that ever
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spread cloth before the wind. She carried 100 brass cannon, and was 1600 tons, a rare sailer, the work of the
famous Phineas Pett." RearAdmiral Sir William Symonds says that she was afterwards cut down, and was a
safe and fast ship.[32]
The Sovereign continued for nearly sixty years to be the finest ship in the English service. Though frequently
engaged in the most injurious occupations, she continued fit for any services which the exigencies of the
State might require. She fought all through the wars of the Commonwealth; she was the leading ship of
Admiral Blake, and was in all the great naval engagements with France and Holland. The Dutch gave her the
name of The Golden Devil. In the last fight between the English and French, she encountered the Wonder of
the World, and so warmly plied the French Admiral, that she forced him out of his threedecked wooden
castle, and chasing the Royal Sun, before her, forced her to fly for shelter among the rocks, where she became
a prey to lesser vessels, and was reduced to ashes. At last, in the reign of William III., the Sovereign became
leaky and defective with age; she was laid up at Chatham, and being set on fire by negligence or accident, she
burnt to the water's edge.
To return to the history of Phineas Pett. As years approached, he retired from office, and "his loving son," as
he always affectionately designates Peter, succeeded him as principal shipwright, Charles I. conferring upon
him the honour of knighthood. Phineas lived for ten years after the Sovereign of the Seas was launched. In
the burial register of the parish of Chatham it is recorded, "Phineas Pett, Esqe. and Capt., was buried 21st
August, l647."[33]
Sir Peter Pett was almost as distinguished as his father. He was the builder of the first frigate, The Constant
Warwick. Sir William Symonds says of this vessel: "She was an incomparable sailer, remarkable for her
sharpness and the fineness of her lines; and many were built like her." Pett "introduced convex lines on the
immersed part of the hull, with the studding and sprit sails; and, in short, he appears to have fully deserved
his character of being the best ship architect of his time."[34] Sir Peter Pett's monument in Deptford Old
Church fully records his services to England's naval power.
The Petts are said to have been connected with shipbuilding in the Thames for not less than 200 years. Fuller,
in his 'Worthies of England,' says of them"I am credibly informed that that mystery of shipwrights for
some descents hath been preserved faithfully in families, of whom the Petts about Chatham are of singular
regard. Good success have they with their skill, and carefully keep so precious a pearl, lest otherwise amongst
many friends some foes attain unto it."
The late Peter Bolt, member for Greenwich, took pride in being descended from the Petts; but so far as we
know, the name itself has died out. In 1801, when Charnock's 'History of Marine Architecture' was published,
Mr. Pett, of Tovil, near Maidstone, was the sole representative of the family.
Footnotes for Chapter I.
[1] This was not the first voyage of a steamer between England and America. The Savannah made the
passage from New York to Liverpool as early as 1819; but steam was only used occasionally during the
voyage, In 1825, the Enterprise, with engines by Maudslay, made the voyage from Falmouth to Calcutta in
113 days; and in 1828, the Curacoa made the voyage between Holland and the Dutch West Indies. But in all
these cases, steam was used as an auxiliary, and not as the one essential means of propulsion, as in the case of
the Sirius and the Great Western, which were steam voyages only.
[2] "In 1862 the steam tonnage of the country was 537,000 tons; in 1872, it was 1,537,000 tons; and in 1882,
it had reached 3,835,000 tons."Mr. Chamberlain's speech, House of Commons, 19th May, 1884.
[3] The last visit of the plague was in 1665.
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[4] Roll of Edward the Third's Fleet. Cotton's Library, British Museum.
[5] Charnock's History Of Marine Architecture, ii. 89.
[6] State Papers. Henry VIII. Nos. 3496, 3616, 4633. The principal kinds of ordnance at that time were
these:The "Apostles," so called from the head of an Apostle which they bore; "Curtows," or "Courtaulx";
"Culverins" and "Serpents"; "Minions," and "Potguns"; "Nurembergers," and "Bombards" or mortars.
[7] The sum of all costs of the Harry Grace de Dieu and three small galleys, was 7708L. 5s. 3d. (S.P.O. No.
5228, Henry VIII.)
[8] Charnock, ii. 47 (note).
[9] Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, ii. 126.
[10] The Huguenots: their Settlements, Churches, and Industries, in England and Ireland, ch. iv.
[11] Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, ii. 156.
[12] Ibid. ii. 85.
[13] Picton's Selections from the Municipal Archives and Records of Liverpool, p. 90. About a hundred years
later, in 1757, the gross customs receipts of Liverpool had increased to 198,946L.; whilst those of Bristol
were as much as 351,211L. In 1883, the amount of tonnage of Liverpool, inwards and outwards, was
8,527,531 tons, and the total dock revenue for the year was 1,273,752L.!
[14] There were not only Algerine but English pirates scouring the seas. Keutzner, the German, who wrote in
Elizabeth's reign, said, "The English are good sailors and famous pirates (sunt boni nautae et insignis
pyratae)." Roberts, in his Social History of the Southern Counties (p. 93), observes, "Elizabeth had employed
many English as privateers against the Spaniard. After the war, many were loth to lead an inactive life. They
had their commissions revoked, and were proclaimed pirates. The public looked upon them as gallant
fellows; the merchants gave them underhand support; and even the authorities in maritime towns connived at
the sale of their plunder. In spite of proclamations, during the first five years after the accession of James I.,
there were continual complaints. This lawless way of life even became popular. Many Englishmen furnished
themselves with good ships and scoured the seas, but little careful whom they might plunder." It was found
very difficult to put down piracy. According to Oliver's History of the city of Exeter, not less than "fifteen
sail of Turks" held the English Channel, snapping up merchantmen, in the middle of the seventeenth century!
The harbours in the southwest were infested by Moslem pirates, who attacked and plundered the ships, and
carried their crews into captivity. The loss, even to an inland port like Exeter, in ships, money, and men, was
enormous.
[15] Naval Tracts, p. 294.
[16] This poem is now very rare. It is not in the British Museum.
[17] There are three copies extant of the autobiography, all of which are in the British Museum. In the main,
they differ but slightly from each other. Not one of them has been published in extenso. In December, 1795,
and in February, 1796, Dr. Samuel Denne communicated to the Society of Antiquaries particulars of two of
these MSS., and subsequently published copious extracts from them in their transactions (Archae. xii. anno
1796), in a very irregular and careless manner. It is probable that Dr. Denne never saw the original
manuscript, but only a garbled copy of it. The above narrative has been taken from the original, and collated
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with the documents in the State Paper Office.
[18] See, for instance, the Index to the Journals of Records of the Corporation of the City of London (No. 2,
p. 346, 15901694) under the head of "Sir Walter Raleigh." There is a document dated the 15th November,
1593, in the 35th of Elizabeth, which runs as follows: "Committee appointed on behalf of such of the City
Companies as have ventured in the late Fleet set forward by Sir Walter Raleigh, Knight, and others, to join
with such honourable personages as the Queen hath appointed, to take a perfect view of all such goods,
prizes, spices, jewels, pearls, treasures, lately taken in the Carrack, and to make sale and division (Jor. 23, p.
156). Suit to be made to the Queen and Privy Council for the buying of the goods, lately taken at sea in the
Carrack; a committee appointed to take order accordingly; the benefit or loss arising thereon to be divided
and borne between the Chamber [of the Corporation of the City] and the Companies that adventured (157).
The several Companies that adventured at sea with Sir Waiter Raleigh to accept so much of the goods taken
in the Carrack to the value of 12,000L. according to the Queen's offer. A committee appointed to acquaint the
Lords of the Council with the City's acceptance thereof (167). Committee for sale of the Carrack goods
appointed (174). Bonds for sale to be sealed (196).... Committee to audit accounts of a former adventure (224
b.)."
[19] There were three sisters in all, the eldest of whom (Abigail) fell a victim to the cruelty of Nunn, who
struck her across the head with the firetongs, from the effects of which she died in three days. Nunn was
tried and convicted of manslaughter. He died shortly after. Mrs. Nunn, Phineas's mother, was already dead.
[20] It would seem, from a paper hereafter to be more particularly referred to, that the government
encouraged the owners of ships and others to clear the seas of these pirates, agreeing to pay them for their
labours. In 1622, Pett fitted out an expedition against these pests of navigation, but experienced some
difficulty in getting his expenses repaid.
[21] See grant S.P.O., 29th May, 1605.
[22] An engraving of this remarkable ship is given in Charnock's History of Marine Architecture, ii. p. 199.
[23] The story of the Three, or rather Two Ravens, is as follows: The body of St. Vincent was originally
deposited at the Cape, which still bears his name, on the Portuguese coast; and his tomb, says the legend, was
zealously guarded by a couple of ravens. When it was determined, in the 12th century, to transport the relics
of the Saint to the Cathedral of Lisbon, the two ravens accompanied the ship which contained them, one at its
stem and the other at its stern. The relics were deposited in the Chapel of St. Vincent, within the Cathedral,
and there the two ravens have ever since remained. The monks continued to support two such birds in the
cloisters, and till very lately the officials gravely informed the visitor to the Cathedral that they were the
identical ravens which accompanied the Saint's relics to their city. The birds figure in the arms of Lisbon.
[24] The evidence taken by the Commissioners is embodied in a voluminous report. State Paper Office, Dom.
James I., vol. xli. 1608.
[25] The Earl of Northampton, Privy Seal, was Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports; hence his moving in the
matter. Pett says he was his "most implacable enemy." It is probable that the earl was jealous of Pett, because
he had received his commission to build the great ship directly from the sovereign, without the intervention
of his lordship
[26] This Royal investigation took place at Woolwich on the 8th May, 1609. The State Paper Office contains
a report of the same date, most probably the one presented to the King, signed by six shipbuilders and
Captain Waymouth, and counter signed by Northampton and four others. The Report is headed "The Prince
Royal: imperfections found upon view of the new work begun at Woolwich." It would occupy too much
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space to give the results here.
[27] Alas! for the uncertainties of life! This noble young princethe hope of England and the joy of his
parents, from whom such great things were anticipatedfor he was graceful, frank, brave, active, and a lover
of the sea,was seized with a serious illness, and died in his eighteenth year, on the 16th November, 1612.
[28] Pett says she was to be 500 tons, but when he turned her out her burthen was rated at 700 tons.
[29] This conduct of Raleigh's was the more inexcusable, as there is in the State Paper Office a warrant dated
16th Nov., 1617, for the payment to Pett of 700 crowns "for building the new ship, the Destiny of London, of
700 tons burthen." The least he could have done was to have handed over to the builder his royal and usual
reward. In the above warrant, by the way, the title "our wellbeloved subject," the ordinary prefix to such
grants, has either been left blank or erased (it is difficult to say which), but was very significant of the
slippery footing of Raleigh at Court.
[30] Sir Giles Overreach, in the play of "A new way to pay old debts," by Philip Massinger. It was difficult
for the poet, or any other person, to libel such a personage as Mompesson.
[31] Pett's method is described in a paper contained in the S.P.O., dated 21st Oct., 1626. The Trinity
Corporation adopted his method.
[32] Memoirs of the Life and Services of RearAdmiral Sir William Symonds, Kt., p. 94.
[33] Pett's dwellinghouse at Rochester is thus described in an anonymous history of that town (p. 337, ed.
l817): "Beyond the Victualling Office, on the same side of the High Street, at Rochester, is an old
mansion, now occupied by a Mr. Morson, an attorney, which formerly belonged to the Petts, the celebrated
shipbuilders. The chimneypiece in the principal room is of wood, curiously carved, the upper part being
divided into compartments by caryatydes. The central compartment contains the family arms, viz., Or, on a
fesse, gu., between three pellets, a lion passant gardant of the field. On the back of the grate is a cast of
Neptune, standing erect in his car, with Triton blowing conches, and the date 1650."
[34] Symonds, Memoirs of Life and Services, 94.
CHAPTER II. FRANCIS PETTIT SMITH: PRACTICAL INTRODUCER OF
THE SCREW PROPELLER.
"The spirit of Paley's maxim that 'he alone discovers who
proves,' is applicable to the history of inventions and
discoveries; for certainly he alone invents to any good purpose,
who satisfies the world that the means he may have devised have
been found competent to the end proposed."Dr. Samuel Brown.
"Too often the real worker and discoverer remains unknown, and an
invention, beautiful but useless in one age or country, can be
applied only in a remote generation, or in a distant land.
Mankind hangs together from generation to generation; easy labour
is but inherited skill; great discoveries and inventions are
worked up to by the efforts of myriads ere the goal is
reached."H. M. Hyndman.
Though a long period elapsed between the times of Phineas Pett and "Screw" Smith, comparatively little
improvement had been effected in the art of shipbuilding. The Sovereign of the Seas had not been excelled by
any ship of war built down to the end of last century.[1] At a comparatively recent date, ships continued to be
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built of timber and plank, and impelled by sails and oars, as they had been for thousands of years before.
But this century has witnessed many marvellous changes. A new material of construction has been introduced
into shipbuilding, with entirely new methods of propulsion. Old things have been displaced by new; and the
magnitude of the results has been extraordinary. The most important changes have been in the use of iron and
steel instead of wood, and in the employment of the steamengine in impelling ships by the paddle or the
screw.
So long as timber was used for the construction of ships, the number of vessels built annually, especially in
so small an island as Britain, must necessarily have continued very limited. Indeed, so little had the
cultivation of oak in Great Britain been attended to, that all the royal forests could not have supplied
sufficient timber to build one lineofbattle ship annually; while for the mercantile marine, the world had to
be ransacked for wood, often of a very inferior quality.
Take, for instance, the seventyeight gun ship, the Hindostan, launched a few years ago. It would have
required 4200 loads of timber to build a ship of that description, and the growth of the timber would have
occupied seventy acres of ground during eighty years.[2] It would have needed something like 800,000 acres
of land on which to grow the timber for the ships annually built in this country for commercial purposes. And
timber ships are by no means lasting. The average durability of ships of war employed in active service, has
been calculated to be about thirteen years, even when built of British oak.
Indeed, years ago, the building of shipping in this country was much hindered by the want of materials.
The trade was being rapidly transferred to Canada and the United States. Some years since, an American
captain said to an Englishman, Captain Hall, when in China, "You will soon have to come to our country for
your ships: your little island cannot grow wood enough for a large marine." "Oh!" said the Englishman, "we
can build ships of iron!" "Iron?" replied the American in surprise, "why, iron sinks; only wood can float!"
"Well! you will find I am right." The prophecy was correct. The Englishman in question has now a fleet of
splendid iron steamers at sea.
The use of iron in shipbuilding had small beginnings, like everything else. The established prejudicethat
iron must necessarily sink in waterlong continued to prevail against its employment. The first iron vessel
was built and launched about a hundred years since by John Wilkinson, of Bradley Forge, in Staffordshire. In
a letter of his, dated the 14th July, 1787, the original of which we have seen, he writes: "Yesterday week my
iron boat was launched. It answers all my expectations, and has convinced the unbelievers, who were 999 in
1000. It will be only a nine days' wonder, and afterwards a Columbus's egg." It was, however, more than a
nine days' wonder; for wood long continued to be thought the only material capable of floating.
Although Wilkinson's iron vessels continued to ply upon the Severn, more than twenty years elapsed before
another shipbuilder ventured to follow his example. But in 1810, Onions and Son, of Brosely, built several
iron vessels, also for use upon the Severn. Then, in 1815, Mr. Jervons, of Liverpool, built a small iron boat
for use on the Mersey. Six years later, in 1821, Mr. Aaron Manby designed an iron steam vessel, which was
built at the Horsley Company's Works, in Staffordshire. She sailed from London to Havre a few years later,
under the command of Captain (afterwards Sir Charles) Napier, RN. She was freighted with a cargo of
linseed and iron castings, and went up the Seine to Paris. It was some time, however, before iron came into
general use. Ten years later, in 1832, Maudslay and Field built four iron vessels for the East India Company.
In the course of about twenty years, the use of iron became general, not only for ships of war, but for
merchant ships plying to all parts of the world.
When ships began to be built of iron, it was found that they could be increased without limit, so long as coal,
iron, machinery, and strong men full of skill and industry, were procurable. The trade in shipbuilding
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returned to Britain, where iron ships are now made and exported in large numbers; the mercantile marine of
this country exceeding in amount and tonnage that of all the other countries of the world put together. The
"wooden walls"[3] of England exist no more, for iron has superseded wood. Instead of constructing vessels
from the forest, we are now digging new navies out of the bowels of the earth, and our "walls," instead of
wood, are now of iron and steel.
The attempt to propel ships by other means than sails and oars went on from century to century, and did not
succeed until almost within our own time. It is said that the Roman army under Claudius Codex was
transported into Sicily in boats propelled by wheels moved by oxen. Galleys, propelled by wheels in paddles,
were afterwards attempted. The Harleian MS. contains an Italian book of sketches, attributed to the 15th
century, in which there appears a drawing of a paddleboat, evidently intended to be worked by men.
Paddleboats, worked by horsepower, were also tried. Blasco Garay made a supreme effort at Barcelona in
1543. His vessel was propelled by a paddlewheel on each side, worked by forty men. But nothing came of
the experiment.
Many other efforts of a similar kind were made,by Savery among others,[4]until we come down to
Patrick Miller, of Dalswinton, who, in 1787, invented a doublehulled boat, which he caused to be propelled
on the Firth of Forth by men working a capstan which drove the paddles on each side. The men soon became
exhausted, and on Miller mentioning the subject to William Symington, who was then exhibiting his road
locomotive in Edinburgh, Symington at once said, "Why don't you employ steampower?"
There were many speculations in early times as to the application of steampower for propelling vessels
through the water. David Ramsay in 1618, Dr. Grant in 1632, the Marquis of Worcester in 1661, were among
the first in England to publish their views upon the subject. But it is probable that Denis Papin, the banished
Hugnenot physician, for some time Curator of the Royal Society, was the first who made a model
steamboat. Daring his residence in England, he was elected Professor of Mathematics in the University of
Marburg. It was while at that city that he constructed, in 1707, a small steamengine, which he fitted in a
boatune petite machine d'un, vaisseau a rouesand despatched it to England for the purpose of being tried
upon the Thames. The little vessel never reached England. At Munden, the boatmen on the River Weser,
thinking that, if successful, it would destroy their occupation, seized the boat, with its machine, and
barbarously destroyed it. Papin did not repeat his experiment, and died a few years later.
The next inventor was Jonathan Hulls, of Campden, in Gloucestershire. He patented a steamboat in 1736, and
worked the paddlewheel placed at the stern of the vessel by means of a Newcomen engine. He tried his boat
on the River Avon, at Evesham, but it did not succeed, and the engine was taken on shore again. A local poet
commemorated his failure in the following lines, which were remembered long after his steamboat
experiment had been forgotten:
"Jonathan Hull, With his paper skull, Tried hard to make a machine That should go against wind and tide;
But he, like an ass, Couldn't bring it to pass, So at last was ashamed to be seen."
Nothing of importance was done in the direction of a steamengine able to drive paddles, until the invention
by James Watt, in 1769, of his doubleacting enginethe first step by which steam was rendered capable of
being successfully used to impel a vessel. But Watt was indifferent to taking up the subject of steam
navigation, as well as of steam locomotion. He refused many invitations to make steamengines for the
propulsion of ships, preferring to confine himself to his "regular established trade and manufacture," that of
making condensing steamengines, which had become of great importance towards the close of his life.
Two records exist of paddlewheel steamboats having been early tried in Franceone by the Comte
d'Auxiron and M. Perrier in 1774, the other by the Comte de Jouffroy in 1783but the notices of their
experiments are very vague, and rest on somewhat doubtful authority.
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The idea, however, had been born, and was not allowed to die. When Mr. Miller of Dalswinton had revived
the notion of propelling vessels by means of paddlewheels, worked, as Savery had before worked them, by
means of a capstan placed in the centre of the vessel, and when he complained to Symington of the fatigue
caused to the men by working the capstan, and Symington had suggested the use of steam, Mr. Miller was
impressed by the idea, and proceeded to order a steamengine for the purpose of trying the experiment. The
boat was built at Edinburgh, and removed to Dalswinton Lake. It was there fitted with Symington's
steamengine, and first tried with success on the 14th of October, 1788, as has been related at length in Mr.
Nasmyth's 'Autobiography.' The experiment was repeated with even greater success in the charlotte Dundas
in 1801, which was used to tow vessels along the Forth and Clyde Canal, and to bring ships up the Firth of
Forth to the canal entrance at Grangemouth.
The progress of steam navigation was nevertheless very slow. Symington's experiments were not renewed.
The Charlotte Dundas was withdrawn from use, because of the supposed injury to the banks of the Canal,
caused by the swell from the wheel. The steamboat was laid up in a creek at Bainsford, where it went to ruin,
and the inventor himself died in poverty. Among those who inspected the vessel while at work were Fulton,
the American artist, and Henry Bell, the Glasgow engineer. The former had already occupied himself with
model steamboats, both at Paris and in London; and in 1805 he obtained from Boulton and Watt, of
Birmingham, the steamengine required for propelling his paddle steamboat on the Hudson. The Clermont
was first started in August, 1807, and attained a speed of nearly five miles an hour. Five years later, Henry
Bell constructed and tried his first steamer on the Clyde.
It was not until 1815 that the first steamboat was seen on the Thames. This was the Richmond packet, which
plied between London and Richmond. The vessel was fitted with the first marine engine Henry Maudslay
ever made. During the same year, the Margery, formerly employed on the Firth of Forth, began plying
between Gravesend and London; and the Thames, formerly the Argyll, came round from the Clyde,
encountering rough seas, and making the voyage of 758 miles in five days and two hours. This was thought
extraordinarily rapidthough the voyage of about 3000 miles, from Liverpool to New York, can now be
made in only about two days' more time.
In nearly all seagoing vessels, the Paddle has now almost entirely given place to the Screw. It was long before
this invention was perfected and brought into general use. It was not the production of one man, but of
several generations of mechanical inventors. A perfected invention does not burst forth from the brain like a
poetic thought or a fine resolve. It has to be initiated, laboured over, and pursued in the face of
disappointments, difficulties, and discouragements.
Sometimes the idea is born in one generation, followed out in the next, and perhaps perfected in the third. In
an age of progress, one invention merely paves the way for another. What was the wonder of yesterday,
becomes the common and unnoticed thing of today.
The first idea of the screw was thrown out by James Watt more than a century ago. Matthew Boulton, of
Birmingham, had proposed to move canal boats by means of the steamengine; and Dr. Small, his friend,
was in communication with James Watt, then residing at Glasgow, on the subject. In a letter from Watt to
Small, dated the 30th September, 1770, the former, after speaking of the condenser, and saying that it cannot
be dispensed with, proceeds: "Have you ever considered a spiral oar for that purpose [propulsion of canal
boats], or are you for two wheels?" Watt added a penandink drawing of his spiral oar, greatly resembling
the form of screw afterwards patented. Nothing, however, was actually done, and the idea slept.
It was revived again in 1785, by Joseph Bramah, a wonderful projector and inventor.[5] He took out a patent,
which included a rotatory steamengine, and a mode of propelling vessels by means either of a paddlewheel
or a "screw propeller." This propeller was "similar to the fly of a smokejack"; but there is no account of
Bramah having practically tried this method of propulsion.
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Austria, also, claims the honour of the invention of the screw steamer. At Trieste and Vienna are statues
erected to Joseph Ressel, on whose behalf his countrymen lay claim to the invention; and patents for some
sort of a screw date back as far as 1794.
Patents were also taken out in England and Americaby W. Lyttleton in 1794; by E. Shorter in 1799; by J.
C. Stevens, of New Jersey, in 1804; by Henry James in 1811but nothing practical was accomplished.
Richard Trevethick, the anticipator of many things, also took out a patent in 1815, and in it he describes the
screw propeller with considerable minuteness. Millington, Whytock, Perkins, Marestier, and Brown followed,
with no better results.
The late Dr. Birkbeck, in a letter addressed to the 'Mechanics' Register,' in the year 1824, claimed that John
Swan, of 82, Mansfield Street, Kingsland Road, London, was the practical inventor of the screw propeller.
John Swan was a native of Coldingham, Berwickshire. He had removed to London, and entered the
employment of Messrs. Gordon, of Deptford. Swan fitted up a boat with his propeller, and tried it on a sheet
of water in the grounds of Charles Gordon, Esq., of Dulwich Hill. "The velocity and steadiness of the
motion," said Dr. Birkbeck in his letter, "so far exceeded that of the same model when impelled by
paddlewheels driven by the same spring, that I could not doubt its superiority; and the stillness of the water
was such as to give the vessel the appearance of being moved by some magical power."
Then comes another claimantMr. Robert Wilson, then of Dunbar (not far from Coldingham), but
afterwards of the Bridgewater Foundry, Patricroft. In his pamphlet, published a few years ago, he states that
he had long considered the subject, and in 1827 he made a small model, fitted with "revolving skulls," which
he tried on a sheet of water in the presence of the Hon. Capt. Anthony Maitland, son of the Earl of
Lauderdale. The experiment was successfulso successful, that when the "stern paddles" were in 1828 used
at Leith in a boat twentyfive feet long, with two men to work the machinery, the boat was propelled at an
average speed of about ten miles an hour; and the Society of Arts afterwards, in October, 1882, awarded Mr.
Wilson their silver medal for the "description, drawing, and models of stern paddles for propelling
steamboats, invented by him." The subject was, in 1833, brought by Sir John Sinclair under the consideration
of the Board of Admiralty; but the report of the officials (Oliver Lang, Abethell, Lloyd, and Kingston) was to
the effect that "the plan proposed (independent of practical difficulties) is objectionable, as it involves a
greater loss of power than the common mode of applying the wheels to the side." And here ended the
experiment, so far as Mr. Wilson's "stern paddles" were concerned.
It will be observed, from what has been said, that the idea of a screw propeller is a very old one. Watt,
Bramah, Trevethick, and many more, had given descriptions of the screw. Trevethick schemed a number of
its forms and applications, which have been the subject of many subsequent patents. It has been so with many
inventions. It is not the man who gives the first idea of a machine who is entitled to the merit of its
introduction, or the man who repeats the idea, and rerepeats it, but the man who is so deeply impressed with
the importance of the discovery, that he insists upon its adoption, will take no denial, and at the risk of fame
and fortune, pushes through all opposition, and is determined that what he thinks he has discovered shall not
perish for want of a fair trial. And that this was the case with the practical introducer of the screw propeller
will be obvious from the following statement.
Francis Pettit Smith was born at Hythe, in the county of Kent, in 1808. His father was postmaster of the town,
and a person of much zeal and integrity. The boy was sent to school at Ashford, and there received a fair
amount of education, under the Rev. Alexander Power. Young Smith displayed no special characteristic
except a passion for constructing models of boats. When he reached manhood, he adopted the business of a
grazing farmer on Romney Marsh. He afterwards removed to Hendon, north of London, where he had plenty
of water on which to try his model boats. The reservoir of the Old Welsh Harp was close at handa place
famous for its waterbirds and wild fowl.
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Smith made many models of boats, his experiments extending over many years. In 1834, he constructed a
boat propelled by a wooden screw driven by a spring, the performance of which was thought extraordinary.
Where he had got his original idea is not known. It was floating about in many minds, and was no special
secret. Smith, however, arrived at the conclusion that his method of propelling steam vessels by means of a
screw was much superior to paddlesat that time exclusively employed. In the following year, 1835, he
constructed a superior model, with which he performed a number of experiments at Hendon. In May 1836, he
took out a patent for propelling vessels by means of a screw revolving beneath the water at the stern. He then
openly exhibited his invention at the Adelaide Gallery in London. Sir John Barrow, Secretary to the
Admiralty, inspected the model, and was much impressed by its action. During the time it was publicly
exhibited, an offer was made to purchase the invention for the Pacha of Egypt; but the offer was declined.
At this stage of his operations, Smith was joined by Mr. Wright, banker, and Mr. C. A. Caldwell, who had the
penetration to perceive that the invention was one of much promise, and were desirous of helping its
introduction to general use. They furnished Smith with the means of constructing a more complete model. In
the autumn of 1836, a small steam vessel of 10 tons burthen and six horsepower was built, further to test the
advantages of the invention. This boat was fitted with a wooden screw of two whole turns. On the 1st of
November the vessel was exhibited to the public on the Paddington Canal, as well as on the Thames, where
she continued to ply until the month of September 1837.
During the trips upon the Thames, a happy accident occurred, which first suggested the advantage of
reducing the length of the screw. The propeller having struck upon some obstacle in the water, about
onehalf of the length of the screw was broken off, and it was found that; the vessel immediately shot ahead
and attained a much greater speed than before. In consequence of this discovery, a new screw of a single turn
was fitted to her, after which she was found to work much better.
Having satisfied himself as to the eligibility of the propeller in smooth water, Mr. Smith then resolved to take
his little vessel to the open sea, and breast the winds and the waves. Accordingly, one Saturday in the month
of September 1837, he proceeded in his miniature boat, down the river, from Blackwall to Gravesend. There
he took a pilot on board, and went on to Ramsgate. He passed through the Downs, and reached Dover in
safety. A trial of the vessel's performance was made there in the presence of Mr. Wright, the banker, and Mr.
Peake, the civil engineer. From Dover the vessel went on to Folkestone and Hythe, encountering severe
weather. Nevertheless, the boat behaved admirably, and attained a speed of over seven miles an hour.
Though the weather had become stormy and boisterous, the little vessel nevertheless set out on her return
voyage to London. Crowds of people assembled to witness her departure, and many nautical men watched
her progress with solicitude as she steamed through the waves under the steep cliffs of the South Foreland.
The courage of the undertaking, and the unexpected good performance of the little vessel, rendered her an
object of great interest and excitement as she "screwed" her way along the coast.
The tiny vessel reached her destination in safety. Surely the difficulty of a testing trial, although with a model
screw, had at length been overcome. But no! The paddle still possessed the ascendency; and a thousand
interestsinvested capital, use and wont, and conservative instinctsall stood in the way.
Some years beforeindeed, about the time that Smith took out his patentCaptain Ericsson, the Swede,
invented a screw propeller. Smith took out his patent in May, 1836; and Ericsson in the following July.
Ericsson was a born inventor. While a boy in Sweden, he made saw mills and pumping engines, with tools
invented by himself. He learnt to draw, and his mechanical career began. When only twelve years old, he was
appointed a cadet in the Swedish corps of mechanical engineers, and in the following year he was put in
charge of a section of the Gotha Ship Canal, then under construction. Arrived at manhood, Ericsson went
over to England, the great centre of mechanical industry. He was then twentythree years old. He entered into
partnership with John Braithwaite, and with him constructed the Novelty, which took part in the locomotive
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competition at Rainhill on the 6th October, 1829. The prize was awarded to Stephenson's Rocket on the 14th;
but it was acknowledged by The Times of the day that the Novelty was Stephenson's sharpest competitor.
Ericsson had a wonderfully inventive brain, a determined purpose, and a great capacity for work. When a
want was felt, he was immediately ready with an invention. The records of the Patent Office show his
incessant activity. He invented pumping engines, steam engines, fire engines, and caloric engines. His first
patent for a "reciprocating propeller" was taken out in October 1834. To exhibit its action, he had a small boat
constructed of only about two feet long. It was propelled by means of a screw; and was shown at work in a
circular bath in London. It performed its voyage round the basin at the rate of about three miles an hour. His
patent for a "spiral propeller," was taken out in July 1836. This was the invention, to exhibit which he had a
vessel constructed, of about 40 feet long, with two propellers, each of 5 feet 3 inches diameter.
This boat, the Francis B. Ogden, proved extremely successful. She moved at a speed of about ten miles an
hour. She was able to tow vessels of 140 tons burthen at the rate of seven miles an hour. Perceiving the
peculiar and admirable fitness of the screwpropeller for ships of war, Ericsson invited the Lords of the
Admiralty to take an excursion in tow of his experimental boat. "My Lords" consented; and the Admiralty
barge contained on this occasion, Sir Charles Adam, senior Lord, Sir William Symonds, surveyor, Sir
Edward Parry, of Polar fame, Captain Beaufort, hydrographer, and other men of celebrity. This distinguished
company embarked at Somerset House, and the little steamer, with her precious charge, proceeded down the
river to Limehouse at the rate of about ten miles an hour. After visiting the steamengine manufactory of
Messrs. Seawood, where their Lordships' favourite apparatus, the Morgan paddlewheel, was in course of
construction, they reembarked, and returned in safety to Somerset House.
The experiment was perfectly successful, and yet the result was disappointment. A few days later, a letter
from Captain Beaufort informed Mr. Ericsson that their Lordships had certainly been "very much
disappointed with the result of the experiment." The reason for the disappointment was altogether
inexplicable to the inventor. It afterwards appeared, however, that Sir William Symonds, then Surveyor to the
Navy, had expressed the opinion that "even if the propeller had the power of propelling a vessel, it would be
found altogether useless in practice, because the power being applied at the stern, it would be absolutely
impossible to make the vessel steer!" It will be remembered that Francis Pettit Smith's screw vessel went to
sea in the course of the same year; and not only faced the waves, but was made to steer in a perfectly
successful manner.
Although the Lords of the Admiralty would not further encourage the screw propeller of Ericsson, an officer
of the United States Navy, Capt. R. F. Stockton, was so satisfied of its success, that after making a single trip
in the experimental steamboat from London Bridge to Greenwich, he ordered the inventor to build for him
forthwith two iron boats for the United States, with steam machinery and a propeller on the same plan. One of
these vesselsthe Robert F. Stocktonseventy feet in length, was constructed by Laird and Co., of
Birkenhead, in 1838, and left England for America in April 1839. Capt. Stockton so fully persuaded Ericsson
of his probable success in America, that the inventor at once abandoned his professional engagements in
England, and set out for the United States. It is unnecessary to mention the further important works of this
great engineer.
We may, however, briefly mention that in 1844, Ericsson constructed for the United States Government the
Princeton screw steamerthough he was never paid for his time, labour, and expenditure.[6] Undeterred by
their ingratitude, Ericsson nevertheless constructed for the same government, when in the throes of civil war,
the famous Monitor, the ironclad cupola vessel, and was similarly rewarded! He afterwards invented the
torpedo shipthe Destroyerthe use of which has fortunately not yet been required in sea warfare. Ericsson
still livesconstantly planning and schemingin his house in Beach Street, New York. He is now over
eighty years old having been born in 1803. He is strong and healthy. How has he preserved his vigorous
constitution? The editor of Scribner gives the answer: "The hall windows of his house are open, winter and
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summer, and none but open gratefires are allowed. Insomnia never troubles him, for he falls asleep as soon
as his head touches the pillow. His appetite and digestion are always good, and he has not lost a meal in ten
years. What an example to the men who imagine it is hard work that is killing them in this career of
unremitting industry!"
To return to "Screw" Smith, after the successful trial of his little vessel at sea in the autumn of 1837. He had
many difficulties yet to contend with. There was, first, the difficulty of a new invention, and the fact that the
paddleboat had established itself in public estimation. The engineering and shipbuilding world were dead
against him. They regarded the project of propelling a vessel by means of a screw as visionary and
preposterous. There was also the official unwillingness to undertake anything novel, untried, and contrary to
routine. There was the usual shaking of the head and the shrugging of the shoulders, as if the inventor were
either a mere dreamer or a projector eager to lay his hands upon the public purse. The surveyor of the navy
was opposed to the plan, because of the impossibility of making a vessel steer which was impelled from the
stern. "Screw" Smith bided his time; he continued undaunted, and was determined to succeed. He laboured
steadily onward, maintaining his own faith unshaken, and upholding the faith of the gentlemen who had
become associated with him in the prosecution of the invention.
At the beginning of 1838 the Lords of the Admiralty requested Mr. Smith to allow his vessel to be tried under
their inspection. Two trials were accordingly made, and they gave so much satisfaction that the adoption of
the propeller for naval purposes was considered as a not improbable contingency. Before deciding finally
upon its adoption, the Lords of the Admiralty were anxious to see an experiment made with a vessel of not
less than 200 tons. Mr. Smith had not the means of accomplishing this by himself, but with the improved
prospects of the invention, capitalists now came to his aid. One of the most effective and energetic of these
was Mr. Henry Currie, banker; and, with the assistance of others, the "Ship Propeller Company" was formed,
and proceeded to erect the test ship proposed by the Admiralty.
The result was the Archimedes, a wooden vessel of 237 tons burthen. She was designed by Mr. Pasco, laid
down by Mr. Wimshurst in the spring of 1838, was launched on the 18th of October following, and made her
first trip in May 1839. She was fitted with a screw of one turn placed in the dead wood, and propelled by a
pair of engines of 80horse power. The vessel was built under the persuasion that her performance would be
considered satisfactory if a speed was attained of four or five knots an hour, where as her actual speed was
nine and a half knots. The Lords of the Admiralty were invited to inspect the ship. At the second trial Sir
Edward Parry, Sir William Symonds, Captain Basil Hall, and other distinguished persons were present.
The results were again satisfactory. The success of the Archimedes astonished the engineering world. Even
the Surveyor of the Royal Navy found that the vessel could steer! The Lords of the Admiralty could no longer
shut their eyes. But the invention could not at once be adopted. It must be tested by the best judges. The
vessel was sent to Dover to be tried with the best packets between Dover and Calais. Mr. Lloyd, the chief
engineer of the Navy, conducted the investigation, and reported most favourably as to the manner of her
performance. Yet several years elapsed before the screw was introduced into the service.
In 1840 the Archimedes was placed at the disposal of Captain Chappell, of the Royal Navy, who,
accompanied by Mr. Smith, visited every principal port in Great Britain. She was thus seen by shipowners,
marine engineers, and shipbuilders in every part of the kingdom. They regarded her with wonder and
admiration; yet the new mode of navigation was not speedily adopted. The paddlewheel still held its own.
The sentiment, if not the plant and capital, of the engineering world, were against the introduction of the
screw. After the vessel had returned from her circumnavigation of Great Britain, she was sent to Oporto, and
performed the voyage in sixtyeight and a half hours, then held to be the quickest voyage on record. She was
then sent to the Texel at the request of the Dutch Government. She went through the North Holland Canal,
visited Amsterdam, Antwerp, and other ports; and everywhere left the impression that the screw was an
efficient and reliable power in the propulsion of vessels at sea.
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Shipbuilders, however, continued to "fight shy" of the screw. The late Isambard Kingdon Brunel is entitled to
the credit of having first directed the attention of shipbuilders to this important invention. He was himself a
man of original views, free from bias, and always ready to strike out a fresh path in engineering works. He
was building a large new iron steamer at Bristol, the Great Britain, for passenger traffic between England and
America. He had intended to construct her as a paddle steamer; but hearing of the success of the Archimedes,
he inspected the vessel, and was so satisfied with the performance of the screw that he recommended his
directors to adopt this method for propelling the Great Britain. His advice was adopted, and the vessel was
altered so as to adapt her for the reception of the screw. The vessel was found perfectly successful, and on her
first voyage to London she attained the speed of ten knots an hour, though the wind and balance of tides were
against her. A few other merchant ships were built and fitted with the screw; the Princess Royal at Newcastle
in 1840, the Margaret and Senator at Hull, and the Great Northern at Londonderry, in 1841.
The Lords of the Admiralty made slow progress in adapting the screw for the Royal Navy. Sir William
Symonds, the surveyor and principal designer of Her Majesty's ships, was opposed to all new projects. He
hated steam power, and was utterly opposed to iron ships. He speaks of them in his journal as
"monstrous."[7] So long as he remained in office everything was done in a perfunctory way. A small vessel
named the Bee was built at Chatham in 1841, and fitted with both paddles and the screw for the purposes of
experiment. In the same year the Rattier, the first screw vessel built for the navy, was laid down at Sheerness.
Although of only 888 tons burthen, she was not launched until the spring of 1843. She was then fitted with
the same kind of screw as the Archimedes,that is, a doubleheaded screw of half a convolution. Experiments
went on for about three years, so as to determine the best proportions of the screw, and the proportions then
ascertained have since been the principal guides of engineering practice.
The Rattler was at length tried in a water tournament with the paddlesteamer Alecto, and signally defeated
her. Francis Pettit Smith, like Gulliver, may be said to have dragged the whole British fleet after him. Were
the paddle our only means of propulsion, our whole naval force would be reduced to a nullity. Hostile
gunners would wing a paddlesteamer as effectuaily as a sportsman wings a bird, and all the plating in the
world would render such a ship a mere helpless log on the water.
The Admiralty could no longer defer the use of this important invention. Like all good things, it made its way
slowly and by degrees. The royal naval authorities, who in 1833 backed the side paddles, have since adopted
the screw in most of the shipsofwar. In all long seagoing voyages, also, the screw is now the favourite
mode of propulsion. Screw ships of prodigious size are now built and launched in all the shipbuilding ports
of Britain, and are sent out to navigate in every part of the world.
The introduction of iron as the material for shipbuilding has immensely advanced the interests of steam
navigation, as it enables the builders to construct vessels of great size with the finest lines, so as to attain the
highest rates of speed.
One might have supposed that Francis Pettit Smith would derive some substantial benefit from his invention,
or at least that the Ship Propeller Company would distribute large dividends among their proprietors. Nothing
of the kind. Smith spent his money, his labour, and his ingenuity in conferring a great public benefit without
receiving any adequate reward; and the company, instead of distributing dividends, lost about 50,000L. in
introducing this great invention; after which, in 1856, the patentright expired. Three hundred and
twentyseven ships and vessels of all classes in the Royal Navy had then been fitted with the screw propeller,
and a much larger number in the merchant service; but since that time the number of screw propellers
constructed is to be counted by thousands.
In his comparatively impoverished condition it was found necessary to do something for the inventor. The
Civil Engineers, with Robert Stephenson, M.P., in the chair, entertained him at a dinner and presented him
with a handsome salver and claret jug. And that he might have something to put upon his salver and into his
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claret jug, a number of his friends and admirers subscribed over 2000L. as a testimonial. The Government
appointed him Curator of the Patent Museum at South Kensington; the Queen granted him a pension on the
Civil List for 200L. a year; he was raised to the honour of knighthood in l87l, and three years later he died.
Francis Pettit Smith was not a great inventor. He had, like many others, invented a screw propeller. But,
while those others had given up the idea of prosecuting it to its completion, Smith stuck to his invention with
determined tenacity, and never let it go until he had secured for it a complete triumph. As Mr. Stephenson
observed at the engineer's meeting: "Mr. Smith had worked from a platform which might have been raised by
others, as Watt had done, and as other great men had done; but he had made a stride in advance which was
almost tantamount to a new invention.
It was impossible to overrate the advantages which this and other countries had derived from his untiring and
devoted patience in prosecuting the invention to a successful issue." Baron Charles Dupin compared the
farmer Smith with the barber Arkwright: "He had the same perseverance and the same indomitable courage.
These two moral qualities enabled him to triumph over every obstacle." This was the merit of "Screw"
Smiththat he was determined to realize what his predecessors had dreamt of achieving; and he eventually
accomplished his great purpose.
Footnotes for Chapter II.
[1] In the Transactions of the Institution of Naval Architects for 1860, it was pointed out that the general
dimensions and form of bottom of this ship were very similar to the most famous lineofbattle ships built
down to the end of last century, some of which were then in existence.
[2] According to the calculation of Mr. Chatfield, of Her Majesty's dockyard at Plymouth, in a paper read
before the British Association in 1841 on shipbuilding.
[3] The phrase "wooden walls" is derived from the Greek. When the city of Athens was once in danger of
being attacked and destroyed, the oracle of Delphi was consulted. The inhabitants were told that there was no
safety for them but in their "wooden walls,"that is their shipping. As they had then a powerful fleet, the
oracle gave them rational advice, which had the effect of saving the Athenian people.
[4] An account of these is given by Bennet Woodcraft in his Sketch of the Origin and Progress of Steam
Navigation, London, 1848.
[5] See Industrial Biography, pp. 183197,
[6] The story is told in Scribner's Monthly Illustrated Magazine, for April 1879. Ericsson's modest bill was
only $15,000 for two years' labour. He was put off from year to year, and at length the Government refused to
pay the amount. "The American Government," says the editor of Scribner, "will not appropriate the money to
pay it, and that is all. It is said to be the nature of republics to be ungrateful; but must they also be dishonest?"
[7] Memoirs of the Life and Services of RearAdmiral Sir William Symonds, Kt., p. 332.
CHAPTER III.[1] JOHN HARRISON: INVENTOR OF THE MARINE
CHRONOMETER.
No man knows who invented the mariner's compass, or who first
hollowed out a canoe from a log. The power to observe accurately
the sun, moon, and planets, so as to fix a vessel's actual
position when far out of sight of land, enabling long voyages to
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be safely made; the marvellous improvements in shipbuilding,
which shortened passages by sailing vessels, and vastly reduced
freights even before steam gave an independent force to the
carriereach and all were done by small advances, which together
contributed to the general movement of mankind.... Each owes all
to the others. The forgotten inventors live for ever in the
usefulness of the work they have done and the progress they have
striven for."H. M. Hyndman.
One of the most extraordinary things connected with Applied Science is the method by which the Navigator
is enabled to find the exact spot of sea on which his ship rides. There may be nothing but water and sky
within his view; he may be in the midst of the ocean, or gradually nearing the land; the curvature of the globe
baffles the search of his telescope; but if he have a correct chronometer, and can make an astronomical
observation, he may readily ascertain his longitude, and know his approximate positionhow far he is from
home, as well as from his intended destination. He is even enabled, at some special place, to send down his
grapplingirons into the sea, and pick up an electrical cable for examination and repair.
This is the result of a knowledge of Practical Astronomy. "Place an astronomer," says Mr. Newcomb, "on
board a ship; blindfold him; carry him by any route to any ocean on the globe, whether under the tropics or in
one of the frigid zones; land him on the wildest rock that can be found; remove his bandage, and give him a
chronometer regulated to Greenwich or Washington time, a transit instrument with the proper appliances, and
the necessary books and tables, and in a single clear night he can tell his position within a hundred yards by
observations of the stars. This, from a utilitarian point of view, is one of the most important operations of
Practical Astronomy."[2]
The Marine Chronometer was the outcome of the crying want of the sixteenth century for an instrument that
should assist the navigator to find his longitude on the pathless ocean. Spain was then the principal naval
power; she was the most potent monarchy in Europe, and held half America under her sway. Philip III.
offered 100,000 crowns for any discovery by means of which the longitude might be determined by a better
method than by the log, which was found very defective. Holland next became a great naval power, and
followed the example of Spain in offering 30,000 florins for a similar discovery. But though some efforts
were made, nothing practical was done, principally through the defective state of astronomical instruments.
England succeeded Spain and Holland as a naval power; and when Charles II. established the Greenwich
Observatory, it was made a special point that Flamsteed, the AstronomerRoyal, should direct his best
energies to the perfecting of a method for finding the longitude by astronomical observations. But though
Flamsteed, together with Halley and Newton, made some progress, they were prevented from obtaining
ultimate success by the want of efficient chronometers and the defective nature of astronomical instruments.
Nothing was done until the reign of Queen Anne, when a petition was presented to the Legislature on the
25th of May, 1714, by "several captains of Her Majesty's ships, merchants in London, and commanders of
merchantmen, in behalf of themselves, and of all others concerned in the navigation of Great Britain," setting
forth the importance of the accurate discovery of the longitude, and the inconvenience and danger to which
ships were subjected from the want of some suitable method of discovering it. The petition was referred to a
committee, which took evidence on the subject. It appears that Sir Isaac Newton, with his extraordinary
sagacity, hit the mark in his report. "One is," he said, "by a watch to keep time exactly; but, by reason of the
motion of a ship, and the variation of heat and cold, wet and dry, and the difference of gravity in different
latitudes, such a watch hath not yet been made."
An Act was however passed in the Session of 1714, offering a very large public reward to inventors:
10,000L. to any one who should discover a method of determining the longitude to one degree of a great
circle, or 60 geographical miles; 15,000L. if it determined the same to twothirds of that distance, or 40
geographical miles; and 20,000L. if it determined the same to onehalf of the same distance, or 30
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geographical miles. Commissioners were appointed by the same Act, who were instructed that "one moiety or
half part of such reward shall be due and paid when the said commissioners, or the major part of them, do
agree that any such method extends to the security of ships within 80 geographical miles of the shore, which
are places of the greatest danger; and the other moiety or half part when a ship, by the appointment of the said
commissioners, or the major part of them, shall actually sail over the ocean, from Great Britain to any such
port in the West Indies as those commissioners, or the major part of them, shall choose or nominate for the
experiment, without losing the longitude beyond the limits before mentioned."
The terms of this offer indicate how great must have been the risk and inconvenience which it was desired to
remedy. Indeed, it is almost inconceivable that a reward so great could be held out for a method which would
merely afford security within eighty geographical miles!
This splendid reward for a method of discovering the longitude was offered to the worldto inventors and
scientific men of all countries without restriction of race, or nation, or language. As might naturally be
expected, the prospect of obtaining it stimulated many ingenious men to make suggestions and contrive
experiments; but for many years the successful construction of a marine timekeeper seemed almost
hopeless. At length, to the surprise of every one, the prize was won by a village carpentera person of no
school, or university, or college whatever.
Even so distinguished an artist and philosopher as Sir Christopher Wren was engaged, as late in his life as the
year 1720, in attempting to solve this important problem. As has been observed, in the memoir of him
contained in the 'Biographia Britannica,'[3] "This noble invention, like some others of the most useful ones to
human life, seems to be reserved for the peculiar glory of an ordinary mechanic, who, by indefatigable
industry, under the guidance of no ordinary sagacity, hath seemingly at last surmounted all difficulties, and
brought it to a most unexpected degree of perfection." Where learning and science failed, natural genius
seems to have triumphed.
The truth is, that the great mechanic, like the great poet, is born, not made; and John Harrison, the winner of
the famous prize, was a born mechanic. He did not, however, accomplish his object without the exercise of
the greatest skill, patience, and perseverance. His efforts were long, laborious, and sometimes apparently
hopeless. Indeed, his life, so far as we can ascertain the facts, affords one of the finest examples of difficulties
encountered and triumphantly overcome, and of undaunted perseverance eventually crowned by success,
which is to be found in the whole range of biography.
No complete narrative of Harrison's career was ever written. Only a short notice of him appears in the
'Biographia Britannica,' published in 1766, during his lifetime'the facts of which were obtained from
himself. A few notices of him appear in the 'Annual Register,' also published during his lifetime. The final
notice appeared in the volume published in 1777, the year after his death. No Life of him has since appeared.
Had he been a destructive hero, and fought battles by land or sea, we should have had biographies of him
without end. But he pursued a more peaceful and industrious course. His discovery conferred an incalculable
advantage on navigation, and enabled innumerable lives to be saved at sea; it also added to the domains of
science by its more exact measurement of time. But his memory has been suffered to pass silently away,
without any record being left for the benefit and advantage of those who have succeeded him. The following
memoir includes nearly all that is known of the life and labours of John Harrison.
He was born at Foulby, in the parish of Wragby, near Pontefract, Yorkshire, in March, 1693. His father,
Henry Harrison, was carpenter and joiner to Sir Rowland Winn, owner of the Nostell Priory estate. The
present house was built by the baronet on the site of the ancient priory. Henry Harrison was a sort of retainer
of the family, and long continued in their Service.
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Little is known of the boy's education. It was certainly of a very inferior description. Like George
Stephenson, Harrison always had a great difficulty in making himself understood, either by speech or writing.
Indeed, every boardschool boy now receives a better education than John Harrison did a hundred and eighty
years ago. But education does not altogether come by reading and writing. The boy was possessed of
vigorous natural abilities. He was especially attracted by every machine that moved upon wheels. The boy
was 'father to the man.' When six years old, and lying sick of smallpox, a going watch was placed upon his
pillow, which afforded him infinite delight.
When seven years old he was taken by his father to Barrow, near BartononHumber, where Sir Rowland
Winn had another residence and estate. Henry Harrison was still acting as the baronet's carpenter and joiner.
In course of time young Harrison joined his father in the workshop, and proved of great use to him. His
opportunities for acquiring knowledge were still very few, but he applied his powers of observation and his
workmanship upon the things which were nearest him. He worked in wood, and to wood he first turned his
attention.
He was still fond of machines going upon wheels. He had enjoyed the sight of the big watch going upon brass
wheels when he was a boy; but, now that he was a workman in wood, he proposed to make an eightday
clock, with wheels of this material. He made the clock in 1713, when he was twenty years old,[4] so that he
must have made diligent use of his opportunities. He had of course difficulties to encounter, and nothing can
be accomplished without them; for it is difficulties that train the habits of application and perseverance. But
he succeeded in making an effective clock, which counted the time with regularity. This clock is still in
existence. It is to be seen at the Museum of Patents, South Kensington; and when we visited it a few months
ago it was going, and still marking the moments as they passed. It is contained in a case about six feet high,
with a glass front, showing a pendulum and two weights. Over the clock is the following inscription:
"This clock was made at Barrow, Lincolnshire, in the year 1715, by John Harrison, celebrated as the inventor
of a nautical timepiece, or chronometer, which gained the reward of 20,000L., offered by the Board of
Longitude, A.D. 1767.
"This clock strikes the hour, indicates the day of the month, and with one exception (the escapement) the
wheels are entirely made of wood."
This, however, was only a beginning. Harrison proceeded to make better clocks; and then he found it
necessary to introduce metal, which was more lasting. He made pivots of brass, which moved more
conveniently in sockets of wood with the use of oil. He also caused the teeth of his wheels to run against
cylindrical rollers of wood, fixed by brass pins, at a proper distance from the axis of the pinions; and thus to a
considerable extent removed the inconveniences of friction.
In the meantime Harrison eagerly improved every incident from which he might derive further information.
There was a clergyman who came every Sunday to the village to officiate in the neighbourhood; and having
heard of the sedulous application of the young carpenter, he lent him a manuscript copy of Professor
Saunderson's discourses. That blind professor had prepared several lectures on natural philosophy for the use
of his students, though they were not intended for publication. Young Harrison now proceeded to copy them
out, together with the diagrams. Sometimes, indeed, he spent the greater part of the night in writing or
drawing.
As part of his business, he undertook to survey land, and to repair clocks and watches, besides carrying on his
trade of a carpenter. He soon obtained a considerable knowledge of what had been done in clocks and
watches, and was able to do not only what the best professional workers had done, but to strike out entirely
new lights in the clock and watchmaking business. He found out a method of diminishing friction by adding
a joint to the pallets of the pendulum, whereby they were made to work in the nature of rollers of a large
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radius, without any sliding, as usual, upon the teeth of the wheel. He constructed a clock on the recoiling
principle, which went perfectly, and never lost a minute within fourteen years. Sir Edmund Denison Beckett
says that he invented this method in order to save himself the trouble of going so frequently to oil the
escapement of a turret clock, of which he had charge; though there were other influences at work besides this.
But his most important invention, at this early period of his life, was his compensation pendulum. Every one
knows that metals expand with heat and contract by cold. The pendulum of the clock therefore expanded in
summer and contracted in winter, thereby interfering with the regular going of the clock. Huygens had by his
cylindrical checks removed the great irregularity arising from the unequal lengths of the oscillations; but the
pendulum was affected by the tossing of a ship at sea, and was also subject to a variation in weight,
depending on the parallel of latitude. Graham, the wellknown clockmaker, invented the mercurial
compensation pendulum, consisting of a glass or iron jar filled with quicksilver and fixed to the end of the
pendulum rod. When the rod was lengthened by heat, the quicksilver and the jar which contained it were
simultaneously expanded and elevated, and the centre of oscillation was thus continued at the same distance
from the point of suspension.
But the difficulty, to a certain extent, remained unconquered until Harrison took the matter in hand. He
observed that all rods of metal do not alter their lengths equally by heat, or, on the contrary, become shorter
by cold, but some more sensibly than others. After innumerable experiments Harrison at length composed a
frame somewhat resembling a gridiron, in which the alternate bars were of steel and of brass, and so arranged
that those which expanded the most were counteracted by those which expanded the least. By this means the
pendulum contained the power of equalising its own action, and the centre of oscillation continued at the
same absolute distance from the point of suspension through all the variations of heat and cold during the
year.[5]
Thus by the year 1726, when he was only thirtythree years old, Harrison had furnished himself with two
compensation clocks, in which all the irregularities to which these machines were subject, were either
removed or so happily balanced, one metal against the other, that the two clocks kept time together in
different parts of his house, without the variation of more than a single second in the month. One of them,
indeed, which he kept by him for his own use, and constantly compared with a fixed star, did not vary so
much as one whole minute during the ten years that he continued in the country after finishing the
machine.[6]
Living, as he did, not far from the sea, Harrison next endeavoured to arrange his timekeeper for purposes of
navigation.
He tried his clock in a vessel belonging to BartononHumber; but his compensating pendulum could there
be of comparatively little use; for it was liable to be tossed hither or thither by the sudden motions of the ship.
He found it necessary, therefore, to mount a chronometer, or portable timekeeper, which might be taken from
place to place, and subjected to the violent and irregular motion of a ship at sea, without affecting its rate of
going. It was evident to him that the first mover must be changed from a weight and pendulum to a spring
wound up and a compensating balance.
He now applied his genius in this direction. After pondering over the subject, he proceeded to London in
1728, and exhibited his drawings to Dr. Halley, then AstronomerRoyal. The Doctor referred him to Mr.
George Graham, the distinguished horologer, inventor of the deadbeat escapement and the mercurial
pendulum. After examining the drawings and holding some converse with Harrison, Graham perceived him
to be a man of uncommon merit, and gave him every encouragement. He recommended him, however, to
make his machine before again applying to the Board of Longitude.
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Harrison returned home to Barrow to complete his task, and many years elapsed before he again appeared in
London to present his first chronometer.
The remarkable success which Harrison had achieved in his compensating pendulum could not but urge him
on to further experiments. He was no doubt to a certain extent influenced by the reward of 20,000L. which
the English Government had offered for an instrument that should enable the longitude to be more accurately
determined by navigators at sea than was then possible; and it was with the object of obtaining pecuniary
assistance to assist him in completing his chronometer that Harrison had, in 1728, made his first visit to
London to exhibit his drawings.
The Act of Parliament offering this superb reward was passed in 1714, fourteen years before, but no attempt
had been made to claim it. It was right that England, then rapidly advancing to the first position as a
commercial nation, should make every effort to render navigation less hazardous. Before correct
chronometers were invented, or good lunar tables were prepared,[7] the ship, when fairly at sea, out of sight
of land, and battling with the winds and tides, was in a measure lost. No method existed for accurately
ascertaining the longitude. The ship might be out of its course for one or two hundred miles, for anything that
the navigator knew; and only the wreck of his ship on some unknown coast told of the mistake that he had
made in his reckoning.
It may here be mentioned that it was comparatively easy to determine the latitude of a ship at sea every day
when the sun was visible. The latitudethat is, the distance of any spot from the equator and the
polemight be found by a simple observation with the sextant. The altitude of the sun at noon is found, and
by a short calculation the position of the ship can be ascertained.
The sextant, which is the instrument universally used at sea, was gradually evolved from similar instruments
used from the earliest times. The object of this instrument has always been to find the angular distance
between two bodiesthat is to say, the angle contained by two straight lines, drawn from those bodies to
meet in the observer's eye. The simplest instrument of this kind may be well represented by a pair of
compasses. If the hinge is held to the eye, one leg pointed to the distant horizon, and the other leg pointed to
the sun, the position of the two legs will show the angular distance of the sun from the horizon at the moment
of observation.
Until the end of the seventeenth century, the instrument used was of this simple kind. It was generally a large
quadrant, with one or two bars moving on a hinge,to all intents and purposes a huge pair of compasses.
The direction of the sight was fixed by the use of a slit and a pointer, much as in the ordinary rifle. This
instrument was vastly improved by the use of a telescope, which not only allowed fainter objects to be seen,
but especially enabled the sight to be accurately directed to the object observed.
The instruments of the pretelescopic age reached their glory in the hands of Tycho Brahe. He used
magnificent instruments of the simple "pair of compasses" kindcircles, quadrants, and sextants. These
were for the most part ponderous fixed instruments of little or no use for the purposes of navigation. But
Tycho Brahe's sextant proved the forerunner of the modern instrument. The general structure is the same; but
the vast improvement of the modern sextant is due, firstly, to the use of the reflecting mirror, and, secondly,
to the use of the telescope for accurate sighting. These improvements were due to many scientific mento
William Gascoigne, who first used the telescope, about 1640; to Robert Hooke, who, in 1660, proposed to
apply it to the quadrant; to Sir Isaac Newton, who designed a reflecting quadrant;[8] and to John Hadley, who
introduced it. The modern sextant is merely a modification of Newton's or Badley's quadrant, and its present
construction seems to be perfect.
It therefore became possible accurately to determine the position of a ship at sea as regarded its latitude. But
it was quite different as regarded the longitude that is, the distance of any place from a given meridian,
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eastward or westward. In the case of longitude there is no fixed spot to which reference can be made. The
rotation of the earth makes the existence of such a spot impossible. The question of longitude is purely a
question of TIME. The circuit of the globe, east and west, is simply represented by twentyfour hours. Each
place has its own time. It is very easy to determine the local time at any spot by observations made at that
spot. But, as time is always changing, the knowledge of the local time gives no idea of the actual position;
and still less of a moving objectsay, of a ship at sea. But if, in any locality, we know the local time, and
also the local time of some other locality at that momentsay, of the Observatory at Greenwich we can, by
comparing the two local times, determine the difference of local times, or, what is the same thing, the
difference of longitude between the two places. It was necessary therefore for the navigator to be in
possession of a firstrate watch or chronometer, to enable him to determine accurately the position of his ship
at sea, as respected the longitude.
Before the middle of the eighteenth century good watches were comparatively unknown. The navigator
mainly relied, for his approximate longitude, upon his Dead Reckoning, without any observation of the
heavenly bodies. He depended upon the accuracy of the course which he had steered by the compass, and the
mensuration of the ship's velocity by an instrument called the Log, as well as by combining and rectifying all
the allowances for drift, leeway, and so on, according to the trim of the ship; but all of these were liable to
much uncertainty, especially when the sea was in a boisterous condition. There was another and independent
course which might have been adoptedthat is, by observation of the moon, which is constantly moving
amongst the stars from west to east. But until the middle of the eighteenth century good lunar tables were as
much unknown as good watches.
Hence a method of ascertaining the longitude, with the same degree of accuracy which is attainable in respect
of latitude, had for ages been the grand desideratum for men "who go down to the sea in ships." Mr.
Macpherson, in his important work entitled 'The Annals of Commerce,' observes, "Since the year 1714, when
Parliament offered a reward of 20,000L. for the best method of ascertaining the longitude at sea, many
schemes have been devised, but all to little or no purpose, as going generally upon wrong principles, till that
heaventaught artist Mr. John Harrison arose;" and by him, as Mr. Macpherson goes on to say, the difficulty
was conquered, having devoted to it "the assiduous studies of a long life."
The preamble of the Act of Parliament in question runs as follows: "Whereas it is well known by all that are
acquainted with the art of navigation that nothing is so much wanted and desired at sea as the discovery of the
longitude, for the safety and quickness of voyages, the preservation of ships and the lives of men," and so on.
The Act proceeds to constitute certain persons commissioners for the discovery of the longitude, with power
to receive and experiment upon proposals for that purpose, and to grant sums of money not exceeding 2000L.
to aid in such experiments. It will be remembered from what has been above stated, that a reward of 10,000L.
was to be given to the person who should contrive a method of determining the longitude within one degree
of a great circle, or 60 geographical miles; 15,000L. within 40 geographical miles; and 20,000L. within 30
geographical miles.
It will, in these days, be scarcely believed that little more than a hundred and fifty years ago a prize of not
less than ten thousand pounds should have been offered for a method of determining the longitude within
sixty miles, and that double the amount should have been offered for a method of determining it within thirty
miles! The amount of these rewards is sufficient proof of the fearful necessity for improvement which then
existed in the methods of navigation. And yet, from the date of the passing of the Act in 1714 until the year
1736, when Harrison finished his first timepiece, nothing had been done towards ascertaining the longitude
more accurately, even within the wide limits specified by the Act of Parliament. Although several schemes
had been projected, none of them had proved successful, and the offered rewards therefore still remained
unclaimed.
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To return to Harrison. After reaching his home at Barrow, after his visit to London in 1728, he began his
experiments for the construction of a marine chronometer. The task was one of no small difficulty. It was
necessary to provide against irregularities arising from the motion of a ship at sea, and to obviate the effect of
alternations of temperature in the machine itself, as well as the oil with which it was lubricated. A thousand
obstacles presented themselves, but they were not enough to deter Harrison from grappling with the work he
had set himself to perform.
Every one knows the beautiful machinery of a timepiece, and the perfect tools required to produce such a
machine. Some of these tools Harrison procured in London, but the greater number he provided for himself;
and many entirely new adaptations were required for his chronometer. As wood could no longer be
exclusively employed, as in his first clock, he had to teach himself to work accurately and minutely in brass
and other metals. Having been unable to obtain any assistance from the Board of Longitude, he was under the
necessity, while carrying forward his experiments, of maintaining himself by still working at his trade of a
carpenter and joiner. This will account for the very long period that elapsed before he could bring his
chronometer to such a state as that it might be tried with any approach to certainty in its operations.
Harrison, besides his intentness and earnestness, was a cheerful and hopeful man. He had a fine taste for
music, and organised and led the choir of the village church, which attained a high degree of perfection. He
invented a curious monochord, which was not less accurate than his clocks in the mensuration of time. His
ear was distressed by the ringing of bells out of tune, and he set himself to remedy them. At the parish church
of Hull, for instance, the bells were harsh and disagreeable, and by the authority of the vicar and
churchwardens he was allowed to put them into a state of exact tune, so that they proved entirely melodious.
But the great work of his life was his marine chronometer. He found it necessary, in the first place, to alter
the first mover of his clock to a spring wound up, so that the regularity of the motion might be derived from
the vibrations of balances, instead of those of a pendulum as in a standing clock. Mr. Folkes, President of the
Royal Society, when presenting the gold medal to Harrison in 1749, thus describes the arrangement of his
new machine. The details were obtained from Harrison himself, who was present. He had made use of two
balances situated in the same plane, but vibrating in contrary directions, so that the one of these being either
way assisted by the tossing of the ship, the other might constantly be just so much impeded by it at the same
time. As the equality of the times of the vibrations of the balance of a pocketwatch is in a great measure
owing to the spiral spring that lies under it, so the same was here performed by the like elasticity of four
cylindrical springs or worms, applied near the upper and lower extremities of the two balances above
described.
Then came in the question of compensation. Harrison's experience with the compensation pendulum of his
clock now proved of service to him. He had proceeded to introduce a similar expedient in his proposed
chronometer. As is well known to those who are acquainted with the nature of springs moved by balances,
the stronger those springs are, the quicker the vibrations of the balances are performed, and vice versa; hence
it follows that those springs, when braced by cold, or when relaxed by heat, must of necessity cause the
timekeeper to go either faster or slower, unless some method could be found to remedy the inconvenience.
The method adopted by Harrison was his compensation balance, doubtless the backbone of his invention. His
"thermometer kirb," he himself says, "is composed of two thin plates of brass and steel, riveted together in
several places, which, by the greater expansion of brass than steel by heat and contraction by cold, becomes
convex on the brass side in hot weather and convex on the steel side in cold weather; whence, one end being
fixed, the other end obtains a motion corresponding with the changes of heat and cold, and the two pins at the
end, between which the balance spring passes, and which it alternately touches as the spring bends and
unbends itself, will shorten or lengthen the spring, as the change of heat or cold would otherwise require to be
done by hand in the manner used for regulating a common watch." Although the method has since been
improved upon by Leroy, Arnold, and Earnshaw, it was the beginning of all that has since been done in the
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perfection of marine chronometers. Indeed, it is amazing to think of the number of clever, skilful, and
industrious men who have been engaged for many hundred years in the production of that exquisite
fabricso useful to everybody, whether scientific or otherwise, on land or sea the modern watch.
It is unnecessary here to mention in detail the particulars of Harrison's invention. These were published by
himself in his 'Principles of Mr. Harrison's Timekeeper.' It may, however, be mentioned that he invented a
method by which the chronometer might be kept going without losing any portion of time. This was during
the process of winding up, which was done once in a day. While the mainspring was being wound up, a
secondary one preserved the motion of the wheels and kept the machine going.
After seven years' labour, during which Harrison encountered and overcame numerous difficulties, he at last
completed his first marine chronometer. He placed it in a sort of moveable frame, somewhat resembling what
the sailors call a 'compass jumble,' but much more artificially and curiously made and arranged. In this state
the chronometer was tried from time to time in a large barge on the river Humber, in rough as well as in
smooth weather, and it was found to go perfectly, without losing a moment of time.
Such was the condition of Harrison's chronometer when he arrived with it in London in 1735, in order to
apply to the commissioners appointed for providing a public reward for the discovery of the longitude at sea.
He first showed it to several members of the Royal Society, who cordially approved of it. Five of the most
prominent membersDr. Bailey, Dr. Smith, Dr. Bradley, Mr. John Machin, and Mr. George
Grahamfurnished Harrison with a certificate, stating that the principles of his machine for measuring time
promised a very great and sufficient degree of exactness. In consequence of this certificate, the machine, at
the request of the inventor, and at the recommendation of the Lords of the Admiralty, was placed on board a
manofwar.
Sir Charles Wager, then first Lord of the Admiralty, wrote to the captain of the Centurion, stating that the
instrument had been approved by mathematicians as the best that had been made for measuring time; and
requesting his kind treatment of Mr. Harrison, who was to accompany it to Lisbon. Captain Proctor answered
the First Lord from Spithead, dated May l7th, 1736, promising his attention to Harrison's comfort, but
intimating his fear that he had attempted impossibilities. It is always so with a new thing. The first
steamengine, the first gaslight, the first locomotive, the first steamboat to America, the first electric
telegraph, were all impossibilities!
This first chronometer behaved very well on the outward voyage in the Centurion. It was not affected by the
roughest weather, or by the working of the ship through the rolling waves of the Bay of Biscay. It was
brought back, with Harrison, in the Orford manofwar, when its great utility was proved in a remarkable
manner, although, from the voyage being nearly on a meridian, the risk of losing the longitude was
comparatively small. Yet the following was the certificate of the captain of the ship, dated the 24th June,
1737: "When we made the land, the said land, according to my reckoning (and others), ought to have been the
Start; but, before we knew what land it was, John Harrison declared to me and the rest of the ship's company
that, according to his observations with his machine, it ought to be the Lizardthe which, indeed, it was
found to be, his observation showing the ship to be more west than my reckoning, above one degree and
twentysix miles,"that is, nearly ninety miles out of its course!
Six days laterthat is, on the 30th Junethe Board of Longitude met, when Harrison was present, and
produced the chronometer with which he had made the voyage to Lisbon and back. The minute states: "Mr.
John Harrison produced a new invented machine, in the nature of clockwork, whereby he proposes to keep
time at sea with more exactness than by any other instrument or method hitherto contrived, in order to the
discovery of the longitude at sea; and proposes to make another machine of smaller dimensions within the
space of two years, whereby he will endeavour to correct some defects which he hath found in that already
prepared, so as to render the same more perfect; which machine, when completed, he is desirous of having
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tried in one of His Majesty's ships that shall be bound to the West Indies; but at the same time represented
that he should not be able, by reason of his necessitous circumstances, to go on and finish his said machine
without assistance, and requested that he may be furnished with the sum of 500L., to put him in a capacity to
perform the same, and to make a perfect experiment thereof."
The result of the meeting was that 500L. was ordered to be paid to Harrison, one moiety as soon as
convenient, and the other when he has produced a certificate from the captain of one of His Majesty's ships
that he has put the machine on board into the captain's possession. Mr. George Graham, who was consulted,
urged that the Commissioners should grant Harrison at least 1000L., but they only awarded him half the sum,
and at first only a moiety of the amount voted. At the recommendation of Lord Monson, who was present,
Harrison accepted the 250L. as a help towards the heavy expenses which he had already incurred, and was
again about to incur, in perfecting the invention. He was instructed to make his new chronometer of less
dimensions, as the one exhibited was cumbersome and heavy, and occupied too much space on board.
He accordingly proceeded to make his second chronometer. It occupied a space of only about half the size of
the first. He introduced several improvements. He lessened the number of the wheels, and thereby diminished
friction. But the general arrangement remained the same. This second machine was finished in 1739. It was
more simple in its arrangement, and less cumbrous in its dimensions. It answered even better than the first,
and though it was not tried at sea its motions were sufficiently exact for finding the longitude within the
nearest limits proposed by Act of Parliament.
Not satisfied with his two machines, Harrison proceeded to make a third. This was of an improved
construction, and occupied still less space, the whole of the machine and its apparatus standing upon an area
of only four square feet. It was in such forwardness in January, 1741, that it was exhibited before the Royal
Society, and twelve of the most prominent members signed a certificate of "its great and excellent use, as
well for determining the longitude at sea as for correcting the charts of the coasts." The testimonial
concluded: "We do recommend Mr. Harrison to the favour of the Commissioners appointed by Act of
Parliament as a person highly deserving of such further encouragement and assistance as they shall judge
proper and sufficient to finish his third machine." The Commissioners granted him a further sum of 500L.
Harrison was already reduced to necessitous circumstances by his continuous application to the improvement
of the timekeepers. He had also got into debt, and required further assistance to enable him to proceed with
their construction; but the Commissioners would only help him by driblets.
Although Harrison had promised that the third machine would be ready for trial on August 1, 1743, it was not
finished for some years later. In June, 1746, we find him again appearing before the Board, asking for further
assistance. While proceeding with his work he found it necessary to add a new spring, "having spent much
time and thought in tempering them." Another 500L. was voted to enable him to pay his debts, to maintain
himself and family, and to complete his chronometer.
Three years later he exhibited his third machine to the Royal Society, and on the 30th of November, 1749, he
was awarded the Gold Medal for the year. In presenting it, Mr. Folkes, the President, said to Mr. Harrison, "I
do here, by the authority and in the name of the Royal Society of London for the improving of natural
knowledge, present you with this small but faithful token of their regard and esteem. I do, in their name
congratulate you upon the successes you have already had, and I most sincerely wish that all your future trials
may in every way prove answerable to these beginnings, and that the full accomplishment of your great
undertaking may at last be crowned with all the reputation and advantage to yourself that your warmest
wishes may suggest, and to which so many years so laudably and so diligently spent in the improvement of
those talents which God Almighty has bestowed upon you, will so justly entitle your constant and unwearied
perseverance."
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Mr. Folkes, in his speech, spoke of Mr. Harrison as "one of the most modest persons he had ever known. In
speaking," he continued, "of his own performances, he has assured me that, from the immense number of
diligent and accurate experiments he has made, and from the severe tests to which he has in many ways put
his instrument, he expects he shall be able with sufficient certainty, through all the greatest variety of seasons
and the most irregular motions of the sea, to keep time constantly, without the variation of so much as three
seconds in a week, a degree of exactness that is astonishing and even stupendous, considering the immense
number of difficulties, and those of very different sorts, which the author of these inventions must have had
to encounter and struggle withal."
Although it is common enough now to make firstrate chronometers sufficient to determine the longitude
with almost perfect accuracy in every clime of the worldit was very different at that time, when Harrison
was occupied with his laborious experiments. Although he considered his third machine to be the ne plus
ultra of scientific mechanism, he nevertheless proceeded to construct a fourth timepiece, in the form of a
pocket watch about five inches in diameter. He found the principles which he had adopted in his larger
machines applied equally well in the smaller, and the performances of the last surpassed his utmost
expectations. But in the meantime, as his third timekeeper was, in his opinion, sufficient to supply the
requirements of the Board of Longitude as respected the highest reward offered, he applied to the
Commissioners for leave to try that instrument on board a royal ship to some port in the West Indies, as
directed by the statute of Queen Anne.
Though Harrison's third timekeeper was finished about the year 1758, it was not until March 12, 1761, that he
received orders for his son William to proceed to Portsmouth, and go on board the Dorsetshire manofwar,
to proceed to Jamaica. But another tedious delay occurred. The ship was ordered elsewhere, and William
Harrison, after remaining five months at Portsmouth, returned to London. By this time, John Harrison had
finished his fourth timepiecethe small one, in the form of a watch. At length William Harrison set sail with
this timekeeper from Portsmouth for Jamaica, on November 18th, 1761, in the Deptford manofwar. The
Deptford had fortythree ships in convoy, and arrived at Jamaica on the l9th of January, 1762, three days
before the Beaver, another of His Majesty's shipsofwar, which had sailed from Portsmouth ten days before
the Deptford, but had lost her reckoning and been deceived in her longitude, having trusted entirely to the log.
Harrison's timepiece had corrected the log of the Deptford to the extent of three degrees of longitude, whilst
several of the ships in the fleet lost as much as five degrees! This shows the haphazard way in which
navigation was conducted previous to the invention of the marine chronometer.
When the Deptford arrived at Port Royal, Jamaica, the timekeeper was found to be only five and one tenth
seconds in error; and during the voyage of four months, on its return to Portsmouth on March 26th, 1762, it
was found (after allowing for the rate of gain or loss) to have erred only one minute fiftyfour and a half
seconds. In the latitude of Portsmouth this only amounted to eighteen geographical miles, whereas the Act
had awarded that the prize should be given where the longitude was determined within the distance of thirty
geographical miles. One would have thought that Harrison was now clearly entitled to his reward of 20,000L.
Not at all! The delays interposed by Government are long and tedious, and sometimes insufferable. Harrison
had accomplished more than was needful to obtain the highest reward which the Board of Longitude had
publicly offered. But they would not certify that he had won the prize. On the contrary, they started numerous
objections, and continued for years to subject him to vexatious delays and disappointments. They pleaded
that the previous determination of the longitude of Jamaica by astronomical observation was unsatisfactory;
that there was no proof of the chronometer having maintained a uniform rate during the voyage; and on the
17th of August, 1762, they passed a resolution, stating that they "were of opinion that the experiments made
of the watch had not been sufficient to determine the longitude at sea."
It was accordingly necessary for Harrison to petition Parliament on the subject. Three reigns had come and
gone since the Act of Parliament offering the reward had been passed. Anne had died; George I. and George
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II. had reigned and died; and now, in the reign of George III.thirtyfive years after Harrison had begun his
labours, and after he had constructed four several marine chronometers, each of which was entitled to win the
full prize,an Act of Parliament was passed enabling the inventor to obtain the sum of 5000L. as part of the
reward. But the Commissioners still hesitated. They differed about the tempering of the springs. They must
have another trial of the timekeeper, or anything with which to put off a settlement of the claim. Harrison was
ready for any further number of trials; and in the meantime the Commissioners merely paid him a further sum
on account.
Two more dreary years passed. Nothing was done in 1763 except a quantity of interminable talk at the Board
of Commissioners. At length, on the 28th of March, 1764, Harrison's son again departed with the timekeeper
on board the ship Tartar for Barbadoes. He returned in about four months, during which time the instrument
enabled the longitude to be ascertained within ten miles, or onethird of the required geographical distance.
Harrison memorialised the Commissioners again and again, in order that he might obtain the reward publicly
offered by the Government.
At length the Commissioners could no longer conceal the truth. In September,1764, they virtually recognised
Harrison's claim by paying him 1000L. on account; and, on the 9th of February,1765, they passed a
resolution setting forth that they were "unanimously of opinion that the said timekeeper has kept its time with
sufficient correctness, without losing its longitude in the voyage from Portsmouth to Barbadoes beyond the
nearest limit required by the Act l2th of Queen Anne, but even considerably within the same." Yet they
would not give Harrison the necessary certificate, though they were of opinion that he was entitled to be paid
the full reward!
It is pleasant to contrast the generous conduct of the King of Sardinia with the procrastinating and illiberal
spirit which Harrison met with in his own country. During the same year in which the above resolution was
passed, the Sardinian minister ordered four of Harrison's timekeepers at the price of 1000L. each, at the
special instance of the King of Sardinia "as an acknowledgement of Mr. Harrison's ingenuity, and as some
recompense for the time spent by him for the general good of mankind." This grateful attention was all the
more praiseworthy, as Sardinia could not in any way be regarded as a great maritime power.
Harrison was now becoming old and feeble. He had attained the age of seventyfour. He had spent forty long
years in working out his invention. He was losing his eyesight, and could not afford to wait much longer. Still
he had to wait.
"Full little knowest thou, who hast not tried, What hell it is in suing long to bide; To lose good days, that
might be better spent; To waste long nights in pensive discontent; To spend today, to be put back
tomorrow, To feed on hope, to pine with fear and sorrow."
But Harrison had not lost his spirit. On May 30th, 1765, he addressed another remonstrance to the Board,
containing much stronger language than he had yet used. "I cannot help thinking," he said, "that I am
extremely illused by gentlemen from whom I might have expected a different treatment; for, if the Act of
the l2th of Queen Anne be deficient, why have I so long been encouraged under it, in order to bring my
invention to perfection? And, after the completion, why was my son sent twice to the West Indies? Had it
been said to my son, when he received the last instruction, 'There will, in case you succeed, be a new Act on
your return, in order to lay you under new restrictions, which were not thought of in the Act of the l2th of
Queen Anne,' I say, had this been the case, I might have expected some such treatment as that I now meet
with.
"It must be owned that my case is very hard; but I hope I am the first, and for my country's sake I hope I shall
be the last, to suffer by pinning my faith upon an English Act of Parliament. Had I received my just
rewardfor certainly it may be so called after forty years' close application of the talent which it has pleased
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God to give methen my invention would have taken the course which all improvements in this world do;
that is, I must have instructed workmen in its principles and execution, which I should have been glad of an
opportunity of doing. But how widely different this is from what is now proposed, viz., for me to instruct
people that I know nothing of, and such as may know nothing of mechanics; and, if I do not make them
understand to their satisfaction, I may then have nothing!
"Hard fate indeed to me, but still harder to the world, which may be deprived of this my invention, which
must be the case, except by my open and free manner in describing all the principles of it to gentlemen and
noblemen who almost at all times have had free recourse to my instruments. And if any of these workmen
have been so ingenious as to have got my invention, how far you may please to reward them for their piracy
must be left for you to determine; and I must set myself down in old age, and thank God I can be more easy
in that I have the conquest, and though I have no reward, than if I had come short of the matter and by some
delusion had the reward!"
The Right Honourable the Earl of Egmont was in the chair of the Board of Longitude on the day when this
letter was readJune 13, 1765. The Commissioners were somewhat startled by the tone which the inventor
had taken. Indeed, they were rather angry. Mr. Harrison, who was in waiting, was called in. After some rather
hot speaking, and after a proposal was made to Harrison which he said he would decline to accede to "so long
as a drop of English blood remained in his body," he left the room. Matters were at length arranged. The Act
of Parliament (5 Geo. III. cap. 20) awarded him, upon a full discovery of the principles of his timekeeper,
the payment of such a sum, as with the 2500L. he had already received, would make one half of the reward;
and the remaining half was to be paid when other chronometers had been made after his design, and their
capabilities fully proved. He was also required to assign his four chronometersone of which was styled a
watchto the use of the public.
Harrison at once proceeded to give full explanations of the principles of his chronometer to Dr. Maskelyne,
and six other gentlemen, who had been appointed to receive them. He took his timekeeper to pieces in their
presence, and deposited in their hands correct drawings of the same, with the parts, so that other skilful
makers might construct similar chronometers on the same principles. Indeed, there was no difficulty in
making them; after his explanations and drawings had been published. An exact copy of his last watch was
made by the ingenious Mr. Kendal; and was used by Captain Cook in his three years' circumnavigation of the
world, to his perfect satisfaction.
England had already inaugurated that series of scientific expeditions which were to prove so fruitful of
results, and to raise her naval reputation to so great a height. In these expeditions, the officers, the sailors, and
the scientific men, were constantly brought face to face with unforeseen difficulties and dangers, which
brought forth their highest qualities as men. There was, however, some intermixture of narrowness in the
minds of those who sent them forth. For instance, while Dr. Priestley was at Leeds, he was asked by Sir
Joseph Banks to join Captain Cook's second expedition to the Southern Seas, as an astronomer. Priestley gave
his assent, and made arrangements to set out. But some weeks later, Banks informed him that his appointment
had been cancelled, as the Board of Longitude objected to his theology. Priestley's otherwise gentle nature
was roused. "What I am, and what they are, in respect of religion," he wrote to Banks, in December, 1771,
"might easily have been known before the thing was proposed to me at all. Besides, I thought that this had
been a business of philosophy, and not of divinity. If, however, this be the case, I shall hold the Board of
Longitude in extreme contempt."
Captain Cook was appointed to the command of the Resolution, and Captain Wallis to the command of the
Adventure, in November, 1771. They proceeded to equip the ships; and amongst the other instruments taken
on board Captain Cook's ship, were two timekeepers, one made by Mr. Larcum Kendal, on Mr. Harrison's
principles, and the other by Mr. John Arnold, on his own. The expedition left Deptford in April, 1772; and
shortly afterwards sailed for the South Seas. "Mr. Kendal's watch" is the subject of frequent notices in
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Captain Cook's account. At the Cape of Good Hope, it is said to have "answered beyond all expectation."
Further south, in the neighbourhood of Cape Circumcision, he says, "the use of the telescope is found
difficult at first, but a little practice will make it familiar. By the assistance of the watch we shall be able to
discover the greatest error this method of observing the longitude at sea is liable to." It was found that
Harrison's watch was more correct than Arnold's, and when near Cape Palliser in New Zealand, Cook says,
"this day at noon, when we attended the windingup of the watches, the fusee of Mr. Arnold's would not turn
round, so that after several unsuccessful trials we were obliged to let it go down." From this time, complete
reliance was placed upon Harrison's chronometer. Some time later, Cook says, "I must here take notice that
our longitude can never be erroneous while we have so good a guide as Mr. Kendal's watch." It may be
observed, that at the beginning of the voyage, observations were made by the lunar tables; but these, being
found unreliable, were eventually discontinued.
To return to Harrison. He continued to be worried by official opposition. His claims were still unsatisfied. His
watch at home underwent many more trials. Dr. Maskelyne, the Royal Astronomer, was charged with being
unfavourable to the success of chronometers, being deeply interested in finding the longitude by lunar tables;
although this method is now almost entirely superseded by the chronometer. Harrison accordingly could not
get the certificate of what was due to him under the Act of Parliament. Years passed before he could obtain
the remaining amount of his reward. It was not until the year 1773, or fortyfive years after the
commencement of his experiments, that he succeeded in obtaining it. The following is an entry in the list of
supplies granted by Parliament in that year: "June 14. To John Harrison, as a further reward and
encouragement over and above the sums already received by him, for his invention of a timekeeper for
ascertaining the longitude at sea, and his discovery of the principles upon which the same was constructed,
8570 pounds 0s. 0d.
John Harrison did not long survive the settlement of his claims; for he died on the 24th of March, 1776, at the
age of eightythree. He was buried at the southwest corner of Hampstead parish churchyard, where a
tombstone was erected to his memory, and an inscription placed upon it commemorating his services. His
wife survived him only a year; she died at seventytwo, and was buried in the same tomb. His son, William
Harrison, F.R.S., a deputylientenant of the counties of Monmouth and Middlesex, died in 1815, at the ripe
age of eightyeight, and was also interred there. The tomb having stood for more than a century, became
somewhat dilapidated; when the Clockmakers' Company of the City of London took steps in 1879 to
reconstruct it, and recut the inscriptions. An appropriate ceremony took place at the final uncovering of the
tomb.
But perhaps the most interesting works connected with John Harrison and the great labour of his life, are the
wooden clock at the South Kensington Museum, and the four chronometers made by him for the
Government, which are still preserved at the Royal Observatory, Greenwich. The three early ones are of great
weight, and can scarcely be moved without some bodily labour. But the fourth, the marine chronometer or
watch, is of small dimensions, and is easily handled. It still possesses the power of going accurately; as does
"Mr. Kendal's watch," which was made exactly after it. These will always prove the best memorials of this
distinguished workman.
Before concluding this brief notice of the life and labours of John Harrison, it becomes me to thank most
cordially Mr. Christie, AstronomerRoyal, for his kindness in exhibiting the various chronometers deposited
at the Greenwich Observatory, and for his permission to inspect the minutes of the Board of Longitude,
where the various interviews between the inventor and the commissioners, extending over many years, are
faithfully but too procrastinatingly recorded. It may be finally said of John Harrison, that by his invention of
the chronometerthe eversleepless and evertrusty friend of the mariner he conferred an incalculable
benefit on science and navigation, and established his claim to be regarded as one of the greatest benefactors
of mankind.
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POstscript.In addition to the information contained in this chapter, I have been recently informed by the
Rev. Mr. Sankey, vicar of Wragby, that the family is quite extinct in the parish, except the wife of a plumber,
who claims relationship with Harrison. The representative of the Winn family was created Lord St. Oswald in
1885. Harrison is not quite forgotten at Foulby. The house in which he was born was a low thatched cottage,
with two rooms, one used as a living room, and the other as a sleeping room. The house was pulled down
about forty years ago; but the entrance door, being of strong, hard wood, is still preserved. The vicar adds that
young Harrison would lie out on the grass all night in summer time, studying the details of his wooden clock.
Footnotes to Chapter III.
[1] Originally published in Longmam's Magazine, but now rewritten and enlarged.
[2] Popular Astronomy. By Simon Newcomb, LL.D., Professor U.S. Naval Observatory.
[3] Biographia Britannica, vol. vi. part 2, p. 4375. This volume was published in 1766, before the final reward
had been granted to Harrison.
[4] This clock is in the possession of Abraham Riley, of Bromley, near Leeds. He informs us that the clock is
made of wood throughout, excepting the escapement and the dial, which are made of brass. It bears the mark
of "John Harrison, 1713."
[5] Harrison's compensation pendulum was afterwards improved by Arnold, Earnshaw, and other English
makers. Dent's prismatic balance is now considered the best.
[6] See Mr. Folkes's speech to the Royal Soc., 30th Nov., 1749.
[7] No trustworthy lunar tables existed at that time. It was not until the year 1753 that Tobias Mayer, a
German, published the first lunar tables which could be relied upon. For this, the British Government
afterwards awarded to Mayer's widow the sum of 5000L.
[8] Sir Isaac Newton gave his design to Edmund Halley, then AstronomerRoyal. Halley laid it on one side,
and it was found among his papers after his death in 1742, twentyfive years after the death of Newton. A
similar omission was made by Sir G. B. Airy, which led to the discovery of Neptune being attributed to
Leverrier instead of to Adams.
CHAPTER IV. JOHN LOMBE: INTRODUCER OF THE SILK INDUSTRY
INTO ENGLAND.
"By Commerce are acquired the two things which wise men accompt
of all others the most necessary to the wellbeing of a
Commonwealth: That is to say, a general Industry of Mind and
Hardiness of Body, which never fail to be accompanyed with Honour
and Plenty. So that, questionless, when Commerce does not
flourish, as well as other Professions, and when Particular
Persons out of a habit of Laziness neglect at once the noblest
way of employing their time and the fairest occasion for
advancing their fortunes, that Kingdom, though otherwise never so
glorious, wants something of being compleatly happy."A Treatise
touching the East India Trade (1695).
Industry puts an entirely new face upon the productions of nature. By labour man has subjugated the world,
reduced it to his dominion, and clothed the earth with a new garment. The first rude plough that man thrust
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into the soil, the first rude axe of stone with which he felled the pine, the first rude canoe scooped by him
from its trunk to cross the river and reach the greener fields beyond, were each the outcome of a human
faculty which brought within his reach some physical comfort he had never enjoyed before.
Material things became subject to the influence of labour. From the clay of the ground, man manufactured the
vessels which were to contain his food. Out of the fleecy covering of sheep, he made clothes for himself of
many kinds; from the flax plant he drew its fibres, and made linen and cambric; from the hemp plant he made
ropes and fishing nets; from the cotton pod he fabricated fustians, dimities, and calicoes. From the rags of
these, or from weed and the shavings of wood, he made paper on which books and newspapers were printed.
Lead was formed by him into printer's type, for the communication of knowledge without end.
But the most extraordinary changes of all were made in a heavy stone containing metal, dug out of the
ground. With this, when smelted by wood or coal, and manipulated by experienced skill, iron was produced.
From this extraordinary metal, the soul of every manufacture, and the mainspring perhaps of civilised
societyarms, hammers, and axes were made; then knives, scissors, and needles; then machinery to hold
and control the prodigious force of steam; and eventually railroads and locomotives, ironclads propelled by
the screw, and iron and steel bridges miles in length.
The silk manufacture, though originating in the secretion of a tiny caterpillar, is perhaps equally
extraordinary. Hundreds of thousands of pounds weight of this slender thread, no thicker than the filaments
spun by a spider, give employment to millions of workers throughout the world. Silk, and the many textures
wrought from this beautiful material, had long been known in the East; but the period cannot be fixed when
man first divested the chrysalis of its dwelling, and discovered that the little yellow ball which adhered to the
leaf of the mulberry tree, could be evolved into a slender filament, from which tissues of endless variety and
beauty could be made. The Chinese were doubtless among the first who used the thread spun by the silkworm
for the purposes of clothing. The manufacture went westward from China to India and Persia, and from
thence to Europe. Alexander the Great brought home with him a store of rich silks from Persia Aristotle and
Pliny give descriptions of the industrious little worm and its productions. Virgil is the first of the Roman
writers who alludes to the production of silk in China; and the terms he employs show how little was then
known about the article. It was introduced at Rome about the time of Julius Caesar, who displayed a
profusion of silks in some of his magnificent theatrical spectacles. Silk was so valuable that it was then sold
for an equal weight of gold. Indeed, a law was passed that no man should disgrace himself by wearing a
silken garment. The Emperor Heliogabalus despised the law, and wore a dress composed wholly of silk. The
example thus set was followed by wealthy citizens. A demand for silk from the East soon became general.
It was not until about the middle of the sixth century that two Persian monks, who had long resided in China,
and made themselves acquainted with the mode of rearing the silkworm, succeeded in carrying the eggs of
the insect to Constantinople. Under their direction they were hatched and fed. A sufficient number of
butterflies were saved to propagate the race, and mulberry trees were planted to afford nourishment to the
rising generations of caterpillars. Thus the industry was propagated. It spread into the Italian peninsula; and
eventually manufactures of silk velvet, damask, and satin became established in Venice, Milan, Florence,
Lucca, and other places.
Indeed, for several centuries the manufacture of silk in Europe was for the most part confined to Italy. The
rearing of silkworms was of great importance in Modena, and yielded a considerable revenue to the State.
The silk produced there was esteemed the best in Lombardy. Until the beginning of the sixteenth century,
Bologna was the only city which possessed proper "throwing" mills, or the machinery requisite for twisting
and preparing silken fibres for the weaver. Thousands of people were employed at Florence and Genoa about
the same time in the silk manufacture. And at Venice it was held in such high esteem, that the business of a
silk factory was considered a noble employment.[1]
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It was long before the use of silk became general in England. "Silk," said an old writer, "does not
immediately come hither from the Worm that spins and makes it, but passes many a Climate, travels many a
Desert, employs many a Hand, loads many a Camel, and freights many a Ship before it arrives here; and
when at last it comes, it is in return for other manufactures, or in exchange for our money."[2] It is said that
the first pair of silk stockings was brought into England from Spain, and presented to Henry VIII. He had
before worn hose of cloth. In the third year of Queen Elizabeth's reign, her tiring woman, Mrs. Montagu,
presented her with a pair of black silk stockings as a New Year's gift; whereupon her Majesty asked if she
could have any more, in which case she would wear no more cloth stockings. When James VI. of Scotland
received the ambassadors sent to congratulate him upon his accession to the throne of Great Britain, he asked
one of his lords to lend him his pair of silken hose, that he "might not appear a scrub before strangers." From
these circumstances it will be observed how rare the wearing of silk was in England.
Shortly after becoming king, James I. endeavoured to establish the silk manufacture in England, as had
already been successfully done in France. He gave every encouragement to the breeding of silkworms. He
sent circular letters to all the counties of England, strongly recommending the inhabitants to plant mulberry
trees. The trees were planted in many places, but the leaves did not ripen in sufficient time for the sustenance
of the silkworms.
The same attempt was made at Inneshannon, near Bandon, in Ireland, by the Hugnenot refugees, but proved
abortive. The climate proved too cold or damp for the rearing of silkworms with advantage. All that remains
is "The Mulberry Field," which still retains its name. Nevertheless the Huguenots successfully established the
silk manufacture at London and Dublin, obtaining the spun silk from abroad.
Down to the beginning of last century, the Italians were the principal producers of organzine or thrown silk;
and for a long time they succeeded in keeping their art a secret. Although the silk manufacture, as we have
seen, was introduced into this country by the Huguenot artizans, the price of thrown silk was so great that it
interfered very considerably with its progress. Organzine was principally made within the dominions of
Savoy, by means of a large and curious engine, the like of which did not exist elsewhere. The Italians, by the
most severe laws, long preserved the mystery of the invention. The punishment prescribed by one of their
laws to be inflicted upon anyone who discovered the secret, or attempted to carry it out of the Sardinian
dominions, was death, with the forfeiture of all the goods the delinquent possessed; and the culprit was "to be
afterwards painted on the outside of the prison walls, hanging to the gallows by one foot, with an inscription
denoting the name and crime of the person, there to be continued for a perpetual mark of infamy."[3]
Nevertheless, a bold and ingenious man was found ready to brave all this danger in the endeavour to discover
the secret. It may be remembered with what courage and determination the founder of the Foley family
introduced the manufacture of nails into England. He went into the Danemora mine district, near Upsala in
Sweden, fiddling his way among the miners; and after making two voyages, he at last wrested from them the
secret of making nails, and introduced the new industry into the Staffordshire district.[4] The courage of John
Lombe, who introduced the thrownsilk industry into England, was equally notable. He was a native of
Norwich. Playfair, in his 'Family Antiquity' (vii. 312), says his name "may have been taken from the French
Lolme, or de Lolme," as there were many persons of French and Flemish origin settled at Norwich towards
the close of the sixteenth century; but there is no further information as to his special origin.
John Lombe's father, Henry Lombe, was a worsted weaver, and was twice married. By his first wife he had
two sons, Thomas and Henry; and by his second, he had also two sons, Benjamin and John. At his death in
1695, he left his two brothers his "supervisors," or trustees, and directed them to educate his children in due
time to some useful trade. Thomas, the eldest son, went to London. He was apprenticed to a trade, and
succeeded in business, as we find him Sheriff of London and Middlesex in 1727, when in his fortysecond
year. He was also knighted in the same year, most probably on the accession of George II. to the throne.
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John, the youngest son of the family, and halfbrother of Thomas, was put an apprentice to a trade. In 1702,
we find him at Derby, working as a mechanic with one Mr. Crotchet. This unfortunate gentleman started a
small silkmill at Derby, with the object of participating in the profits derived from the manufacture.
"The wear of silks," says Hutton, in his 'History of Derby,' "was the taste of the ladies, and the British
merchant was obliged to apply to the Italian with ready money for the article at an exorbitant price." Crotchet
did not succeed in his undertaking. "Three engines were found necessary for the process: he had but one. An
untoward trade is a dreadful sink for money; and an imprudent tradesman is still more dreadfuL. We often see
instances where a fortune would last a man much longer if he lived upon his capital, than if he sent it into
trade. Crotchet soon became insolvent."
John Lombe, who had been a mechanic in Crotchet's silk mill, lost his situation accordingly. But he seems to
have been possessed by an intense desire to ascertain the Italian method of silkthrowing. He could not learn
it in England. There was no other method but going to Italy, getting into a silk mill, and learning the secret of
the Italian art. He was a good mechanic and a clever draughtsman, besides being intelligent and fearless.
But he had not the necessary money wherewith to proceed to Italy.
His halfbrother Thomas, however, was doing well in London, and was willing to help him with the requisite
means. Accordingly, John set out for Italy, not long after the failure of Crotchet.
John Lombe succeeded in getting employment in a silk mill in Piedmont, where the art of silkthrowing was
kept a secret. He was employed as a mechanic, and had thus an opportunity, in course of time, of becoming
familiar with the operation of the engine. Hutton says that he bribed the workmen; but this would have been a
dangerous step, and would probably have led to his expulsion, if not to his execution. Hutton had a great
detestation of the first silk factory at Derby, where he was employed when a boy; and everything that he says
about it must be taken cum grano salis. When the subject of renewing the patent was before Parliament in
1731, Mr. Perry, who supported the petition of Sir Thomas Lombe, said that "the art had been kept so secret
in Piedmont, that no other nation could ever yet come at the invention, and that Sir Thomas and his brother
resolved to make an attempt for the bringing of this invention into their own country. They knew that there
would be great difficulty and danger in the undertaking, because the king of Sardinia had made it death for
any man to discover this invention, or attempt to carry it out of his dominions. The petitioner's brother,
however, resolved to venture his person for the benefit and advantage of his native country, and Sir Thomas
was resolved to venture his money, and to furnish his brother with whatever sums should be necessary for
executing so bold and so generous a design. His brother went accordingly over to Italy; and after a long stay
and a great expense in that country, he found means to see this engine so often, and to pry into the nature of it
so narrowly, that he made himself master of the whole invention and of all the different parts and motions
belonging to it."
John Lombe was absent from England for several years. While occupied with his investigations and making
his drawings, it is said that it began to be rumoured that the Englishman was prying into the secret of the silk
mill, and that he had to fly for his life. However this may be, he got on board an English ship, and returned to
England in safety. He brought two Italian workmen with him, accustomed to the secrets of the silk trade. He
arrived in London in 1716, when, after conferring with his brother, a specification was prepared and a patent
for the organzining of raw silk was taken out in 1718. The patent was granted for fourteen years.
In the meantime, John Lombe arranged with the Corporation of the town of Derby for taking a lease of the
island or swamp on the river Derwent, at a ground rental of 8L. a year. The island, which was well situated
for waterpower, was 500 feet long and 52 feet wide. Arrangements were at once made for erecting a silk
mill thereon, the first large factory in England. It was constructed entirely at the expense of his brother
Thomas. While the building was in progress, John Lombe hired various rooms in Derby, and particularly the
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Town Hall, where he erected temporary engines turned by hand, and gave employment to a large number of
poor people.
At length, after about three years' labour, the great silk mill was completed. It was founded upon huge piles of
oak, from 16 to 20 feet long, driven into the swamp close to each other by an engine made for the purpose.
The building was five stories high, contained eight large apartments, and had no fewer than 468 windows.
The Lombes must have had great confidence in their speculation, as the building and the great engine for
making the organzine silk, together with the other fittings, cost them about 30,000L.
One effect of the working of the mill was greatly to reduce the price of the thrownsilk, and to bring it below
the cost of the Italian production. The King of Sardinia, having heard of the success of the Lombe's
undertaking, prohibited the exportation of Piedmontese raw silk, which interrupted the course of their
prosperity, until means were taken to find a renewed supply elsewhere.
And now comes the tragic part of the story, for which Mr. Hutton, the author of the 'History of Derby,' is
responsible. As he worked in the silk mill when a boy, from 1730 to 1737, he doubtless heard it from the
millhands, and there may be some truth in it, though mixed with a little romance. It is this: Hutton says of
John Lombe, that he "had not pursued this lucrative commerce more than three or four years when the
Italians, who felt the effects from their want of trade, determined his destruction, and hoped that that of his
works would follow. An artful woman came over in the character of a friend, associated with the parties, and
assisted in the business. She attempted to gain both the Italian workmen, and succeeded with one. By these
two slow poison was supposed, and perhaps justly, to have been administered to John Lombe, who lingered
two or three years in agony, and departed. The Italian ran away to his own country; and Madam was
interrogated, but nothing transpired, except what strengthened suspicion." A strange story, if true.
Of the funeral, Hutton says: "John Lombe's was the most superb ever known in Derby. A man of
peaceable deportment, who had brought a beneficial manufactory into the place, employed the poor, and at
advanced wages, could not fail meeting with respect, and his melancholy end with pity. Exclusive of the
gentlemen who attended, all the people concerned in the works were invited. The procession marched in
pairs, and extended the length of Full Street, the marketplace, and Irongate; so that when the corpse
entered All Saints, at St. Mary's Gate, the last couple left the house of the deceased, at the corner of Silkmill
Lane."
Thus John Lombe died and was buried at the early age of twentynine; and Thomas, the capitalist, continued
the owner of the Derby silk mill. Hutton erroneously states that William succeeded, and that he shot himself.
The Lombes had no brother of the name of William, and this part of Hutton's story is a romance.
The affairs of the Derby silk mill went on prosperously. Enough thrown silk was manufactured to supply the
trade, and the weaving of silk became a thriving business. Indeed, English silk began to have a European
reputation. In olden times it was said that "the stranger buys of the Englishman the case of the fox for a groat,
and sells him the tail again for a shilling." But now the matter was reversed, and the saying was, "The
Englishman buys silk of the stranger for twenty marks, and sells him the same again for one hundred
pounds."
But the patent was about to expire. It had been granted for only fourteen years; and a long time had elapsed
before the engine could be put in operation, and the organzine manufactured. It was the only engine in the
kingdom. Joshua Gee, writing in 1731, says: "As we have but one Water Engine in the kingdom for throwing
silk, if that should be destroyed by fire or any other accident, it would make the continuance of throwing fine
silk very precarious; and it is very much to be doubted whether all the men now living in the kingdom could
make another." Gee accordingly recommended that three or four more should be erected at the public
expense, "according to the model of that at Derby."[5]
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The patent expired in 1732. The year before, Sir Thomas Lombe, who had been by this time knighted,
applied to Parliament for a prolongation of the patent. The reasons for his appeal were principally these: that
before he could provide for the full supply of other silk proper for his purpose (the Italians having prohibited
the exportation of raw silk), and before he could alter his engine, train up a sufficient number of workpeople,
and bring the manufacture to perfection, almost all the fourteen years of his patent right would have expired.
"Therefore," the petition to Parliament concluded, "as he has not hitherto received the intended benefit of the
aforesaid patent, and in consideration of the extraordinary nature of this undertaking, the very great expense,
hazard, and difficulty he has undergone, as well as the advantage he has thereby procured to the nation at his
own expense, the said Sir Thomas Lombe humbly hopes that Parliament will grant him a further term for the
sole making and using his engines, or such other recompense as in their wisdom shall seem meet."[6]
The petition was referred to a Committee. After consideration, they recommended the House of Commons to
grant a further term of years to Sir Thomas Lombe. The advisers of the King, however, thought it better that
the patent should not be renewed, but that the trade in silk should be thrown free to all. Accordingly the
Chancellor of the Exchequer acquainted the House (14th March, 1731) that "His Majesty having been
informed of the case of Sir Thomas Lombe, with respect to his engine for making organzine silk, had
commanded him to acquaint this House, that His Majesty recommended to their consideration the making
such provision for a recompense to Sir Thomas Lombe as they shall think proper."
The result was, that the sum of 14,000L. was voted and paid to Sir Thomas Lombe as "a reward for his
eminent services done to the nation, in discovering with the greatest hazard and difficulty the capital Italian
engines, and introducing and bringing the same to full perfection in this kingdom, at his own great
expense."[7] The trade was accordingly thrown open. Silk mills were erected at Stockport and elsewhere;
Hutton says that divers additional mills were erected in Derby; and a large and thriving trade was established.
In 1850, the number employed in the silk manufacture exceeded a million persons. The old mill has recently
become disused. Although supported by strong wooden supports, it showed signs of falling; and it was
replaced by a larger mill, more suitable to modern requirements.
Footnotes for Chapter IV.
[1] "This was equally the case with two other trades; those of glassmaker and druggist, which brought no
contamination upon nobility in Venice. In a country where wealth was concentrated in the hands of the
powerful, it was no doubt highly judicious thus to encourage its employment for objects of public advantage.
A feeling, more or less powerful, has always existed in the minds of the highborn, against the employment
of their time and wealth to purposes of commerce or manufactures. All trades, save only that of war, seem to
have been held by them as in some sort degrading, and but little comporting with the dignity of aristocratic
blood." Cabinet CyclopediaSilk Manufacture, p. 20.
[2] A Brief State of the Inland or Home Trade. (Pamphlet.) 1730.
[3] A Brief State of the Case relating to the Machine erected at Derby for making Italian Organzine Silk,
which was discovered and brought into England with the utmost difficulty and hazard, and at the Sole
Expense of Sir Thomas Lombe. House of Commons Paper, 28th January, 1731.
[4] SelfHelp, p. 205.
[5] The Trade and Navigation of Great Britain considered, p. 94.
[6] The petition sets forth the merits of the machine at Derby for making Italian organzine silk"a
manufacture made out of fine raw silk, by reducing it to a hard twisted fine and even thread. This silk makes
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the warp, and is absolutely necessary to mix with and cover the Turkey and other coarser silks thrown here,
which are used for Shute,so that, without a constant supply of this fine Italian organzine silk, very little of
the said Turkey or other silks could be used, nor could the silk weaving trade be carried on in England. This
Italian organzine (or thrown) silk has in all times past been bought with our money, ready made (or worked)
in Italy, for want of the art of making it here. Whereas now, by making it ourselves out of fine Italian raw
silk, the nation saves near onethird part; and by what we make out of fine China raw silk, above onehalf of
the price we pay for it ready worked in Italy. The machine at Derby contains 97,746 wheels, movements, and
individual parts (which work day and night), all which receive their motion from one large waterwheel, are
governed by one regulator, and it employs about 300 persons to attend and supply it with work." In Bees
Cyclopaedia (art. 'Silk Manufacture') there is a full description of the Piedmont throwing machine introduced
to England by John Lombe, with a good plate of it.
[7] Sir Thomas Lombe died in 1738. He had two daughters. The first, Hannah, was married to Sir Robert
Clifton, of Clifton, co.
Notts; the second, Mary Turner, was married to James, 7th Earl of Lauderdale. In his will, he "recommends
his wife, at the conclusion of the Darby concern," to distribute among his "principal servants or managers five
or six hundred pounds."
CHAPTER V. WILLIAM MURDOCK: HIS LIFE AND INVENTIONS.
"Justice exacts, that those by whom we are most benefited
Should be most admired."Dr. Johnson.
"The beginning of civilization is the discovery of some useful arts, by which men acquire property, comforts,
or luxuries. The necessity or desire of preserving them leads to laws and social institutions... In reality, the
origin as well as the progress and improvement of civil society is founded on mechanical and chemical
inventions."Sir Humphry Davy.
At the middle of last century, Scotland was a very poor country. It consisted mostly of mountain and
moorland; and the little arable land it contained was badly cultivated. Agriculture was almost a lost art.
"Except in a few instances," says a writer in the 'Farmers' Magazine' of 1803, "Scotland was little better than
a barren waste." Cattle could with difficulty be kept alive; and the people in some parts of the country were
often on the brink of starvation. The people were hopeless, miserable, and without spirit, like the Irish in their
very worst times. After the wreck of the Darien expedition, there seemed to be neither skill, enterprise, nor
money left in the country. What resources it contained were altogether undeveloped. There was little
communication between one place and another, and such roads as existed were for the greater part of the year
simply impassable.
There were various opinions as to the causes of this frightful state of things. Some thought it was the Union
between England and Scotland; and Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun, "The Patriot," as he was called, urged its
Repeal. In one of his publications, he endeavoured to show that about onesixth of the population of Scotland
was in a state of beggary two hundred thousand vagabonds begging from door to door, or robbing and
plundering people as poor as themselves.[1] Fletcher was accordingly as great a repealer as Daniel O'Connell
in after times. But he could not get the people to combine. There were others who held a different opinion.
They thought that something might be done by the people themselves to extricate the country from its
miserable condition.
It still possessed some important elements of prosperity. The inhabitants of Scotland, though poor, were
strong and able to work. The land, though cold and sterile, was capable of cultivation.
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Accordingly, about the middle of last century, some important steps were taken to improve the general
condition of things. A few publicspirited landowners led the way, and formed themselves into a society for
carrying out improvements in agriculture. They granted long leases of farms as a stimulus to the most skilled
and industrious, and found it to their interest to give the farmer a more permanent interest in his
improvements than he had before enjoyed. Thus stimulated and encouraged, farming made rapid progress,
especially in the Lothians; and the example spread into other districts. Banks were established for the storage
of capital. Roads were improved, and communications increased between one part of the country and another.
Hence trade and commerce arose, by reason of the facilities afforded for the interchange of traffic. The
people, being fairly educated by the parish schools, were able to take advantage of these improvements. Sloth
and idleness gradually disappeared, before the energy, activity, and industry which were called into life by
the improved communications.
At the same time, active and powerful minds were occupied in extending the domain of knowledge. Black
and Robison, of Glasgow, were the precursors of James Watt, whose invention of the condensing
steamengine was yet to produce a revolution in industrial operations, the like of which had never before
been known. Watt had hit upon his great idea while experimenting with an old Newcomen model which
belonged to the University of Glasgow. He was invited by Mr. Roebuck of Kinneil to make a working
steamengine for the purpose of pumping water from the coalpits at Boroughstoness; but his progress was
stopped by want of capital, as well as by want of experience. It was not until the brave and generous Matthew
Boulton of Birmingham took up the machine, and backed Watt with his capital and his spirit, that Watt's
enterprise had the remotest chance of success. Even after about twelve years' effort, the condensing
steamengine was only beginning, though halfheartedly, to be taken up and employed by colliery
proprietors and cotton manufacturers. In developing its powers, and extending its uses, the great merits of
William Murdock can never be forgotten. Watt stands first in its history, as the inventor; Boulton second, as
its promoter and supporter; and Murdock third, as its developer and improver.
William Murdock was born on the 21st of August, 1754, at Bellow Mill, in the parish of Auchinleck,
Ayrshire. His father, John, was a miller and millwright, as well as a farmer. His mother's maiden name was
Bruce, and she used to boast of being descended from Robert Bruce, the deliverer of Scotland. The
Murdocks, or Murdochsfor the name was spelt in either waywere numerous in the neighbourhood, and
they were nearly all related to each other. They are supposed to have originally come into the district from
Flanders, between which country and Scotland a considerable intercourse existed in the middle ages. Some of
the Murdocks took a leading part in the construction of the abbeys and cathedrals of the North;[2] others were
known as mechanics; but the greater number were farmers.
One of the best known members of the family was John Murdock, the poet Burns' first teacher. Burns went to
his school at Alloway Mill, when he was six years old. There he learnt to read and write. When Murdock
afterwards set up a school at Ayr, Burns, who was then fifteen, went to board with him. In a letter to a
correspondent, Murdock said: "In 1773, Robert Burns came to board and lodge with me, for the purpose of
revising his English grammar, that he might be better qualified to instruct his brothers and sisters at home. He
was now with me day and night, in school, at all meals, and in all my walks." The pupil even shared the
teacher's bed at night. Murdock lent the boy books, and helped the cultivation of his mind in many ways.
Burns soon revised his English grammar, and learnt French, as well as a little Latin. Some time after,
Murdock removed to London, and had the honour of teaching Talleyrand English during his residence as an
emigrant in this country. He continued to have the greatest respect for his former pupil, whose poetry
commemorated the beauties of his native district.
It may be mentioned that Bellow Mill is situated on the Bellow Water, near where it joins the river Lugar.
One of Burns' finest songs begins:
"Behind yon hills where Lugar flows."
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That was the scene of William Murdock's boyhood. When a boy, he herded his father's cows along the banks
of the Bellow; and as there were then no hedges, it was necessary to have some one to watch the cattle while
grazing. The spot is still pointed out where the boy, in the intervals of his herding, hewed a square
compartment out of the rock by the water side, and there burnt the splint coal found on the top of the Black
Band ironstone. That was one of the undeveloped industries of Scotland; for the Scotch iron trade did not
arrive at any considerable importance until about a century later.[3] The little cavern in which Murdock burnt
the splint coal was provided with a fireplace and vent, all complete. It is possible that he may have there
derived, from his experiments, the first idea of Gas as an illuminant.
Murdock is also said to have made a wooden horse, worked by mechanical power, which was the wonder of
the district. On this mechanical horse he rode to the village of Cumnock, about two miles distant. His father's
name is, however, associated with his own in the production of this machine. Old John Murdock had a
reputation for intelligence and skill of no ordinary kind. When at Carron ironworks, in 1760, he had a pinton
cast after a pattern which he had prepared. This is said to have been the first piece of irontoothed gearing
ever used in mill work. When I last saw it, the pinton was placed on the lawn in front of William Murdock's
villa at Handsworth.
The young man helped his father in many ways. He worked in the mill, worked on the farm, and assisted in
the preparation of mill machinery. In this way he obtained a considerable amount of general technical
knowledge. He even designed and constructed bridges. He was employed to build a bridge over the river
Nith, near Dumfries, and it stands there to this day, a solid and handsome structure. But he had an ambition to
be something more than a country mason. He had heard a great deal about the inventions of James Watt; and
he determined to try whether he could not get "a job" at the famous manufactory at Soho. He accordingly left
his native place in the year 1777, in the twentythird year of his age; and migrated southward. He left plenty
of Murdocks behind him. There was a famous staff in the family, originally owned by William Murdock's
grandfather, which bore the following inscription: "This staff I leave in pedigree to the oldest Murdock after
me, in the parish of Auchenleck, 1745." This staff was lately held by Jean Murdock, daughter of the late
William Murdock, joiner, cousin of the subject of this biography.
When William arrived at Soho in 1777 he called at the works to ask for employment. Watt was then in
Cornwall, looking after his pumping engines; but he saw Boulton, who was usually accessible to callers of
every rank. In answer to Murdock's enquiry whether he could have a job, Boulton replied that work was very
slack with them, and that every place was filled up. During the brief conversation that took place, the blate
young Scotchman, like most country lads in the presence of strangers, had some difficulty in knowing what
to do with his hands, and unconsciously kept twirling his hat with them. Boulton's attention was attracted to
the twirling hat, which seemed to be of a peculiar make. It was not a felt hat, nor a cloth hat, nor a glazed hat:
but it seemed to be painted, and composed of some unusual material. "That seems to be a curious sort of hat,"
said Boulton, looking at it more closely; "what is it made of?" "Timmer, sir," said Murdock, modestly.
"Timmer? Do you mean to say that it is made of wood?" "'Deed it is, sir." "And pray how was it made?" "I
made it mysel, sir, in a bit laithey of my own contrivin'." "Indeed!"
Boulton looked at the young man again. He had risen a hundred degrees in his estimation. William was a
goodlooking fellowtall, strong, and handsomewith an open intelligent countenance. Besides, he had
been able to turn a hat for himself with a lathe of his own construction. This, of itself, was a sufficient proof
that he was a mechanic of no mean skill. "Well!" said Boulton, at last, "I will enquire at the works, and see if
there is anything we can set you to. Call again, my man."
"Thank you, sir," said Murdock, giving a final twirl to his hat.
Such was the beginning of William Murdock's connection with the firm of Boulton and Watt. When he called
again he was put upon a trial job, and then, as he was found satisfactory, he was engaged for two years at 15s.
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a week when at home, 17s. when in the country, and 18s. when in London. Boulton's engagement of
Murdock was amply justified by the result. Beginning as an ordinary mechanic, he applied himself diligently
and conscientiously to his work, and gradually became trusted. More responsible duties were confided to
him, and he strove to perform them to the best of his power. His industry, skilfulness, and steady sobriety,
soon marked him for promotion, and he rose from grade to grade until he became Boulton and Watt's most
trusted coworker and adviser in all their mechanical undertakings of importance.
Watt himself had little confidence in Scotchmen as mechanics. He told Sir Waiter Scott that though many of
them sought employment at his works, he could never get any of them to become firstrate workmen. They
might be valuable as clerks and bookkeepers, but they had an insuperable aversion to toiling long at any
point of mechanism, so as to earn the highest wages paid to the workmen.[4] The reason no doubt was, that
the workingpeople of Scotland were then only in course of education as practical mechanics; and now that
they have had a century's discipline of work and technical training, the result is altogether different, as the
engineshops and shipbuildingyards of the Clyde abundantly prove. Mechanical power and technical ability
are the result of training, like many other things.
When Boulton engaged Murdock, as we have said, Watt was absent in Cornwall, looking after the
pumpingengines which had been erected at several of the mines throughout that county. The partnership had
only been in existence for three years, and Watt was still struggling with the difficulties which he had to
surmount in getting the steam engine into practical use. His health was bad, and he was oppressed with
frightful headaches. He was not the man to fight the selfishness of the Cornish adventurers. "A little more of
this hurrying and vexation," he said, "will knock me up altogether." Boulton went to his help occasionally,
and gave him hope and courage. And at length William Murdock, after he had acquired sufficient knowledge
of the business, was able to undertake the principal management of the engines in Cornwall.
We find that in 1779, when he was only twentyfive years old, he was placed in this important position.
When he went into Cornwall, he gave himself no rest until he had conquered the defects of the engines, and
put them into thorough working order.
He devoted himself to his duties with a zeal and ability that completely won Watt's heart. When he had an
important job in hand, he could scarcely sleep. One night at his lodgings at Redruth, the people were
disturbed by a strange noise in his room. Several heavy blows were heard upon the floor. They started from
their beds, rushed to Murdock's room, and found him standing in his shirt, heaving at the bedpost in his sleep,
shouting "Now she goes, lads! now she goes!"
Murdock became a most popular man with the mine owners. He also became friendly with the Cornish
workmen and engineers. Indeed, he fought his way to their affections. One day, some halfdozen of the
mining captains came into his engineroom at Chacewater, and began to bully him. This he could not stand.
He stript, selected the biggest, and put himself into a fighting attitude. They set to, and in a few minutes
Murdock's powerful bones and muscles enabled him to achieve the victory. The other men, who had looked
on fairly, without interfering, seeing the temper and vigour of the man they had bullied, made overtures of
reconciliation. William was quite willing to be friendly. Accordingly they shook hands all round, and parted
the best of friends. It is also said that Murdock afterwards fought a duel with Captain Trevethick, because of a
quarrel between Watt and the mining engineer, in which Murdock conceived his master to have been unfairly
and harshly treated.[5]
The uses of Watt's steamengine began to be recognised as available for manufacturing purposes. It was then
found necessary to invent some method by which continuous rotary motion should be secured, so as to turn
round the moving machinery of mills. With this object Watt had invented his original wheelengine. But no
steps were taken to introduce it into practical use. At length he prepared a model, in which he made use of a
crank connected with the working beam of the engine, so as to produce the necessary rotary motion.
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There was no originality in this application. The crank was one of the most common of mechanical
appliances. It was in daily use in every spinning wheel, and in every turner's and knifegrinder's footlathe.
Watt did not take out a patent for the crank, not believing it to be patentable. But another person did so,
thereby anticipating Watt in the application of the crank for producing rotary motion. He had therefore to
employ some other method, and in the new contrivance he had the valuable help of William Murdock. Watt
devised five different methods of securing rotary motion without using the crank, but eventually he adopted
the "Sunandplanet motion," the invention of Murdock. This had the singular property of going twice round
for every stroke of the engine, and might be made to go round much oftener without additional machinery.
The invention was patented in February, 1782, five Years after Murdock had entered the service of Boulton
and Watt.
Murdock continued for many years busily occupied in superintending the Cornish steamengines. We find
him described by his employers as "flying from mine to mine," putting the engines to rights. If anything went
wrong, he was immediately sent for. He was active, quicksighted, shrewd, sober, and thoroughly
trustworthy. Down to the year 1780, his wages were only a pound a week; but Boulton made him a present of
ten guineas, to which the owners of the United Mines added another ten, in acknowledgment of the admirable
manner in which he bad erected their new engine, the chairman of the company declaring that he was "the
most obliging and industrious workman he had ever known." That he secured the admiration of the Cornish
engineers may be obvious from the fact of Mr. Boaze having invited him to join in an engineering
partnership; but Murdock remained loyal to the Birmingham firm, and in due time he had his reward.
He continued to be the "right hand man" of the concern in Cornwall. Boulton wrote to Watt, towards the end
of 1782: "Murdock hath been indefatigable ever since he began. He has scarcely been in bed or taken
necessary food. After slaving night and day on Thursday and Friday, a letter came from Wheal Virgin that he
must go instantly to set their engine to work, or they would let out the fire. He went and set the engine to
work; it worked well for the five or six hours he remained. He left it, and returned to the Consolidated Mines
about eleven at night, and was employed about the engines till four this morning, and then went to bed. I
found him at ten this morning in Poldice Cistern, seeking for pins and castors that had jumped out, when I
insisted on his going home to bed."
On one occasion, when an engine superintended by Murdock stopped through some accident, the water rose
in the mine, and the workmen were "drowned out." Upon this occurring, the miners went "roaring at him" for
throwing them out of work, and threatened to tear him to pieces. Nothing daunted, he went through the midst
of the men, repaired the invalided engine, and started it afresh.
When he came out of the enginehouse, the miners cheered him vociferously and insisted upon carrying him
home upon their shoulders in triumph!
Steam was now asserting its power everywhere. It was pumping water from the mines in Cornwall and
driving the mills of the manufacturers in Lancashire. Speculative mechanics began to consider whether it
might not be employed as a means of land locomotion. The comprehensive mind of Sir Isaac Newton had
long before, in his 'Explanation of the Newtonian Philosophy,' thrown out the idea of employing steam for
this purpose; but no practical experiment was made. Benjamin Franklin, while agent in London for the United
Provinces of America, had a correspondence with Matthew Boulton, of Birmingham, and Dr. Darwin, of
Lichfield, on the same subject. Boulton sent a model of a fireengine to London for Franklin's inspection; but
Franklin was too much occupied at the time by grave political questions to pursue the subject further.
Erasmus Darwin's speculative mind was inflamed by the idea of a "fiery chariot," and he urged his friend
Boulton to prosecute the contrivance of the necessary steam machinery.[6]
Other minds were at work. Watt, when only twentythree years old, at the instigation of his friend Robison,
made a model locomotive, provided with two cylinders of tin plate; but the project was laid aside, and was
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never again taken up by the inventor. Yet, in his patent of 1784, Watt included an arrangement by means of
which steampower might be employed for the purposes of locomotion. But no further model of the
contrivance was made.
Meanwhile, Cugnot, of Paris, had already made a road engine worked by steam power. It was first tried at the
Arsenal in 1769; and, being set in motion, it ran against a stone wall in its way and threw it down. The engine
was afterwards tried in the streets of Paris. In one of the experiments it fell over with a crash, and was
thenceforward locked up in the Arsenal to prevent its doing further mischief. This first locomotive is now to
be seen at the Conservatoire des Arts et Metiers at Paris.
Murdock had doubtless heard of Watt's original speculations, and proceeded, while at Redruth, during his
leisure hours, to construct a model locomotive after a design of his own. This model was of small
dimensions, standing little more than a foot and a half high, though it was sufficiently large to demonstrate
the soundness of the principle on which it was constructed. It was supported on three wheels, and carried a
small copper boiler, heated by a spirit lamp, with a flue passing obliquely through it. The cylinder, of 3/4 inch
diameter and 2inch stroke, was fixed in the top of the boiler, the pistonrod being connected with the
vibratory beam attached to the connectingrod which worked the crank of the drivingwheel. This little
engine worked by the expansive force of steam only, which was discharged into the atmosphere after it had
done its work of alternately raising and depressing the piston in the cylinder.
Mr. Murdock's son, while living at Handsworth, informed the present writer that this model was invented and
constructed in 1781; but, after perusing the correspondence of Boulton and Watt, we infer that it was not
ready for trial until 1784. The first experiment was made in Murdock's own house at Redruth, when the little
engine successfully hauled a model waggon round the room,the single wheel, placed in front of the engine
and working in a swivel frame, enabling it to run round in a circle.
Another experiment was made out of doors, on which occasion, small though the engine was, it fairly outran
the speed of its inventor. One night, after returning from his duties at the mine at Redruth, Murdock went
with his model locomotive to the avenue leading to the church, about a mile from the town. The walk was
narrow, straight, and level. Having lit the lamp, the water soon boiled, and off started the engine with the
inventor after it. Shortly after he heard distant shouts of terror. It was too dark to perceive objects, but he
found, on following up the machine, that the cries had proceeded from the worthy vicar, who, while going
along the walk, had met the hissing and fiery little monster, which he declared he took to be the Evil One in
propria persona!
When Watt was informed of Murdock's experiments, he feared that they might interfere with his regular
duties, and advised their discontinuance. Should Murdock still resolve to continue them, Watt urged his
partner Boulton, then in Cornwall, that, rather than lose Murdock's services, they should advance him 100L.;
and, if he succeeded within a year in making an engine capable of drawing a postchaise carrying two
passengers and the driver, at the rate of four miles an hour, that a locomotive engine business should be
established, with Murdock as a partner. The arrangement, however, never proceeded any further. Perhaps a
different attraction withdrew Murdock from his locomotive experiments. He was then paying attention to a
young lady, the daughter of Captain Painter; and in l785 he married her, and brought her home to his house in
Cross Street, Redruth.
In the following year,September, 1786Watt says, in a letter to Boulton, "I have still the same opinion
concerning the steam carriage, but, to prevent more fruitless argument about it, I have one of some size under
hand. In the meantime, I wish William could be brought to do as we do, to mind the business in hand, and let
such as Symington and Sadler throw away their time and money in hunting shadows." In a subsequent letter
Watt expressed his gratification at finding "that William applies to his business." From that time forward,
Murdock as well as Watt, dropped all further speculation on the subject, and left it to others to work out the
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problem of the locomotive engine. Murdock's model remained but a curious toy, which he took pleasure in
exhibiting to his intimate friends; and, though he long continued to speculate about road locomotion, and was
persuaded of its practicability, he abstained from embodying his ideas of the necessary engine in any
complete working form.
Murdock nevertheless continued inventing, for the man who is given to invent, and who possesses the gift of
insight, cannot rest. He lived in the midst of inventors. Watt and Boulton were constantly suggesting new
things, and Murdock became possessed by the same spirit. In 1791 he took out his first patent. It was for a
method of preserving ships' bottoms from foulness by the use of a certain kind of chemical paint. Mr.
Murdock's grandson informs us that it was recently repatented and was the cause of a lawsuit, and that
Hislop's patent for revivifying gaslime would have been an infringement, if it had not expired.
Murdock is still better known by his invention of gas for lighting purposes. Several independent inquirers
into the constituents of Newcastle coal had arrived at the conclusion that nearly onethird of the substance
was driven off in vapour by the application of heat, and that the vapour so driven off was inflammable. But
no suggestion had been made to apply this vapour for lighting purposes until Murdock took the matter in
hand. Mr. M. S. Pearse has sent us the following interesting reminiscence: "Some time since, when in the
West of Cornwall, I was anxious to find out whether any one remembered Murdock. I discovered one of the
most respectable and intelligent men in Camborne, Mr. William Symons, who not only distinctly
remembered Murdock, but had actually been present on one of the first occasions when gas was used.
Murdock, he says, was very fond of children, and not unfrequently took them into his workshop to show
them what he was doing. Hence it happened that on one occasion this gentleman, then a boy of seven or
eight, was standing outside Murdock's door with some other boys, trying to catch sight of some special
mystery inside, for Dr. Boaze, the chief doctor of the place, and Murdock had been busy all the afternoon.
Murdock came out, and asked my informant to run down to a shop near by for a thimble. On returning with
the thimble, the boy pretended to have lost it, and, whilst searching in every pocket, he managed to slip inside
the door of the workshop, and then produced the thimble. He found Dr. Boaze and Murdock with a kettle
filled with coal. The gas issuing from it had been burnt in a large metal case, such as was used for blasting
purposes. Now, however, they had applied a much smaller tube, and at the end of it fastened the thimble,
through the small perforations made in which they burned a continuous jet for some time."[7]
After numerous experiments, Murdock had his house in Cross Street fitted up in 1792 for being lit by gas.
The coal was subjected to heat in an iron retort, and the gas was conveyed in pipes to the offices and the
different rooms of the house, where it was burned at proper apertures or burners.[8] Portions of the gas were
also confined in portable vessels of tinned iron, from which it was burned when required, thus forming a
moveable gaslight. Murdock had a gas lantern in regular use, for the purpose of lighting himself home at
night across the moors, from the mines where he was working, to his home at Redruth. This lantern was
formed by filling a bladder with gas and fixing a jet to the mouthpiece at the bottom of a glass lantern, with
the bladder hanging underneath.
Having satisfied himself as to the superior economy of coal gas, as compared with oils and tallow, for the
purposes of artificial illumination, Murdock mentioned the subject to Mr. James Watt, jun., during a brief
visit to Soho in 1794, and urged the propriety of taking out a patent. Watt was, however, indifferent to taking
out any further patents, being still engaged in contesting with the Cornish mineowners his father's rights to
the user of the condensing steamengine. Nothing definite was done at the time. Murdock returned to
Cornwall and continued his experiments. At the end of the same year he exhibited to Mr. Phillips and others,
at the Polgooth mine, his apparatus for extracting gases from coal and other substances, showed it in use, lit
the gas which issued from the burner, and showed its "strong and beautiful light." He afterwards exhibited the
same apparatus to Tregelles and others at the Neath Abbey Company's ironworks in Glamorganshire.
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Murdock returned to Soho in 1798, to take up his permanent residence in the neighbourhood. When the mine
owners heard of his intention to leave Cornwall, they combined in offering him a handsome salary provided
he would remain in the county; but his attachment to his friends at Soho would not allow him to comply with
their request. He again urged the firm of Boulton and Watt to take out a patent for the use of gas for lighting
purposes. But being still embroiled in their tedious and costly lawsuit, they were naturally averse to risk
connection with any other patent. Watt the younger, with whom Murdock communicated on the subject, was
aware that the current of gas obtained from the distillation of coal in Lord Dundonald's tarovens had been
occasionally set fire to, and also that Bishop Watson and others had burned gas from coal, after conducting it
through tubes, or after it had issued from the retort. Mr. Watt was, however, quite satisfied that Murdock was
the first person who had suggested its economical application for public and private uses.
But he was not clear, after the legal difficulties which had been raised as to his father's patent rights, that it
would be safe to risk a further patent for gas.
Mr. Murdock's suggestion, accordingly, was not acted upon. But he went on inventing in other directions. He
thenceforward devoted himself entirely to mechanical pursuits. Mr. Buckle has said of him: "The rising
sun often found him, after a night spent in incessant labour, still at the anvil or turninglathe; for with his
own hands he would make such articles as he would not intrust to unskilful ones." In 1799 he took out a
patent (No. 2340), embodying some very important inventions. First, it included the endless screw working
into a toothedwheel, for boring steamcylinders, which is still in use. Second, the casting of a steamjacket
in one cylinder, instead of being made in separate segments bolted together with caulked joints, as was
previously done. Third, the new doubleD slidevalve, by which the construction and working of the
steamengine was simplified, and the loss of steam saved, as well as the cylindrical valve for the same
purpose. And fourth, improved rotary engines. One of the latter was set to drive the machines in his private
workshop, and continued in nearly constant work and in perfect use for about thirty years.
In 1801, Murdock sent his two sons William and John to the Ayr Academy, for the benefit of Scotch
education. In the summertime they spent their vacation at Bellow Mill, which their grandfather still
continued to occupy. They fished in the river, and "caught a good many trout." The boys corresponded
regularly with their father at Birmingham. In 1804, they seem to have been in a state of great excitement
about the expected landing of the French in Scotland. The volunteers of Ayr amounted to 300 men, the
cavalry to 150, and the riflemen to 50. "The riflemen," says John, "go to the seashore every Saturday to shoot
at a target. They stand at 70 paces distant, and out of 100 shots they often put in 60 bullets!" William says,
"Great preparations are still making for the reception of the French. Several thousand of pikes are carried
through the town every week; and all the volunteers and riflemen have received orders to march at a
moment's warning." The alarm, however, passed away. At the end of 1804, the two boys received prizes;
William got one in arithmetic and another in the Rector's composition class; and John also obtained two, one
in the mathematical class, and the other in French.
To return to the application of gas for lighting purposes. In 1801, a plan was proposed by a M. Le Blond for
lighting a part of the streets of Paris with gas. Murdock actively resumed his experiments; and on the
occasion of the Peace of Amiens in March, 1802, he made the first public exhibition of his invention. The
whole of the works at Soho were brilliantly illuminated with gas.
The sight was received with immense enthusiasm. There could now be no doubt as to the enormous
advantages of this method of producing artificial light, compared with that from oil or tallow. In the
following year the manufacture of gasmaking apparatus was added to the other branches of Boulton and
Watts' business, with which Murdock was now associated,and as much as from 4000L. to 5000L. of
capital were invested in the new works. The new method of lighting speedily became popular amongst
manufacturers, from its superior safety, cheapness, and illuminating power. The mills of Phillips and Lee of
Manchester were fitted up in 1805; and those of Burley and Kennedy, also of Manchester, and of Messrs.
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Gott, of Leeds, in subsequent years.
Though Murdock had made the uses of gaslighting perfectly clear, it was some time before it was proposed
to light the streets by the new method. The idea was ridiculed by Sir Humphry Davy, who asked one of the
projectors if he intended to take the dome of St. Paul's for a gasometer! Sir Waiter Scott made many clever
jokes about those who proposed to "send light through the streets in pipes;" and even Wollaston, a well
known man of science, declared that they "might as well attempt to light London with a slice from the moon."
It has been so with all new projects with the steamboat, the locomotive, and the electric telegraph. As John
Wilkinson said of the first vessel of iron which he introduced, "it will be only a nine days' wonder, and
afterwards a Columbus's egg."
On the 25th of February, 1808, Murdock read a paper before the Royal Society "On the Application of Gas
from Coal to economical purposes." He gave a history of the origin and progress of his experiments, down to
the time when he had satisfactorily lit up the premises of Phillips and Lee at Manchester. The paper was
modest and unassuming, like everything he did.
It concluded: "I believe I may, without presuming too much, claim both the first idea of applying, and the
first application of this gas to economical purposes."[9] The Royal Society awarded Murdock their large
Rumford Gold Medal for his communication.
In the following year a German named Wintzer, or Winsor, appeared as the promotor of a scheme for
obtaining a royal charter with extensive privileges, and applied for powers to form a jointstock company to
light part of London and Westminster with gas. Winsor claimed for his method of gas manufacture that it was
more efficacious and profitable than any then known or practised. The profits, indeed, were to be prodigious.
Winsor made an elaborate calculation in his pamphlet entitled 'The New Patriotic Imperial and National Light
and Heat Company,' from which it appeared that the net annual profits "agreeable to the official experiments"
would amount to over two hundred and twentynine millions of pounds!and that, giving over ninetenths
of that sum towards the redemption of the National Debt, there would still remain a total profit of 570L. to be
paid to the subscribers for every 5L. of deposit! Winsor took out a patent for the invention, and the company,
of which he was a member, proceeded to Parliament for an Act. Boulton and Watt petitioned against the Bill,
and James Watt, junior, gave evidence on the subject. Henry Brougham, who was the counsel for the
petitioners, made great fun of Winsor's absurd speculations,[10] and the Bill was thrown out.
In the following year the London and Westminster Chartered Gas Light and Coke Company succeeded in
obtaining their Act. They were not very successful at first. Many prejudices existed against the employment
of the new light. It was popularly supposed that the gas was carried along the pipes on fire, and that the pipes
must necessarily be intensely hot. When it was proposed to light the House of Commons with gas, the
architect insisted on the pipes being placed several inches from the walls, for fear of fire; and, after the pipes
had been fixed, the members might be seen applying their gloved hands to them to ascertain their
temperature, and afterwards expressing the greatest surprise on finding that they were as cool as the adjoining
walls.
The Gas Company was on the point of dissolution when Mr. Samuel Clegg came to their aid. Clegg had been
a pupil of Murdock's, at Soho. He knew all the arrangements which Murdock had invented. He had assisted
in fitting up the gas machinery at the mills of Phillips Lee, Manchester, as well as at Lodge's Mill, Sowerby
Bridge, near Halifax. He was afterwards employed to fix the apparatus at the Catholic College of
Stoneyhurst, in Lancashire, at the manufactory of Mr. Harris at Coventry, and at other places. In 1813 the
London and Westminster Gas Company secured the services of Mr. Clegg, and from that time forwards their
career was one of prosperity. In 1814 Westminster Bridge was first lighted with gas, and shortly after the
streets of St. Margaret's, Westminster. Crowds of people followed the lamplighter on his rounds to watch the
sudden effect of his flame applied to the invisible stream of gas which issued from the burner. The
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lamplighters became so disgusted with the new light that they struck work, and Clegg himself had for a time
to act as lamplighter.
The advantages of the new light, however, soon became generally recognised, and gas companies were
established in most of the large towns. Glasgow was lit up by gas in 1817, and Liverpool and Dublin in the
following year. Had Murdock in the first instance taken out a patent for his invention, it could not fail to have
proved exceedingly remunerative to him; but he derived no advantage from the extended use of the new
system of lighting except the honour of having invented it.[11] He left the benefits of his invention to the
public, and returned to his labours at Soho, which more than ever completely engrossed him.
Murdock now became completely identified with the firm of Boulton Watt. He assigned to them his patent
for the slidevalve, the rotary engine, and other inventions "for a good and valuable consideration." Indeed
his able management was almost indispensable to the continued success of the Soho foundry. Mr. Nasmyth,
when visiting the works about thirty years after Murdock had taken their complete management in hand,
recalled to mind the valuable services of that truly admirable yet modest mechanic. He observed the
admirable system, which he had invented, of transmitting power from one central engine to other small
vacuum engines attached to the several machines which they were employed to work. "This vacuum
method," he says, "of transmitting power dates from the time of Papin; but it remained a dead contrivance for
about a century until it received the masterly touch of Murdock."
"The sight which I obtained" (Mr. Nasmyth proceeds) "of the vast series of workshops of that celebrated
establishment, fitted with evidences of the presence and results of such master minds in design and execution,
and the special machine tools which I believe were chiefly to be ascribed to the admirable inventive power
and commonsense genius of William Murdock, made me feel that I was indeed on classic ground in regard
to everything connected with the construction of steamengine machinery. The interest was in no small
degree enhanced by coming every now and then upon some machine that had every historical claim to be
regarded as the prototype of many of our modern machine tools. All these had William Murdock's genius
stamped upon them, by reason of their commonsense arrangements, which showed that he was one of those
original thinkers who had the courage to break away from the trammels of traditional methods, and take short
cuts to accomplish his objects by direct and simple means."
We have another recollection of William Murdock, from one who knew him when a boy. This is the
venerable Charles Manby, F.R.S., still honorary secretary of the Institute of Civil Engineers. He says (writing
to us in September 1883), "I see from the public prints that you have been presiding at a meeting intended to
do honour to the memory of William Murdocka most worthy man and an old friend of mine. When he
found me working the first slide valve ever introduced into an enginebuilding establishment at Horsley, he
patted me on the head, and said to my father, 'Neighbour Manby, this is not the way to bring up a good
workman merely turning a handle, without any shoulder work.' He evidently did not anticipate any great
results from my engineering education. But we all know what machine tools are doing now,and where
should we be without them?"
Watt withdrew from the firm in 1800, on the expiry of his patent for the condensing steamengine; but
Boulton continued until the year 1809, when he died full of years and honours. Watt lived on until 1819. The
last part of his life was the happiest. During the time that he was in the throes of his invention, he was very
miserable, weighed down with dyspepsia and sick headaches. But after his patent had expired, he was able to
retire with a moderate fortune, and began to enjoy life. Before, he had "cursed his inventions," now he could
bless them. He was able to survey them, and find out what was right and what was wrong. He used his head
and his hands in his private workshop, and found many means of employing both pleasantly. Murdock
continued to be his fast friend, and they spent many agreeable hours together. They made experiments and
devised improvements in machines. Watt wished to make things more simple. He said to Murdock, "it is a
great thing to know what to do without. We must have a book of blotsthings to be scratched out." One of
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the most interesting schemes of Watt towards the end of his life was the contrivance of a sculpturemaking
machine; and he proceeded so far with it as to to able to present copies of busts to his friends as "the
productions of a young artist just entering his eightythird year." The machine, however, remained
unfinished at his death, and the remarkable fact is that it was Watt's only unfinished work.
The principle of the machine was to carry a guidepoint at one side over the bust or altorelievo to be copied,
and at the other side to carry a corresponding cuttingtool or drill over the alabaster, ivory, jet, or plaster of
Paris to be executed. The machine worked, as it were, with two hands, the one feeling the pattern, the other
cutting the material into the required form. Many new alterations were necessary for carrying out this
ingenious apparatus, and Murdock was always at hand to give his old friend and master his best assistance.
We have seen many original letters from Watt to Murdock, asking for counsel and help. In one of these,
written in 1808, Watt says: "I have revived an idea which, if it answers, will supersede the frame and upright
spindle of the reducing machine, but more of this when we meet. Meanwhile it will be proper to adhere to the
frame, etc., at present, until we see how the other alterations answer." In another he says: "I have done a
Cicero without any plaitsthe different segments meeting exactly. The fitting the drills into the spindle by a
taper of 1 in 6 will do. They are perfectly stiff and will not unscrew easily. Four guidepullies answer, but
there must be a pair for the other end, and to work with a single hand, for the returning part is always cut
upon some part or other of the frame."
These letters are written sometimes in the morning, sometimes at noon, sometimes at night. There was a great
deal of correspondence about "pullies," which did not seem to answer at first. "I have made the tablets," said
Watt on one occasion, "slide more easily, and can counterbalance any part of their weight which may be
necessary; but the first thing to try is the solidity of the machine, which cannot be done till the pullies are
mounted." Then again: "The bustmaking must be given up until we get a more solid frame. I have worked
two days at one and spoiled it, principally from the want of steadiness." For Watt, it must be remembered,
was now a very old man.
He then proceeded to send Murdock the drawing of a "parallel motion for the machine," to be executed by the
workmen at Soho. The truss braces and the crosses were to be executed of steel, according to the details he
enclosed. "I have warmed up," he concludes, "an old idea, and can make a machine in which the pentagraph
and the leading screw will all be contained in the beam, and the pattern and piece to be cut will remain at rest
fixed upon a lath of cast iron or stout steel." Watt is very particular in all his details: "I am sorry," he says in
one note, "to trouble you with so many things; but the alterations on this spindle and socket [he annexes a
drawing] may wait your convenience." In a further note, Watt says. "The drawing for the parallel lathe is
ready; but I have been sadly puzzled about the application of the leading screws to the cranes in the other.
I think, however, I have now got the better of the difficulties, and made it more certain, as well as more
simple, than it was. I have done an excellent head of John Hunter in hard white in shorter time than usual. I
want to show it you before I repair it."
At last Watt seems to have become satisfied: "The lathe," he says, "is very much improved, and you seem to
have given the finishing blow to the roofed frame, which appears perfectly stiff. I had some hours' intense
thinking upon the machine last night, and have made up my mind on it at last. The great difficulty was about
the application of the band, but I have settled it to be much as at present."
Watt's letters to Murdock are most particular in details, especially as to screws, nuts, and tubes, with strengths
and dimensions, always illustrated with penandink drawings. And yet all this was done merely for
mechanical amusement, and not for any personal pecuniary advantage. While Watt was making experiments
as to the proper substances to be carved and drilled, he also desired Murdock to make similar experiments.
"The nitre," he said in one note, "seems to do harm; the fluor composition seems the best and hardest. Query,
what would some calcined pipeclay do? If you will calcine some fireclay by a red heat and pound
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it,about a pound,and send it to me, I shall try to make you a mould or two in Henning's manner to cast
this and the sulphur acid iron in. I have made a screwing tool for wood that seems to answer; also one of a
onetenth diameter for marble, which does very well." In another note, Watt says: "I find my drill readily
makes 2400 turns per minute, even with the large drill you sent last; if I bear lightly, a threequarter ferril
would run about 3000, and by an engine that might be doubled."
The materials to be drilled into medallions also required much consideration. "I am much obliged to you,"
said Watt, "for the balls, etc., which answer as well as can be expected. They make great progress in cutting
the crust (Ridgways) or alabaster, and also cut marble, but the harder sorts soon blunt them. At any rate,
marble does not do for the medallions, as its grain prevents its being cut smooth, and its semitransparence
hurts the effect. I think Bristol lime, or shell lime, pressed in your manner, would have a good effect. When
you are at leisure, I shall thank you for a few pieces, and if some of them are made pink or flesh colour, they
will look well. I used the ball quite perpendicular, and it cut well, as most of the cutting is sideways. I tried a
fine whirling point, but it made little progress; another with a chisel edge did almost as well as the balls, but
did not work so pleasantly. I find a triangular scraping point the best, and I think from some trials it should be
quite a sharp point. The wheel runs easier than it did, but has still too much friction. I wished to have had an
hour's consultation with you, but have been prevented by sundry matters among others by that plaguey stove,
which is now in your hands."
Watt was most grateful to Murdock for his unvarying assistance. In January, 1813, when Watt was in his
seventyseventh year, he wrote to Murdock, asking him to accept a present of a lathe "I have not heard from
you," he says, "in reply to my letter about the lathe; and, presuming you are not otherwise provided, I have
bought it, and request your acceptance of it. At present, an alteration for the better is making in the oval
chuck, and a few additional chucks, rest, etc., are making to the lathe. When these are finished, I shall have it
at Billinger's until you return, or as you otherwise direct. I am going on with my drawings for a complete
machine, and shall be glad to see you here to judge of them."
The drawings were made, but the machine was never finished. "Invention," said Watt, "goes on very slowly
with me now." Four years later, he was still at work; but death put a stop to his "diminishingmachine." It is a
remarkable testimony to the skill and perseverance of a man who had already accomplished so much, that it is
almost his only unfinished work. Watt died in 1819, in the eightythird year of his age, to the great grief of
Murdock, his oldest and most attached friend and correspondent.
Meanwhile, the firm of Boulton and Watt continued. The sons of the two partners carried it on, with Murdock
as their Mentor. He was still full of work and inventive power. In 1802, he applied the compressed air of the
Blast Engine employed to blow the cupolas of the Soho Foundry, for the purpose of driving the lathe in the
pattern shop. It worked a small engine, with a l2inch cylinder and 18inch stroke, connected with the lathe,
the speed being regulated as required by varying the admission of the blast. This engine continued in use for
about thirtyfive years.
In 1803 Murdock experimented on the power of highpressure steam in propelling shot, and contrived a
steamengine with which he made many trials at Soho, thereby anticipating the apparatus contrived by Mr.
Perkins many years later.
In 1810 Murdock took out a patent for boring steampipes for water, and cutting columns out of solid blocks
of stone, by means of a cylindrical crown saw. The first machine was used at Soho, and afterwards at Mr.
Rennie's Works in London, and proved quite successful. Among his other inventions were a lift worked by
compressed air, which raised and lowered the castings from the boringmill to the level of the foundry and
the canal bank. He used the same kind of power to ring the bells in his house at Sycamore Hill, and the
contrivance was afterwards adopted by Sir Walter Scott in his house at Abbotsford.
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Murdock was also the inventor of the wellknown castiron cement, so extensively used in engine and
machine work. The manner in which he was led to this invention affords a striking illustration of his
quickness of observation. Finding that some ironborings and salammoniac had got accidently mixed
together in his toolchest, and rusted his sawblade nearly through, he took note of the circumstance, mixed
the articles in various proportions, and at length arrived at the famous cement, which eventually became an
article of extensive manufacture at the Soho Works.
Murdock's ingenuity was constantly at work, even upon matters which lay entirely outside his special
vocation. The late Sir William Fairbairn informed us that he contrived a variety of curious machines for
consolidating peat moss, finely ground and pulverised, under immense pressure, and which, when
consolidated, could be moulded into beautiful medals, armlets, and necklaces. The material took the most
brilliant polish and had the appearance of the finest jet.
Observing that fishskins might be used as an economical substitute for isinglass, he went up to London on
one occasion in order to explain to brewers the best method of preparing and using them. He occupied
handsome apartments, and, little regarding the splendour of the drawingroom, he hung the fishskins up
against the walls. His landlady caught him one day when he was about to bang up a wet cod's skin! He was
turned out at once, with all his fish. While in town on this errand, it occurred to him that a great deal of power
was wasted in treading the streets of London! He conceived the idea of using the streets and roadways as a
grand treadmill, under which the waste power might be stored up by mechanical methods and turned to
account. He had also an idea of storing up the power of the tides, and of running water, in the same way. The
late Charles Babbage, F.R.S., entertained a similar idea about using springs of Ischia or of the geysers of
Iceland as a power necessary for condensing gases, or perhaps for the storage of electricity.[12] The latter,
when perfected, will probably be the greatest invention of the next half century.
Another of Murdock's' ingenious schemes, was his proposed method of transmitting letters and packages
through a tube exhausted by an airpump. This project led to the Atmospheric Railway, the success of which,
so far as it went, was due to the practical ability of Murdock's pupil, Samuel Clegg. Although the atmospheric
railway was eventually abandoned, it is remarkable that the original idea was afterwards revived and
practised with success by the London Pneumatic Dispatch Company.
In 1815, while Murdock was engaged in erecting an apparatus of his own invention for heating the water for
the baths at Leamington, a ponderous castiron plate fell upon his leg above his ankle, and severely injured
him. He remained a long while at Leamington, and when it was thought safe to remove him, the Birmingham
Canal Company kindly placed their excursion boat at his disposal, and he was conveyed safely homeward. So
soon as he was able, he was at work again at the Soho factory.
Although the elder Watt had to a certain extent ignored the uses of steam as applied to navigation, being too
much occupied with developing the powers of the pumping and rotary engine, the young partners, with the
stout aid of Murdock, took up the question. They supplied Fulton in 1807 with his first engine, by means of
which the Clermont made her first voyage along the Hudson river. They also supplied Fulton and Livingston
with the next two engines for the Car of Neptune and the Paragon. From that time forward, Boulton and Watt
devoted themselves to the manufacture of engines for steamboats. Up to the year 1814, marine engines had
been all applied singly in the vessel; but in this year Boulton and Watt first applied two condensing engines,
connected by cranks set at right angles on the shaft, to propel a steamer on the Clyde. Since then, nearly all
steamers are fitted with two engines. In making this important improvement, the firm were materially aided
by the mechanical genius of William Murdock, and also of Mr. Brown, then an assistant, but afterwards a
member of the firm.
In order to carry on a set of experiments with respect to the most improved form of marine engine, Boulton
and Watt purchased the Caledonia, a Scotch boat built on the Clyde by James Wood and Co., of Port
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Glasgow. The engines and boilers were taken out. The vessel was fitted with two side lever engines, and
many successive experiments were made with her down to August, 1817, at an expense of about 10,000L.
This led to a settled plan of construction, by which marine engines were greatly improved. James Watt,
junior, accompanied the Caledonia to Holland and up the Rhine. The vessel was eventually sold to the Danish
Government, and used for carrying the mails between Kiel and Copenhagen. It is, however, unnecessary here
to venture upon the further history of steam navigation.
In the midst of these repeated inventions and experiments, Murdock was becoming an old man. Yet he never
ceased to take an interest in the works at Soho. At length his faculties experienced a gradual decay, and he
died peacefully at his house at Sycamore Hill, on the l5th of November,1839, in his eightyfifth year. He was
buried near the remains of the great Boulton and Watt; and a bust by Chantrey served to perpetuate the
remembrance of his manly and intelligent countenance.
Footnotes for Chapter V.
[1] Fletcher's Political Works, London, 1737, p. 149,
[2] One of the Murdocks built the cathedral at Glasgow, as well as others in Scotland. The famous school of
masonry at Antwerp sent out a number of excellent architects during the 11th, 12th, and 13th centuries. One
of these, on coming into Scotland, assumed the name of Murdo. He was a Frenchman, born in Paris, as we
learn from the inscription left on Melrose Abbey, and he died while building that noble work: it is as
follows:
"John Murdo sumtyme cait was I And born in Peryse certainly, An' had in kepyng all mason wark Sanct
Andrays, the Hye Kirk o'Glasgo, Melrose and Paisley, Jedybro and Galowy. Pray to God and Mary baith, and
sweet Saint John, keep this Holy Kirk frae scaith."
[3] The discovery of the Black Band Ironstone by David Mushet in 1801, and the invention of the Hot Blast
by James Beaumont Neilson in 1828, will be found related in Industrial Biography, pp. 141161.
[4] Note to Lockhart's Life of Scott.
[5] This was stated to the present writer some years ago by William Murdock's son; although there is no other
record of the event.
[6] See Lives of Engineers (Boulton and Watt), iv. pp. 1824. Small edition, pp. 1302.
[7] Mr. Pearse's letter is dated 23rd April, 1867, but has not before been published. He adds that "others
remembered Murdock, one who was an apprentice with him, and lived with him for some timea Mr.
Vivian, of the foundry at Luckingmill."
[8] Murdock's house still stands in Cross Street, Redruth; those still live who saw the gaspipes conveying
gas from the retort in the little yard to near the ceiling of the room, just over the table; a hole for the pipe was
made in the window frame. The old window is now replaced by a new frame."Life of Richard Trevithick,
i. 64.
[9] Philosophical Transactions, 1808, pp. l24l32.
[10] Winsor's family evidently believed in his great powers; for I am informed by Francis Galton, Esq.,
F.R.S., that there is a fantastical monument on the righthand side of the central avenue of the Kensal Green
Cemetery, about half way between the lodge and the church, which bears the following inscription:"Tomb
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of Frederick Albert Winsor, son of the late Frederick Albert Winsor, originator of public Gaslighting, buried
in the Cemetery of Pere la Chaise, Paris. "At evening time it shall be light.Zachariah xiv. 7. "I am come a
light into the world, that whoever believeth in Me shall not abide in darkness.John xii. 46."
[11] Mr. Parkes, in his well known Chemical Essays (ed. 1841, p. 157), after referring to the successful
lighting up by Murdock of the manufactory of Messrs. Phillips and Lee at Manchester in 1805, "with coal gas
issuing from nearly a thousand burners," proceeds, "This grand application of the new principle satisfied the
public mind, not only of the practicability, but also of the economy of the application; and as a mark of the
high opinion they entertained of his genius and perseverance, and in order to put the question of priority of
the discovery beyond all doubt, the Council of the Royal Society in 1808 awarded to Mr. Murdock the Gold
Medal founded by the late Count Rumford."
[12] "Thus," says Mr. Charles Babbage, "in a future age, power may become the staple commodity of the
Icelanders, and of the inhabitants of other volcanic districts; and possibly the very process by which they will
procure this article of exchange for the luxuries of happier climates may, in some measure, tame the
tremendous element which occasionally devastates their provinces."Economy of Manufactures.
CHAPTER VI. FREDERICK KOENIG: INVENTOR OF THE
STEAMPRINTING MACHINE.
"The honest projector is he who, having by fair and plain
principles of sense, honesty, and ingenuity, brought any
contrivance to a suitable perfection, makes out what he pretends
to, picks nobody's pocket, puts his project in execution, and
contents himself with the real produce as the profit of his
invention."De Foe.
I published an article in 'Macmillan's Magazine' for December, 1869, under the above title. The materials
were principally obtained from William and Frederick Koenig, sons of the inventor.
Since then an elaborate life has been published at Stuttgart, under the title of "Friederich Koenig und die
Erfindung Der Schnellpresse, Ein Biographisches Denkmal. Von Theodor Goebel." The author, in sending
me a copy of the volume, refers to the article published in 'Macmillan,' and says, "I hope you will please to
accept it as a small acknowledgment of the thanks, which every German, and especially the sons of Koenig,
in whose name I send the book as well as in mine, owe to you for having bravely taken up the cause of the
much wronged inventor, their father an action all the more praiseworthy, as you had to write against the
prejudices and the interests of your own countrymen."
I believe it is now generally admitted that Koenig was entitled to the merit of being the first person practically
to apply the power of steam to indefinitely multiplying the productions of the printingpress; and that no one
now attempts to deny him this honour. It is true others, who followed him, greatly improved upon his first
idea; but this was the case with Watt, Symington, Crompton, Maudslay, and many more. The true inventor is
not merely the man who registers an idea and takes a patent for it, or who compiles an invention by
borrowing the idea of another, improving upon or adding to his arrangements, but the man who constructs a
machine such as has never before been made, which executes satisfactorily all the functions it was intended
to perform. And this is what Koenig's invention did, as will be observed from the following brief summary of
his life and labours.
Frederick Koenig was born on the 17th of April, 1774, at Eisleben, in Saxony, the birthplace also of a still
more famous person, Martin Luther. His father was a respectable peasant proprietor, described by Herr
Goebel as Anspanner. But this word has now gone out of use. In feudal times it described the farmer who was
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obliged to keep draught cattle to perform service due to the landlord. The boy received a solid education at
the Gymnasium, or public school of the town. At a proper age he was bound apprentice for five years to
Breitkopf and Hartel, of Leipzig, as compositor and printer; but after serving for four and a quarter years, he
was released from his engagement because of his exceptional skill, which was an unusual occurrence.
During the later years of his apprenticeship, Koenig was permitted to attend the classes in the University,
more especially those of Ernst Platner, a physician, philosopher, and anthropologist. After that he proceeded
to the printingoffice of his uncle, Anton F. Rose, at Greifswald, an old seaport town on the Baltic, where he
remained a few years. He next went to Halle as a journeyman printer, German workmen going about from
place to place, during their wanderschaft, for the purpose of learning their business. After that, he returned to
Breitkopf and Hartel, at Leipzig, where he had first learnt his trade. During this time, having saved a little
money, he enrolled himself for a year as a regular student at the University of Leipzig.
According to Koenig's own account, he first began to devise ways and means for improving the art of
printing in the year 1802, when he was twentyeight years old. Printing large sheets of paper by hand was a
very slow as well as a very laborious process. One of the things that most occupied the young printer's mind
was how to get rid of this "horsework," for such it was, in the business of printing. He was not, however,
overburdened with means, though he devised a machine with this object. But to make a little money, he
made translations for the publishers. In 1803 Koenig returned to his native town of Eisleben, where he
entered into an arrangement with Frederick Riedel, who furnished the necessary capital for carrying on the
business of a printer and bookseller. Koenig alleges that his reason for adopting this step was to raise
sufficient money to enable him to carry out his plans for the improvement of printing.
The business, however, did not succeed, as we find him in the following year carrying on a printing trade at
Mayence. Having sold this business, he removed to Suhl in Thuringia. Here he was occupied with a
stereotyping process, suggested by what he had read about the art as perfected in England by Earl Stanhope.
He also contrived an improved press, provided with a moveable carriage, on which the types were placed,
with inking rollers, and a new mechanical method of taking off the impression by flat pressure.
Koenig brought his new machine under the notice of the leading printers in Germany, but they would not
undertake to use it. The plan seemed to them too complicated and costly. He tried to enlist men of capital in
his scheme, but they all turned a deaf ear to him. He went from town to town, but could obtain no
encouragement whatever. Besides, industrial enterprise in Germany was then in a measure paralysed by the
impending war with France, and men of capital were naturally averse to risk their money on what seemed a
merely speculative undertaking.
Finding no sympathisers or helpers at home, Koenig next turned his attention abroad. England was then, as
now, the refuge of inventors who could not find the means of bringing out their schemes elsewhere; and to
England he wistfully turned his eyes. In the meantime, however, his inventive ability having become known,
an offer was made to him by the Russian Government to proceed to St. Petersburg and organise the State
printingoffice there. The invitation was accepted, and Koenig proceeded to St. Petersburg in the spring of
1806. But the official difficulties thrown in his way were very great, and so disgusted him, that he decided to
throw up his appointment, and try his fortune in England. He accordingly took ship for London, and arrived
there in the following November, poor in means, but rich in his great idea, then his only property.
As Koenig himself said, when giving an account of his invention: "There is on the Continent no sort of
encouragement for an enterprise of this description.
The system of patents, as it exists in England, being either unknown, or not adopted in the Continental States,
there is no inducement for industrial enterprise; and projectors are commonly obliged to offer their
discoveries to some Government, and to so licit their encouragement. I need hardly add that scarcely ever is
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an invention brought to maturity under such circumstances. The wellknown fact, that almost every invention
seeks, as it were, refuge in England, and is there brought to perfection, though the Government does not
afford any other protection to inventors beyond what is derived from the wisdom of the laws, seems to
indicate that the Continent has yet to learn from her the best manner of encouraging the mechanical arts. I had
my full share in the ordinary disappointments of Continental projectors; and after having lost in Germany and
Russia upwards of two years in fruitless applications, I at last resorted to England."[1]
After arriving in London, Koenig maintained himself with difficulty by working at his trade, for his
comparative ignorance of the English language stood in his way. But to work manually at the printer's "case,"
was not Koenig's object in coming to England. His idea of a printing machine was always uppermost in his
mind, and he lost no opportunity of bringing the subject under the notice of master printers likely to take it
up. He worked for a time in the printing office of Richard Taylor, Shoe Lane, Fleet Street, and mentioned the
matter to him. Taylor would not undertake the invention himself, but he furnished Koenig with an
introduction to Thomas Bensley, the wellknown printer of Bolt Court, Fleet Street. On the 11th of March,
1807, Bensley invited Koenig to meet him on the subject of their recent conversation about "the discovery;"
and on the 31st of the same month, the following agreement was entered into between Koenig and Bensley:
"Mr. Koenig, having discovered an entire new Method of Printing by Machinery, agrees to communicate the
same to Mr. Bensley under the following conditions:
that, if Mr. Bensley shall be satisfied the Invention will answer all the purposes Mr. Koenig has stated in the
Particulars he has delivered to Mr. Bensley, signed with his name, he shall enter into a legal Engagement to
purchase the Secret from Mr. Koenig, or enter into such other agreement as may be deemed mutually
beneficial to both parties; or, should Mr. Bensley wish to decline having any concern with the said Invention,
then he engages not to make any use of the Machinery, or to communicate the Secret to any person
whatsoever, until it is proved that the Invention is made use of by any one without restriction of Patent, or
other particular agreement on the part of Mr. Koenig, under the penalty of Six Thousand Pounds.
"(Signed) T. Bensley, "Friederich Konig. "WitnessJ. Hunneman."
Koenig now proceeded to put his idea in execution. He prepared his plans of the new printing machine. It
seems, however, that the progress made by him was very slow. Indeed, three years passed before a working
model could be got ready, to show his idea in actual practice. In the meantime, Mr. Walter of The Times had
been seen by Bensley, and consulted on the subject of the invention. On the 9th of August, 1809, more than
two years after the date of the above agreement, Bensley writes to Koenig: "I made a point of calling upon
Mr. Walter yesterday, who, I am sorry to say, declines our proposition altogether, having (as he says) so
many engagements as to prevent him entering into more."
It may be mentioned that Koenig's original plan was confined to an improved press, in which the operation of
laying the ink on the types was to be performed by an apparatus connected with the motions of the coffin, in
such a manner as that one hand could be saved. As little could be gained in expedition by this plan, the idea
soon suggested itself of moving the press by machinery, or to reduce the several operations to one rotary
motion, to which the first mover might be applied. Whilst Koenig was in the throes of his invention, he was
joined by his friend Andrew F. Bauer, a native of Stuttgart, who possessed considerable mechanical power, in
which the inventor himself was probably somewhat deficient. At all events, these two together proceeded to
work out the idea, and to construct the first actual working printing machine.
A patent was taken out, dated the 29th of March, 1810, which describes the details of the invention. The
arrangement was somewhat similar to that known as the platen machine; the printing being produced by two
flat plates, as in the common handpress. It also embodied an ingenious arrangement for inking the type.
Instead of the oldfashioned inking balls, which were beaten on the type by hand labour, several cylinders
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covered with felt and leather were used, and formed part of the machine itself. Two of the cylinders revolved
in opposite directions, so as to spread the ink, which was then transferred by two other inking cylinders
alternately applied to the "forme" by the action of spiral springs. The movement of all the parts of the
machine were to be derived from a steamengine, or other first mover.
"After many obstructions and delays," says Koenig himself, in describing the history of his invention, "the
first printing machine was completed exactly upon the plan which I have described in the specification of my
first patent. It was set to Work in April, 1811. The sheet (H) of the new Annual Register for 1810, 'Principal
Occurrences,' 3000 copies, was printed with it; and is, I have no doubt, the first part of a book ever printed
with a machine. The actual use of it, however, soon suggested new ideas, and led to the rendering it less
complicated and more powerful"[2]
Of course! No great invention was ever completed at one effort. It would have been strange if Koenig had
been satisfied with his first attempt. It was only a beginning, and he naturally proceeded with the
improvement of his machine. It took Watt more than twenty years to elaborate his condensing steamengine;
and since his day, owing to the perfection of selfacting tools, it has been greatly improved. The power of the
Steamboat and the Locomotive also, as well as of all other inventions, have been developed by the constantly
succeeding improvements of a nation of mechanical engineers.
Koenig's experiment was only a beginning, and he naturally proceeded with the improvement of his machine.
Although the platen machine of Koenig's has since been taken up a new, and perfected, it was not considered
by him sufficiently simple in its arrangements as to be adapted for common use; and he had scarcely
completed it, when he was already revolving in his mind a plan of a second machine on a new principle, with
the object of ensuring greater speed, economy, and simplicity.
By this time, other wellknown London printers, Messrs. Taylor and Woodfall, had joined Koenig and
Bensley in their partnership for the manufacture and sale of printing machines. The idea which now occurred
to Koenig was, to employ a cylinder instead of a flat Platen machine, for taking the impressions off the type,
and to place the sheet round the cylinder, thereby making it, as it were, part of the periphery. As early as the
year 1790, one William Nicholson had taken out a patent for a machine for printing "on paper, linen, cotton,
woollen, and other articles," by means of "blocks, forms, types, plates, and originals," which were to be
"firmly imposed upon a cylindrical surface in the same manner as common letter is imposed upon a flat
stone."[3] From the mention of "colouring cylinder," and "paperhangings, floorcloths, cottons, linens,
woollens, leather, skin, and every other flexible material," mentioned in the specification, it would appear as
if Nicholson's invention were adapted for calicoprinting and paperhangings, as well as for the printing of
books. But it was never used for any of these purposes. It contained merely the register of an idea, and that
was all. It was left for Adam Parkinson, of Manchester, to invent and make practical use of the cylinder
printing machine for calico in the year 1805, and this was still further advanced by the invention of James
Thompson, of Clitheroe, in 1813; while it was left for Frederick Koenig to invent and carry into practical
operation the cylinder printing press for newspapers.
After some promising experiments, the plans for a new machine on the cylindrical principle were proceeded
with. Koenig admitted throughout the great benefit he derived from the assistance of his friend Bauer. "By
the judgment and precision," he said, "with which he executed my plans, he greatly contributed to my
success." A patent was taken out on October 30th, 1811; and the new machine was completed in December,
1812. The first sheets ever printed with an entirely cylindrical press, were sheets G and X of Clarkson's 'Life
of Penn.' The papers of the Protestant Union were also printed with it in February and March, 1813. Mr.
Koenig, in his account of the invention, says that "sheet M of Acton's 'Hortus Kewensis,' vol. v., will show
the progress of improvement in the use of the invention. Altogether, there are about 160,000 sheets now in
the hands of the public, printed with this machine, which, with the aid of two hands, takes off 800
impressions in the hour"[4]
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Koenig took out a further patent on July 23rd, 1813, and a fourth (the last) on the 14th of March, 1814. The
contrivance of these various arrangements cost the inventor many anxious days and nights of study and
labour. But he saw before him only the end he wished to compass, and thought but little of himself and his
toils. It may be mentioned that the principal feature of the invention was the printing cylinder in the centre of
the machine, by which the impression was taken from the types, instead of by flat plates as in the first
arrangement. The forme was fixed in a castiron plate which was carried to and fro on a table, being received
at either end by strong spiral springs. A double machine, on the same principle,the forme alternately
passing under and giving an impression at one of two cylinders at either end of the press,was also included
in the patent of 1811.
How diligently Koenig continued to elaborate the details of his invention will be obvious from the two last
patents which he took out, in 1813 and 1814. In the first he introduced an important improvement in the
inking arrangement, and a contrivance for holding and carrying on the sheet, keeping it close to the printing
cylinder by means of endless tapes; while in the second, he added the following new expedients: a feeder,
consisting of an endless web,an improved arrangement of the endless tapes by inner as well as outer
friskets,an improvement of the register (that is, one page falling exactly on the back of another), by which
greater accuracy of impression was also secured; and finally, an arrangement by which the sheet was thrown
out of the machine, printed by the revolving cylinder on both sides.
The partners in Koenig's Patents had established a manufactory in Whitecross Street for the production of the
new machines. The workmen employed were sworn to secrecy. They entered into an agreement by which
they were liable to forfeit 100L. if they communicated to others the secret of the machines, either by
drawings or description, or if they told by whom or for whom they were constructed. This was to avoid the
hostility of the pressmen, who, having heard of the new invention, were up in arms against it, as likely to
deprive them of their employment. And yet, as stated by Johnson in his 'Typographia,' the manual labour of
the men who worked at the hand press, was so severe and exhausting, "that the stoutest constitutions fell a
sacrifice to it in a few years." The number of sheets that could be thrown off was also extremely limited.
With the improved press, perfected by Earl Stanhope, about 250 impressions could be taken, or l25 sheets
printed on both sides in an hour. Although a greater number was produced in newspaper printing offices by
excessive labour, yet it was necessary to have duplicate presses, and to set up duplicate forms of type, to
carry on such extra work; and still the production of copies was quite inadequate to satisfy the rapidly
increasing demand for newspapers. The time was therefore evidently ripe for the adoption of such a machine
as that of Koenig. Attempts had been made by many inventors, but every one of them had failed. Printers
generally regarded the steampress as altogether chimerical.
Such was the condition of affairs when Koenig finished his improved printing machine in the manufactory in
Whitecross Street. The partners in the invention were now in great hopes. When the machine had been got
ready for work, the proprietors of several of the leading London newspapers were invited to witness its
performances. Amongst them were Mr. Perry of the Morning chronicle, and Mr. Walter of The Times. Mr.
Perry would have nothing to do with the machine; he would not even go to see it, for he regarded it as a
gimcrack.[5] On the contrary, Mr. Walter, though he had five years before declined to enter into any
arrangement with Bensley, now that he heard the machine was finished, and at work, decided to go and
inspect it. It was thoroughly characteristic of the business spirit of the man. He had been very anxious to
apply increased mechanical power to the printing of his newspaper. He had consulted Isambard Brunelone
of the cleverest inventors of the dayon the subject; but Brunel, after studying the subject, and labouring
over a variety of plans, finally gave it up. He had next tried Thomas Martyn, an ingenious young compositor,
who had a scheme for a selfacting machine for working the printing press. But, although Mr. Walter
supplied him with the necessary funds, his scheme never came to anything. Now, therefore, was the chance
for Koenig!
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After carefully examining the machine at work, Mr. Walter was at once satisfied as to the great value of the
invention. He saw it turning out the impressions with unusual speed and great regularity. This was the very
machine of which he had been in search. But it turned out the impressions printed on one side only. Koenig,
however, having briefly explained the more rapid action of a double machine on the same principle for the
printing of newspapers, Mr. Walter, after a few minutes' consideration, and before leaving the premises,
ordered two double machines for the printing of The Times newspaper. Here, at last, was the opportunity for
a triumphant issue out of Koenig's difficulties.
The construction of the first newspaper machine was still, however, a work of great difficulty and labour. It
must be remembered that nothing of the kind had yet been made by any other inventor. The singlecylinder
machine, which Mr. Walter had seen at work, was intended for bookwork only. Now Koenig had to construct
a doublecylinder machine for printing newspapers, in which many of the arrangements must necessarily be
entirely new. With the assistance of his leading mechanic, Bauer, aided by the valuable suggestions of Mr.
Walter himself, Koenig at length completed his plans, and proceeded with the erection of the working
machine. The several parts were prepared at the workshop in Whitecross Street, and taken from thence, in as
secret a way as possible, to the premises in Printing House Square, adjoining The Times office, where they
were fitted together and erected into a working machine. Nearly two years elapsed before the press was ready
for work. Great as was the secrecy with which the operations were conducted, the pressmen of The Times
office obtained some inkling of what was going on, and they vowed vengeance to the foreign inventor who
threatened their craft with destruction. There was, however, always this consolation: every attempt that had
heretofore been made to print newspapers in any other way than by manual labour had proved an utter
failure!
At length the day arrived when the first newspaper steampress was ready for use. The pressmen were in a
state of great excitement, for they knew by rumour that the machine of which they had so long been
apprehensive was fast approaching completion. One night they were told to wait in the pressroom, as
important news was expected from abroad. At six o'clock in the morning of the 29th November, 1814, Mr.
Walter, who had been watching the working of the machine all through the night, suddenly appeared among
the pressmen, and announced that "The Times is already printed by steam!" Knowing that the pressmen had
vowed vengeance against the inventor and his invention, and that they had threatened "destruction to him and
his traps," he informed them that if they attempted violence, there was a force ready to suppress it; but that if
they were peaceable, their wages should be continued to every one of them until they could obtain similar
employment. This proved satisfactory so far, and he proceeded to distribute several copies of the newspaper
amongst themthe first newspaper printed by steam! That paper contained the following memorable
announcement:
"Our Journal of this day presents to the Public the practical result of the greatest improvement connected with
printing since the discovery of the art itself. The reader of this paragraph now holds in his hand one of the
many thousand impressions of The Times newspaper which were taken off last night by a mechanical
apparatus. A system of machinery almost organic has been devised and arranged, which, while it relieves the
human frame of its most laborious' efforts in printing, far exceeds all human powers in rapidity and dispatch.
That the magnitude of the invention may be justly appreciated by its effects, we shall inform the public, that
after the letters are placed by the compositors, and enclosed in what is called the forme, little more remains
for man to do than to attend upon and to watch this unconscious agent in its operations. The machine is then
merely supplied with paper: itself places the forme, inks it, adjusts the paper to the forme newly inked,
stamps the sheet, and gives it forth to the hands of the attendant, at the same time withdrawing the forme for a
fresh coat of ink, which itself again distributes, to meet the ensuing sheet now advancing for impression; and
the whole of these complicated acts is performed with such a velocity and simultaneousness of movement,
that no less than 1100 sheets are impressed in one hour.
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"That the completion of an invention of this kind, not the effect of chance, but the result of mechanical
combinations methodically arranged in the mind of the artist, should be attended with many obstructions and
much delay, may be readily imagined. Our share in this event has, indeed, only been the application of the
discovery, under an agreement with the patentees, to our own particular business; yet few can
conceiveeven with this limited interestthe various disappointments and deep anxiety to which we have
for a long course of time been subjected.
"Of the person who made this discovery we have but little to add.
Sir Christopher Wren's noblest monument is to be found in the building which he erected; so is the best
tribute of praise which we are capable of offering to the inventor of the printing machine, comprised in the
preceding description, which we have feebly sketched, of the powers and utility of his invention. It must
suffice to say further, that he is a Saxon by birth; that his name is Koenig; and that the invention has been
executed under the direction of his friend and countryman, Bauer."
The machine continued to work steadily and satisfactorily, notwithstanding the doubters, the unbelievers, and
the threateners of vengeance. The leading article of The Times for December 3rd, 1814, contains the
following statement:
"The machine of which we announced the discovery and our adoption a few days ago, has been whirling on
its course ever since, with improving order, regularity, and even speed. The length of the debates on
Thursday, the day when Parliament was adjourned, will have been observed; on such an occasion the
operation of composing and printing the last page must commence among all the journals at the same
moment; and starting from that moment, we, with our infinitely superior circulation, were enabled to throw
off our whole impression many hours before the other respectable rival prints. The accuracy and clearness of
the impression will likewise excite attention.
"We shall make no reflections upon those by whom this wonderful discovery has been opposed,the
doubters and unbelievers, however uncharitable they may have been to us; were it not that the efforts of
genius are always impeded by drivellers of this description, and that we owe it to such men as Mr. Koenig
and his Friend, and all future promulgators of beneficial inventions, to warn them that they will have to
contend with everything that selfishness and conceited ignorance can devise or say; and if we cannot clear
their way before them, we would at least give them notice to prepare a panoply against its dirt and filth.
"There is another class of men from whom we receive dark and anonymous threats of vengeance if we
persevere in the use of this machine. These are the Pressmen. They well know, at least should well know, that
such menace is thrown away upon us. There is nothing that we will not do to assist and serve those whom we
have discharged. They themselves can seethe greater rapidity and precision with which the paper is printed.
What right have they to make us print it slower and worse for their supposed benefit? A little reflection,
indeed, would show them that it is neither in their power nor in ours to stop a discovery now made, if it is
beneficial to mankind; or to force it down if it is useless. They had better, therefore, acquiesce in a result
which they cannot alter; more especially as there will still be employment enough for the old race of
pressmen, before the new method obtains general use, and no new ones need be brought up to the business;
but we caution them seriously against involving themselves and their families in ruin, by becoming amenable
to the laws of their country. It has always been matter of great satisfaction to us to reflect, that we
encountered and crushed one conspiracy; and we should be sorry to find our work half done.
"It is proper to undeceive the world in one particular; that is, as to the number of men discharged. We in fact
employ only eight fewer workmen than formerly; whereas more than three times that number have been
employed for a year and a half in building the machine."
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On the 8th of December following, Mr. Koenig addressed an advertisement "To the Public" in the columns of
The Times, giving an account of the origin and progress of his invention. We have already cited several
passages from the statement. After referring to his two last patents, he says: "The machines now printing The
Times and Mail are upon the same principle; but they have been contrived for the particular purpose of a
newspaper of extensive circulation, where expedition is the great object.
"The public are undoubtedly aware, that never, perhaps, was a new invention put to so severe a trial as the
present one, by being used on its first public introduction for the printing of newspapers, and will, I trust, be
indulgent with respect to the many defects in the performance, though none of them are inherent in the
principle of the machine; and we hope, that in less than two months, the whole will be corrected by greater
adroitness in the management of it, so far at least as the hurry of newspaper printing will at all admit.
"It will appear from the foregoing narrative, that it was incorrectly stated in several newspapers, that I had
sold my interest to two other foreigners; my partners in this enterprise being at present two Englishmen, Mr.
Bensley and Mr. Taylor; and it is gratifying to my feelings to avail myself of this opportunity to thank those
gentlemen publicly for the confidence which they have reposed in me, for the aid of their practical skill, and
for the persevering support which they have afforded me in long and very expensive experiments; thus
risking their fortunes in the prosecution of my invention.
"The first introduction of the invention was considered by some as a difficult and even hazardous step. The
Proprietor of The Times having made that his task, the public are aware that it is in good hands."
One would think that Koenig would now feel himself in smooth water, and receive a share of the good
fortune which he had so laboriously prepared for others. Nothing of the kind! His merits were disputed; his
rights were denied; his patents were infringed; and he never received any solid advantages for his invention,
until be left the country and took refuge in Germany. It is true, he remained for a few years longer, in charge
of the manufactory in Whitecross Street, but they were years to him of trouble and sorrow.
In 1816, Koenig designed and superintended the construction of a single cylinder registering machine for
bookprinting. This was supplied to Bensley and Son, and turned out 1000 sheets, printed on both sides, in
the hour. Blumenbach's 'Physiology' was the first entire book printed by steam, by this new machine. It was
afterwards employed, in l8l8, in working off the Literary Gazette. A machine of the same kind was supplied
to Mr. Richard Taylor for the purpose of printing the 'Philosophical Magazine,' and books generally. This was
afterwards altered to a double machine, and employed for printing the Weekly Dispatch.
But what about Koenig's patents? They proved of little use to him. They only proclaimed his methods, and
enabled other ingenious mechanics to borrow his adaptations. Now that he had succeeded in making
machines that would work, the way was clear for everybody else to follow his footsteps. It had taken him
more than six years to invent and construct a successful steam printing press; but any clever mechanic, by
merely studying his specification, and examining his machine at work, might arrive at the same results in less
than a week.
The patents did not protect him. New specifications, embodying some modification or alteration in detail,
were lodged by other inventors and new patents taken out. New printing machines were constructed in
defiance of his supposed legal rights; and he found himself stripped of the reward that he had been labouring
for during so many long and toilsome years. He could not go to law, and increase his own vexation and loss.
He might get into Chancery easy enough; but when would he get out of it, and in what condition?
It must also be added, that Koenig was unfortunate in his partner Bensley. While the inventor was taking
steps to push the sale of his bookprinting machines among the London printers, Bensley, who was himself a
bookprinter, was hindering him in every way in his negotiations. Koenig was of opinion that Bensley
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wished to retain the exclusive advantage which the possession of his registering book machine gave him over
the other printers, by enabling him to print more quickly and correctly than they could, and thus give him an
advantage over them in his printing contracts.
When Koenig, in despair at his position, consulted counsel as to the infringement of his patent, he was told
that he might institute proceedings with the best prospect of success; but to this end a perfect agreement by
the partners was essential. When, however, Koenig asked Bensley to concur with him in taking proceedings
in defence of the patent right, the latter positively refused to do so. Indeed, Koenig was under the impression
that his partner had even entered into an arrangement with the infringers of the patent to share with them the
proceeds of their piracy.
Under these circumstances, it appeared to Koenig that only two alternatives remained for him to adopt. One
was to commence an expensive, and it might be a protracted, suit in Chancery, in defence of his patent rights,
with possibly his partner, Bensley, against him; and the other, to abandon his invention in England without
further struggle, and settle abroad. He chose the latter alternative, and left England finally in August, 1817.
Mr. Richard Taylor, the other partner in the patent, was an honourable man; but he could not control the
proceedings of Bensley. In a memoir published by him in the 'Philosophical Magazine,' "On the Invention
and First Introduction of Mr. Koenig's Printing Machine," in which he honestly attributes to him the sole
merit of the invention, he says, "Mr. Koenig left England, suddenly, in disgust at the treacherous conduct of
Bensley, always shabby and overreaching, and whom he found to be laying a scheme for defrauding his
partners in the patents of all the advantages to arise from them. Bensley, however, while he destroyed the
prospects of his partners, outwitted himself, and grasping at all, lost all, becoming bankrupt in fortune as well
as in character."[6]
Koenig was badly used throughout. His merits as an inventor were denied. On the 3rd of January, 1818, after
he had left England, Bensley published a letter in the Literary Gazette, in which he speaks of the printing
machine as his own, without mentioning a word of Koenig. The 'British Encyclopaedia,' in describing the
inventors of the printing machine, omitted the name of Koenig altogether. The 'Mechanics Magazine,' for
September, 1847, attributed the invention to the Proprietors of The Times, though Mr. Walter himself had
said that his share in the event had been "only the application of the discovery;" and the late Mr. Bennet
Woodcroft, usually a fair man, in his introductory chapter to 'Patents for Inventions in Printing,' attributes the
merit to William Nicholson's patent (No. 1748), which, he said, "produced an entire revolution in the
mechanism of the art." In other publications, the claims of Bacon and Donkin were put forward, while those
of the real inventor were ignored. The memoir of Koenig by Mr. Richard Taylor, in the 'Philosophical
Magazine,' was honest and satisfactory; and should have set the question at rest.
It may further be mentioned that William Nicholson,who was a patent agent, and a great taker out of
patents, both in his own name and in the names of others,was the person employed by Koenig as his agent
to take the requisite steps for registering his invention. When Koenig consulted him on the subject, Nicholson
observed that "seventeen years before he had taken out a patent for machine printing, but he had abandoned
it, thinking that it wouldn't do; and had never taken it up again." Indeed, the two machines were on different
principles. Nor did Nicholson himself ever make any claim to priority of invention, when the success of
Koenig's machine was publicly proclaimed by Mr. Walter of The Times some seven years later.
When Koenig, now settled abroad, heard of the attempts made in England to deny his merits as an inventor,
he merely observed to his friend Bauer, "It is really too bad that these people, who have already robbed me of
my invention, should now try to rob me of my reputation." Had he made any reply to the charges against him,
it might have been comprised in a very few words: "When I arrived in England, no steam printing machine
had ever before been seen; when I left it, the only printing machines in actual work were those which I had
constructed." But Koenig never took the trouble to defend the originality of his invention in England, now
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that he had finally abandoned the field to others.
There can be no question as to the great improvements introduced in the printing machine by Mr. Applegath
and Mr. Cowper; by Messrs. Hoe and Sons, of New York; and still later by the present Mr. Walter of The
Times, which have brought the art of machine printing to an extraordinary degree of perfection and speed.
But the original merits of an invention are not to be determined by a comparison of the first machine of the
kind ever made with the last, after some sixty years' experience and skill have been applied in bringing it to
perfection. Were the first condensing engine made at Sohonow to be seen at the Museum in South
Kensingtonin like manner to be compared with the last improved pumpingengine made yesterday, even
the great James Watt might be made out to have been a very poor contriver. It would be much fairer to
compare Koenig's steamprinting machine with the handpress newspaper printing machine which it
superseded. Though there were steam engines before Watt, and steamboats before Fulton, and steam
locomotives before Stephenson, there were no steam printing presses before Koenig with which to compare
them, Koenig's was undoubtedly the first, and stood unequalled and alone.
The rest of Koenig's life, after he retired to Germany, was spent in industry, if not in peace and quietness. He
could not fail to be cast down by the utter failure of his English partnership, and the loss of the fruits of his
ingenious labours. But instead of brooding over his troubles, he determined to break away from them, and
begin the world anew. He was only fortythree when he left England, and he might yet be able to establish
himself prosperously in life. He had his own head and hands to help him.
Though England was virtually closed against him, the whole continent of Europe was open to him, and
presented a wide field for the sale of his printing machines.
While residing in England, Koenig had received many communications from influential printers in Germany.
Johann Spencer and George Decker wrote to him in 1815, asking for particulars about his invention; but
finding his machine too expensive,[7] the latter commissioned Koenig to send him a Stanhope printing
pressthe first ever introduced into Germany the price of which was 95L. Koenig did this service for his
friend, for although he stood by the superior merits of his own invention, he was sufficiently liberal to
recognise the merits of the inventions of others. Now that he was about to settle in Germany, he was able to
supply his friends and patrons on the spot.
The question arose, where was he to settle? He made enquiries about sites along the Rhine, the Neckar, and
the Main. At last he was attracted by a specially interesting spot at Oberzell on the Main, near Wurzburg. It
was an old disused convent of the Praemonstratensian monks. The place was conveniently situated for
business, being nearly in the centre of Germany. The Bavarian Government, desirous of giving
encouragement to so useful a genius, granted Koenig the use of the secularised monastery on easy terms; and
there accordingly he began his operations in the course of the following year. Bauer soon joined him, with an
order from Mr. Walter for an improved Times machine; and the two men entered into a partnership which
lasted for life.
The partners had at first great difficulties to encounter in getting their establishment to work. Oberzell was a
rural village, containing only common labourers, from whom they had to select their workmen. Every person
taken into the concern had to be trained and educated to mechanical work by the partners themselves. With
indescribable patience they taught these labourers the use of the hammer, the file, the turninglathe, and other
tools, which the greater number of them had never before seen, and of whose uses they were entirely
ignorant. The machinery of the workshop was got together with equal difficulty piece by piece, some of the
parts from a great distance,the mechanical arts being then at a very low ebb in Germany, which was still
suffering from the effects of the long continental war.
At length the workshop was fitted up, the old barn of the monastery being converted into an iron foundry.
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Orders for printing machines were gradually obtained. The first came from Brockhaus, of Leipzig. By the end
of the fourth year two other singlecylinder machines were completed and sent to Berlin, for use in the State
printing office. By the end of the eighth year seven doublecylinder steam presses had been manufactured for
the largest newspaper printers in Germany. The recognised excellence of Koenig and Bauer's bookprinting
machinestheir perfect register, and the quality of the work they turned outsecured for them an
increasing demand, and by the year 1829 the firm had manufactured fiftyone machines for the leading book
printers throughout Germany. The Oberzell manufactory was now in full work, and gave regular employment
to about 120 men.
A period of considerable depression followed. As was the case in England, the introduction of the printing
machine in Germany excited considerable hostility among the pressmen. In some of the principal towns they
entered into combinations to destroy them, and several printing machines were broken by violence and
irretrievably injured. But progress could not be stopped; the printing machine had been fairly born, and must
eventually do its work for mankind. These combinations, however, had an effect for a time. They deterred
other printers from giving orders for the machines; and Koenig and Bauer were under the necessity of
suspending their manufacture to a considerable extent. To keep their men employed, the partners proceeded
to fit up a paper manufactory, Mr. Cotta, of Stuttgart, joining them in the adventure; and a mill was fitted up,
embodying all the latest improvements in papermaking.
Koenig, however, did not live to enjoy the fruits or all his study, labour, toil, and anxiety; for, while this
enterprise was still in progress, and before the machine trade had revived, he was taken ill, and confined to
bed. He became sleepless; his nerves were unstrung; and no wonder. Brain disease carried him off on the
17th of January, 1833; and this good, ingenious, and admirable inventor was removed from all further care
and trouble.
He died at the early age of fiftyeight, respected and beloved by all who knew him.
His partner Bauer survived to continue the business for twenty years longer. It was during this later period
that the Oberzell manufactory enjoyed its greatest prosperity. The prejudices of the workmen gradually
subsided when they found that machine printing, instead of abridging employment, as they feared it would
do, enormously increased it; and orders accordingly flowed in from Berlin, Vienna, and all the leading towns
and cities of Germany, Austria, Denmark, Russia, and Sweden. The six hundredth machine, turned out in
1847, was capable of printing 6000 impressions in the hour. In March, 1865, the thousandth machine was
completed at Oberzell, on the occasion of the celebration of the fifty years' jubilee of the invention of the
steam press by Koenig.
The sons of Koenig carried on the business; and in the biography by Goebel, it is stated that the manufactory
of Oberzell has now turned out no fewer than 3000 printing machines. The greater number have been
supplied to Germany; but 660 were sent to Russia, 61 to Asia, 12 to England, and 11 to America. The rest
were despatched to Italy, Switzerland, Sweden, Spain, Holland, and other countries.
It remains to be said that Koenig and Bauer, united in life, were not divided by death. Bauer died on February
27, 1860, and the remains of the partners now lie side by side in the little cemetery at Oberzell, close to the
scene of their labours and the valuable establishment which they founded.
Footnotes for Chapter VI.
[1] Koenig's letter in The Times, 8th December, 1814
[2] Koenig's letter in The Times, 8th December, 1814.
Men of Invention and Industry
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[3] Date of Patent, 29th April, 1790, No. 1748,
[4] Koenig's letter in The Times, 8th December, 1814.
[5] Mr. Richard Taylor, one of the partners in the patent, says, "Mr. Perry declined, alleging that he did not
consider a newspaper worth so many years' purchase as would equal the cost of the machine."
[6] Mr. Richard Taylor, F.S.A., memoir in 'Philosophical Magazine' for October 1847, p. 300.
[7] The price of a single cylinder nonregistering machine was advertised at 900L.; of a double ditto, 1400L.;
and of a cylinder registering machine, 2000L.; added to which was 250L., 350L., and 500L. per annum for
each of these machines so long as the patent lasted, or an agreed sum to be paid down at once.
CHAPTER VII. THE WALTERS OF THE TIMES: INVENTION OF THE
WALTER PRESS.
"Intellect and industry are never incompatible. There is more
wisdom, and will be more benefit, in combining them than scholars
like to believe, or than the common world imagine. Life has time
enough for both, and its happiness will be increased by the
union." SHARON TURNER.
"I have beheld with most respect the man
Who knew himself, and knew the ways before him,
And from among them chose considerately,
With a clear foresight, not a blindfold courage;
And, having chosen, with a steadfast mind
Pursued his purpose."
HENRY TAYLORPhilip van Artevelde.
The late John Walter, who adopted Koenig's steam printing press in printing The Times, was virtually the
inventor of the modern newspaper. The first John Walter, his father, learnt the art of printing in the office of
Dodsley, the proprietor of the 'Annual Register.' He afterwards pursued the profession of an underwriter, but
his fortunes were literally shipwrecked by the capture of a fleet of merchantmen by a French squadron.
Compelled by this loss to return to his trade, he succeeded in obtaining the publication of 'Lloyd's List,' as
well as the printing of the Board of Customs. He also established himself as a publisher and bookseller at No.
8, Charing Cross. But his principal achievement was in founding The Times newspaper.
The Daily Universal Register was started on the 1st of January, 1785, and was described in the heading as
"printed logographically." The type had still to be composed, letter by letter, each placed alongside of its
predecessor by human fingers. Mr. Walter's invention consisted in using stereotyped words and parts of
words instead of separate metal letters, by which a certain saving of time and labour was effected. The name
of the 'Register' did not suit, there being many other publications bearing a similar title. Accordingly, it was
renamed The Times, and the first number was issued from Printing House Square on the 1st of January,
1788.
The Times was at first a very meagre publication. It was not much bigger than a number of the old 'Penny
Magazine,' containing a single short leader on some current topic, without any pretensions to excellence;
some driblets of news spread out in large type; half a column of foreign intelligence, with a column of
facetious paragraphs under the heading of "The Cuckoo;" while the rest of each number consisted of
advertisements. Notwithstanding the comparative innocence of the contents of the early numbers of the
paper, certain passages which appeared in it on two occasions subjected the publisher to imprisonment in
Newgate. The extent of the offence, on one occasion, consisted in the publication of a short paragraph
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intimating that their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York had "so demeaned
themselves as to incur the just disapprobation of his Majesty!" For such slight offences were printers sent to
gaol in those days.
Although the first Mr. Walter was a man of considerable business ability, his exertions were probably too
much divided amongst a variety of pursuits to enable him to devote that exclusive attention to The Times
which was necessary to ensure its success.
He possibly regarded it, as other publishers of newspapers then did, mainly as a means of obtaining a
profitable business in jobprinting. Hence, in the elder Walter's hands, the paper was not only unprofitable in
itself, but its maintenance became a source of gradually increasing expenditure; and the proprietor seriously
contemplated its discontinuance.
At this juncture, John Walter, junior, who had been taken into the business as a partner, entreated his father to
entrust him with the sole conduct of the paper, and to give it "one more trial." This was at the beginning of
1803. The new editor and conductor was then only twentyseven years of age. He had been trained to the
manual work of a printer "at case," and passed through nearly every department in the office, literary and
mechanical. But in the first place, he had received a very liberal education, first at Merchant Taylors' School,
and afterwards at Trinity College, Oxford, where he pursued his classical studies with much success. He was
thus a man of wellcultured mind; he had been thoroughly disciplined to work; he was, moreover, a man of
tact and energy, full of expedients, and possessed by a passion for business. His father, urged by the young
man's entreaties, at length consented, although not without misgivings, to resign into his hands the entire
future control of The Times.
Young Walter proceeded forthwith to remodel the establishment, and to introduce improvements into every
department, as far as the scanty capital at his command would admit. Before he assumed the direction, The
Times did not seek to guide opinion or to exercise political influence. It was a scanty newspapernothing
more, Any political matters referred to were usually introduced in "Letters to the Editor," in the form in
which Junius's Letters first appeared in the Public Advertiser. The comments on political affairs by the Editor
were meagre and brief, and confined to a mere statement of supposed facts.
Mr. Walter, very much to the dismay of his father, struck out an entirely new course. He boldly stated his
views on public affairs, bringing his strong and original judgment to bear upon the political and social topics
of the day. He carefully watched and closely studied public opinion, and discussed general questions in all
their bearings. He thus invented the modern Leading Article. The adoption of an independent line of politics
necessarily led him to canvass freely, and occasionally to condemn, the measures of the Government. Thus,
he had only been about a year in office as editor, when the Sidmouth Administration was succeeded by that
of Mr. Pitt, under whom Lord Melville undertook the unfortunate Catamaran expedition. His Lordship's
malpractices in the Navy Department had also been brought to light by the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry.
On both these topics Mr. Walter spoke out freely in terms of reprobation; and the result was, that the printing
for the Customs and the Government advertisements were at once removed from The Times office.
Two years later Mr. Pitt died, and an Administration succeeded which contained a portion of the political
chiefs whom the editor had formerly supported on his undertaking the management of the paper. He was
invited by one of them to state the injustice which had been done to him by the loss of the Customs printing,
and a memorial to the Treasury was submitted for his signature, with a view to its recovery. But believing
that the reparation of the injury in this manner was likely to be considered as a favour, entitling those who
granted it to a certain degree of influence over the politics of the journal, Walter refused to sign it, or to have
any concern in presenting the memorial. He did more; he wrote to those from whom the restoration of the
employment was expected to come, disavowing all connection with the proceeding. The matter then dropped,
and the Customs printing was never restored to the office.
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This course was so unprecedented, and, as his father thought, was so very wrongheaded, that young Walter
had for some time considerable difficulty in holding his ground and maintaining the independent position he
had assumed. But with great tenacity of purpose he held on his course undismayed. He was a man who
looked far ahead,not so much taking into account the results at the end of each day or of each year, but
how the plan he had laid down for conducting the paper would work out in the long run. And events proved
that the highminded course he had pursued with so much firmness of purpose was the wisest course after
all.
Another feature in the management which showed clearsightedness and business acuteness, was the pains
which the Editor took to ensure greater celerity of information and dispatch in printing. The expense which
he incurred in carrying out these objects excited the serious displeasure of his father, who regarded them as
acts of juvenile folly and extravagance. Another circumstance strongly roused the old man's wrath. It appears
that in those days the insertion of theatrical puffs formed a considerable source of newspaper income; and yet
young Walter determined at once to abolish them. It is not a little remarkable that these earliest acts of Mr.
Walterwhich so clearly marked his enterprise and highmindednessshould have been made the subject
of painful comments in his father's will.
Notwithstanding this serious opposition from within, the power and influence of the paper visibly and rapidly
grew. The new Editor concentrated in the columns of his paper a range of information such as had never
before been attempted, or indeed thought possible. His vigilant eye was directed to every detail of his
business. He greatly improved the reporting of public meetings, the money market, and other
intelligence,aiming at greater fulness and accuracy. In the department of criticism his labours were
unwearied. He sought to elevate the character of the paper, and rendered it more dignified by insisting that it
should be impartial. He thus conferred the greatest public service upon literature, the drama, and the fine arts,
by protecting them against the evil influences of venal panegyric on the one hand, and of prejudiced hostility
on the other.
But the most remarkable feature of The Times that which emphatically commended it to public support and
ensured its commercial successwas its department of foreign intelligence. At the time that Walter
undertook the management of the journal, Europe was a vast theatre of war; and in the conduct of commercial
affairsnot to speak of political movementsit was of the most vital importance that early information
should be obtained of affairs on the Continent. The Editor resolved to become himself the purveyor of foreign
intelligence, and at great expense he despatched his agents in all directions, even in the track of armies; while
others were employed, under various disguises and by means of sundry pretexts, in many parts of the
Continent. These agents collected information, and despatched it to London, often at considerable risks, for
publication in The Times, where it usually appeared long in advance of the government despatches.
The late Mr. Pryme, in his 'Autobiographic Recollections,' mentions a visit which he paid to Mr. Walter at his
seat at Bearwood. "He described to me," says Mr.Pryme, "the cause of the large extension in the circulation
of The Times. He was the first to establish a foreign correspondent. This was Henry Crabb Robinson, at a
salary of 300L. a year.... Mr. Walter also established local reporters, instead of copying from the country
papers. His father doubted the wisdom of such a large expenditure, but the son prophesied a gradual and
certain success, which has actually been realised."
Mr. Robinson has described in his Diary the manner in which he became connected with the foreign
correspondence. "In January, 1807," he says, "I received, through my friend J.D. Collier, a proposal from Mr.
Walter that I should take up my residence at Altona, and become The Times correspondent. I was to receive
from the editor of the 'Hamburger Correspondenten' all the public documents at his disposal, and was to have
the benefit also of a mass of information, of which the restraints of the German Press did not permit him to
avail himself. The honorarium I was to receive was ample with my habits of life. I gladly accepted the offer,
and never repented having done so. My acquaintance with Mr. Walter ripened into friendship, and lasted as
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long as he lived."[1]
Mr. Robinson was forced to leave Germany by the Battle of Friedland and the Treaty of Tilsit, which resulted
in the naval coalition against England. Returning to London, he became foreign editor of The Times until the
following year, when he proceeded to Spain as foreign correspondent. Mr. Walter had also an agent in the
track of the army in the unfortunate Walcheren expedition; and The Times announced the capitulation of
Flushing fortyeight hours before the news had arrived by any other channel. By this prompt method of
communicating public intelligence, the practice, which had previously existed, of systematically retarding the
publication of foreign news by officials at the General Post Office, who made gain by selling them to the
Lombard Street brokers, was effectually extinguished.
This circumstance, as well as the independent course which Mr. Walter adopted in the discussion of foreign
politics, explains in some measure the opposition which he had to encounter in the transmission of his
despatches. As early as the year 1805, when he had come into collision with the Government and lost the
Customs printing, The Times despatches were regularly stopped at the outports, whilst those for the
Ministerial journals were allowed to proceed. This might have crushed a weaker man, but it did not crush
Walter. Of course he expostulated. He was informed at the Home Secretary's office that he might be
permitted to receive his foreign papers as a favour. But as this implied the expectation of a favour from him
in return, the proposal was rejected; and, determined not to be baffled, he employed special couriers, at great
cost, for the purpose of obtaining the earliest transmission of foreign intelligence.
These important qualitiesenterprise, energy, business tact, and public spiritsufficiently account for his
remarkable success. To these, however, must be added another of no small importance discernment and
knowledge of character. Though himself the head and front of his enterprise, it was necessary that he should
secure the services and cooperation of men of firstrate ability; and in the selection of such men his
judgment was almost unerring. By his discernment and munificence, he collected round him some of the
ablest writers of the age. These were frequently revealed to him in the communications of
correspondentsthe author of the letters signed "Vetus" being thus selected to write in the leading columns
of the Paper. But Walter himself was the soul of The Times. It was he who gave the tone to its articles,
directed its influence, and superintended its entire conduct with unremitting vigilance.
Even in conducting the mechanical arrangements of the papera business of no small difficultyhe had
often occasion to exercise promptness and boldness of decision in cases of emergency. Printers in those days
were a rather refractory class of work men, and not unfrequently took advantage of their position to impose
hard terms on their employers, especially in the daily press, where everything must be promptly done within a
very limited time. Thus on one occasion, in 1810, the pressmen made a sudden demand upon the proprietor
for an increase of wages, and insisted upon a uniform rate being paid to all hands, whether good or bad.
Walter was at first disposed to make concessions to the men; but having been privately informed that a
combination was already entered into by the compositors, as well as by the pressmen, to leave his
employment suddenly, under circumstances that would have stopped the publication of the paper, and
inflicted on him the most serious injury, he determined to run all risks, rather than submit to what now
appeared to him in the light of an extortion.
The strike took place on a Saturday morning, when suddenly, and without notice, all the hands turned out.
Mr. Walter had only a few hours' notice of it, but he had already resolved upon his course. He collected
apprentices from half a dozen different quarters, and a few inferior workmen, who were glad to obtain
employment on any terms. He himself stript to his shirtsleeves, and went to work with the rest; and for the
next sixandthirty hours he was incessantly employed at case and at press. On the Monday morning, the
conspirators, who had assembled to triumph over his ruin, to their inexpressible amazement saw The Times
issue from the publishing office at the usual hour, affording a memorable example of what one man's resolute
energy may accomplish in a moment of difficulty.
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The journal continued to appear with regularity, though the printers employed at the office lived in a state of
daily peril. The conspirators, finding themselves baffled, resolved upon trying another game. They contrived
to have two of the men employed by Walter as compositors apprehended as deserters from the Royal Navy.
The men were taken before the magistrate; but the charge was only sustained by the testimony of clumsy,
perjured witnesses, and fell to the ground. The turnouts next proceeded to assault the new hands, when Mr.
Walter resolved to throw around them the protection of the law. By the advice of counsel, he had twentyone
of the conspirators apprehended and tried, and nineteen of them were found guilty and condemned to various
periods of imprisonment. From that moment combination was at an end in Printing House Square.
Mr. Walter's greatest achievement was his successful application of steam power to newspaper printing.
Although he had greatly improved the mechanical arrangements after he took command of the paper, the rate
at which the copies could be printed off remained almost stationary. It took a very long time indeed to throw
off, by the handlabour of pressmen, the three or four thousand copies which then constituted the ordinary
circulation of The Times. On the occasion of any event of great public interest being reported in the paper, it
was found almost impossible to meet the demand for copies. Only about 300 copies could be printed in the
hour, with one man to ink the types and another to work the press, while the labour was very severe. Thus it
took a long time to get out the daily impression, and very often the evening papers were out before The Times
had half supplied the demand.
Mr. Walter could not brook the tedium of this irksome and laborious process. To increase the number of
impressions, he resorted to various expedients. The type was set up in duplicate, and even in triplicate;
several Stanhope presses were kept constantly at work; and still the insatiable demands of the newsmen on
certain occasions could not be met. Thus the question was early forced upon his consideration, whether he
could not devise machinery for the purpose of expediting the production of newspapers. Instead of 300
impressions an hour, he wanted from 1500 to 2000. Although such a speed as this seemed quite as chimerical
as propelling a ship through the water against wind and tide at fifteen miles an hour, or running a locomotive
on a railway at fifty, yet Mr. Walter was impressed with the conviction that a much more rapid printing of
newspapers was feasible than by the slow handlabour process; and he endeavoured to induce several
ingenious mechanical contrivers to take up and work out his idea.
The principle of producing impressions by means of a cylinder, and of inking the types by means of a roller,
was not new. We have seen, in the preceding memoir, that as early as 1790 William Nicholson had patented
such a method, but his scheme had never been brought into practical operation. Mr. Walter endeavoured to
enlist Marc Isambard Brunelone of the cleverest inventors of the dayin his proposed method of rapid
printing by machinery; but after labouring over a variety of plans for a considerable time, Brunel finally gave
up the printing machine, unable to make anything of it. Mr. Walter next tried Thomas Martyn, an ingenious
young compositor, who had a scheme for a selfacting machine for working the printing press. He was
supplied with the necessary funds to enable him to prosecute his idea; but Mr. Walter's father was opposed to
the scheme, and when the funds became exhausted, this scheme also fell to the ground.
As years passed on, and the circulation of the paper increased, the necessity for some more expeditious
method of printing became still more urgent. Although Mr. Walter had declined to enter into an arrangement
with Bensley in 1809, before Koenig had completed his invention of printing by cylinders, it was different
five years later, when Koenig's printing machine was actually at work. In the preceding memoir, the
circumstances connected with the adoption of the invention by Mr. Walter are fully related; as well as the
announcement made in The Times on the 29th of November, 1814the day on which the first newspaper
printed by steam was given to the world.
But Koenig's printing machine was but the beginning of a great new branch of industry. After he had left this
country in disgust, it remained for others to perfect the invention; although the ingenious German was
entitled to the greatest credit for having made the first satisfactory beginning. Great inventions are not
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brought forth at a heat. They are begun by one man, improved by another, and perfected by a whole host of
mechanical inventors. Numerous patents were taken out for the mechanical improvement of printing. Donkin
and Bacon contrived a machine in 1813, in which the types were placed on a revolving prism. One of them
was made for the University of Cambridge, but it was found too complicated; the inking was defective; and
the project was abandoned.
In 1816, Mr. Cowper obtained a patent (No.3974) entitled," A Method of Printing Paper for Paper Hangings,
and Other Purposes."
The principal feature of this invention consisted in the curving or bending of stereotype plates for the purpose
of being printed in that form. A number of machines for printing in two colours, in exact register, was made
for the Bank of England, and four millions of One Pound notes were printed before the Bank Directors
determined to abolish their further issue. The regular mode of producing stereotype plates, from plaster of
Paris moulds, took so much time, that they could not then be used for newspaper printing.
Two years later, in 1818, Mr. Cowper invented and patented (No. 4194) his great improvements in printing. It
may be mentioned that he was then himself a printer, in partnership with Mr. Applegath, his brotherinlaw.
His invention consisted in the perfect distribution of the ink, by giving end motion to the rollers, so as to get a
distribution crossways, as well as lengthways. This principle is at the very foundation of good printing, and
has been adopted in every machine since made. The very first experiment proved that the principle was right.
Mr. Cowper was asked by Mr. Walter to alter Koenig's machine at The Times office, so as to obtain good
distribution. He adopted two of Nicholson's single cylinders and flat formes of type. Two "drums" were
placed betwixt the cylinders to ensure accuracy in the register,over and under which the sheet was
conveyed in it s progress from one cylinder to the other,the sheet being at all times firmly held between
two tapes, which bound it to the cylinders and drums. This is commonly called, in the trade, a "perfecting
machine;" that is, it printed the paper on both sides simultaneously, and is still much used for "bookwork,"
whilst single cylinder machines are often used for provincial newspapers.
After this, Mr. Cowper designed the four cylinder machine for The Times,by means of which from 4000 to
5000 sheets could be printed from one forme in the hour. In 1823, Mr. Applegath invented an improvement in
the inking apparatus, by placing the distributing rollers at an angle across the distributing table, instead of
forcing them endways by other means.
Mr. Walter continued to devote the same unremitting attention to his business as before. He looked into all
the details, was familiar with every department, and, on an emergency, was willing to lend a hand in any
work requiring more than ordinary despatch.
Thus, it is related of him that, in the spring of 1833, shortly after his return to Parliament as Member for
Berkshire, he was at The Times office one day, when an express arrived from Paris, bringing the speech of
the King of the French on the opening of the Chambers. The express arrived at 10 A.M., after the day's
impression of the paper had been published, and the editors and compositors had left the office. It was
important that the speech should be published at once; and Mr. Walter immediately set to work upon it. He
first translated the document; then, assisted by one compositor, he took his place at the typecase, and set it
up. To the amazement of one of the staff, who dropped in about noon, he "found Mr. Walter, M.P. for Berks,
working in his shirtsleeves!" The speech was set and printed, and the second edition was in the City by one
o'clock. Had he not "turned to" as he did, the whole expense of the express service would have been lost. And
it is probable that there was not another man in the whole establishment who could have performed the
double workintellectual and physicalwhich he that day executed with his own head and hands.
Such an incident curiously illustrates his eminent success in life. It was simply the result of persevering
diligence, which shrank from no effort and neglected no detail; as well as of prudence allied to boldness, but
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certainly not "of chance;" and, above all, of highminded integrity and unimpeachable honesty. It is perhaps
unnecessary to add more as to the merits of Mr. Walter as a man of enterprise in business, or as a public man
and a Member of Parliament. The great work of his life was the development of his journal, the history of
which forms the best monument to his merits and his powers.
The progressive improvement of steam printing machinery was not affected by Mr. Walter's death, which
occurred in 1847. He had given it an impulse which it never lost. In 1846 Mr. Applegath patented certain
important improvements in the steam press. The general disposition of his new machine was that of a vertical
cylinder 200 inches in circumference, holding on it the type and distributing surfaces, and surrounded
alternately by inking rollers and pressing cylinders. Mr. Applegath estimated in his specification that in his
new vertical system the machine, with eight cylinders, would print about 10,000 sheets per hour. The new
printing press came into use in 1848, and completely justified the anticipations of its projector.
Applegath's machine, though successfully employed at The Times office, did not come into general use. It
was, to a large extent, superseded by the invention of Richard M. Hoe, of New York. Hoe's process consisted
in placing the types upon a horizontal cylinder, against which the sheets were pressed by exterior and smaller
cylinders. The types were arranged in segments of a circle, each segment forming a frame that could be fixed
on the cylinder. These printing machines were made with from two to ten subsidiary cylinders. The first
presses sent by Messrs. Hoe Co. to this country were for Lloyd's Weekly Newspaper, and were of the
sixcylinder size. These were followed by two tencylinder machines, ordered by the present Mr. Walter, for
The Times. Other English newspaper proprietorsboth in London and the provinceswere supplied with
the machines, as many as thirtyfive having been imported from America between 1856 and 1862. It may be
mentioned that the two tencylinder Hoes made for The Times were driven at the rate of thirtytwo
revolutions per minute, which gives a printing rate of 19,200 per hour, or about 16,000 including stoppages.
Much of the ingenuity exercised both in the Applegath and Hoe Machines was directed to the "chase," which
had to hold securely upon its curved face the mass of movable type required to form a page. And now the
enterprise of the proprietor of The Times again came to the front. The change effected in the art of
newspaperprinting, by the process of stereotypes, is scarcely inferior to that by which the late Mr. Walter
applied steampower to the printing press, and certainly equal to that by which the rotary press superseded
the reciprocatory action of the flat machine.
Stereotyping has a curious history. Many attempts were made to obtain solid printingsurfaces by transfer
from similar surfaces, composed, in the first place, of movable types. The first who really succeeded was one
Ged, an Edinburgh goldsmith, who, after a series of difficult experiments, arrived at a knowledge of the art of
stereotyping. The first method employed was to pour liquid stucco, of the consistency of cream, over the
types; and this, when solid, gave a perfect mould. Into this the molten metal was poured, and a plate was
produced, accurately resembling the page of type. As long ago as 1730, Ged obtained a privilege from the
University of Cambridge for printing Bibles and Prayerbooks after this method. But the workmen were dead
against it, as they thought it would destroy their trade. The compositors and the pressmen purposely battered
the letters in the absence of their employers. In consequence of this interference Ged was ruined, and died in
poverty.
The art had, however, been born, and could not be kept down. It was revived in France, in Germany, and in
America. Fifty years after the discovery of Ged, Tilloch and Foulis, of Glasgow, patented a similar invention,
without knowing anything of what Ged had done; and after great labour and many experiments, they
produced plates, the impressions from which could not be distinguished from those taken from the types from
which they were cast. Some years afterwards, Lord Stanhope, to whom the art of printing is much indebted,
greatly improved the art of stereotyping, though it was still quite inapplicable to newspaper printing. The
merit of this latter invention is due to the enterprise of the present proprietor of The Times.
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Mr. Walter began his experiments, aided by an ingenious Italian founder named Dellagana, early in 1856. It
was ascertained that when papiermache matrices were rapidly dried and placed in a mould, separate
columns might be cast in them with stereotype metal, type high, planed flat, and finished with sufficient
speed to get up the duplicate of a forme of four pages fitted for printing. Steps were taken to adapt these
typehigh columns to the Applegath Presses, then worked with polygonal chases. When the Hoe machines
were introduced, instead of dealing with the separate columns, the papiermache matrix was taken from the
whole page at one operation, by rollerpresses constructed for the purpose. The impression taken off in this
manner is as perfect as if it had been made in the finest wax. The matrix is rapidly dried on heating surfaces,
and then accurately adjusted in a casting machine curved to the exact circumference of the main drum of the
printing press, and fitted with a terracotta top to secure a casting of uniform thickness. On pouring
stereotype metal into this mould, a curved plate was obtained, which, after undergoing a certain amount of
trimming at two machines, could be taken to press and set to work within twentyfive minutes from the time
at which the process began.
Besides the great advantages obtained from uniform sets of the plates, which might be printed on different
machines at the rate of 50,000 impressions an hour, or such additional number as might be required, there is
this other great advantage, that there is no wear and tear of type in the curved chases by obstructive friction;
and that the fount, instead of wearing out in two years, might last for twenty; for the plates, after doing their
work for one day, are melted down into a new impression for the next day's printing. At the same time, the
original typepage, safe from injury, can be made to yield any number of copies that may be required by the
exigencies of the circulation. It will be sufficiently obvious that by the multiplication of stereotype plates and
printing machines, there is practically no limit to the number of copies of a newspaper that may be printed
within the time which the process now usually occupies.
This new method of newspaper stereotyping was originally employed on the cylinders of the Applegath and
Hoe Presses. But it is equally applicable to those of the Walter Press, a brief description of which we now
subjoin. As the construction of the first steam newspaper machine was due to the enterprise of the late Mr.
Walter, so the construction of this last and most improved machine is due in like manner to the enterprise of
his son. The new Walter Press is not, like Applegath and Cowper's, and Hoe's, the improvement of an
existing arrangement, but an almost entirely original invention.
In the Reports of the Jurors on the "Plate, Letterpress, and other modes of Printing," at the International
Exhibition of 1862, the following passage occurs: "It is incumbent on the reporters to point out that,
excellent and surprising as are the results achieved by the Hoe and Applegath Machines, they cannot be
considered satisfactory while those machines themselves are so liable to stoppages in working. No true
mechanic can contrast the immense American tencylinder presses of The Times with the simple
calicoprinting machine, without feeling that the latter furnishes the true type to which the mechanism for
newspaper printing should as much as possible approximate."
On this principle, so clearly put forward, the Inventors of the Walter Press proceeded in the contrivance of the
new machine. It is true that William Nicholson, in his patent of 1790, prefigured the possibility of printing on
"paper, linen, cotton, woollen, and other articles," by means of type fixed on the outer surface of a revolving
cylinder; but no steps were taken to carry his views into effect. Sir Rowland Hill also, before he became
connected with Post Office reform, revived the contrivance of Nicholson, and referred to it in his patent of
1835 (No. 6762); and he also proposed to use continuous rolls of paper, which Fourdrinier and Donkin had
made practicable by their invention of the papermaking machine about the year 1804; but both Nicholson's
and Hill's patents remained a dead letter.[2]
It may be easy to conceive a printing machine, or even to make a model of one; but to construct an actual
working printing press, that must be sure and unfailing in its operations, is a matter surrounded with
difficulties. At every step fresh contrivances have to be introduced; they have to be tried again and again;
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perhaps they are eventually thrown aside to give place to new arrangements. Thus the head of the inventor is
kept in a state of constant turmoil. Sometimes the whole machine has to be remodelled from beginning to
end. One step is gained by degrees, then another; and at last, after years of labour, the new invention comes
before the world in the form of a practical working machine.
In 1862 Mr. Walter began in The Times office, with tools and machinery of his own, experiments for
constructing a perfecting press which should print the paper from rolls of paper instead of from sheets. Like
his father, Mr. Walter possessed an excellent discrimination of character, and selected the best men to aid him
in his important undertaking. Numerous difficulties had, of course, to be surmounted. Plans were varied from
time to time; new methods were tried, altered, and improved, simplification being aimed at throughout. Six
long years passed in this pursuit of the possible. At length the clear light dawned. In 1868 Mr. Walter
ventured to order the construction of three machines on the pattern of the first complete one which had been
made. By the end of 1869 these were finished and placed in a room by themselves; and a fourth was
afterwards added. There the printing of The Times is now done, in less than half the time it previously
occupied, and with onefifth the number of hands.
The most remarkable feature in the Walter Press is its wonderful simplicity of construction. Simplicity of
arrangement is always the beau ideal of the mechanical engineer. This printing press is not only simple, but
accurate, compact, rapid, and economical.
While each of the tenfeeder Hoe Machines occupies a large and lofty room, and requires eighteen men to
feed and work it, the new Walter Machine occupies a space of only about l4 feet by 5, or less than any
newspaper machine yet introduced; and it requires only three lads to take away, with half the attention of an
overseer, who easily superintends two of the machines while at work. The Hoe Machine turns out 7000
impressions printed on both sides in the hour, whereas the Walter Machine turns out 12,000 impressions
completed in the same time.
The new Walter Press does not in the least resemble any existing printing machine, unless it be the
calendering machine which furnished its type. At the printing end it looks like a collection of small cylinders
or rollers. The first thing to be observed is the continuous roll of paper four miles long, tightly mounted on a
reel, which, when the machine is going, flies round with immense rapidity. The web of paper taken up by the
first roller is led into a series of small hollow cylinders filled with water and steam, perforated with thousands
of minute holes. By this means the paper is properly damped before the process of printing is begun. The roll
of paper, drawn by nipping rollers, next flies through to the cylinder on which the stereotype plates are fixed,
so as to form the four pages of the ordinary sheet of The Times; there it is lightly pressed against the type and
printed; then it passes downwards round another cylinder covered with cloth, and reversed; next to the second
typecovered roller, where it takes the impression exactly on the other side of the remaining four pages. It
next reaches one of the most ingenious contrivances of the inventionthe cutting machinery, by means of
which the paper is divided by a quick knife into the 5500 sheets of which the entire web consists. The tapes
hurry the now completely printed newspaper up an inclined plane, from which the divided sheets are
showered down in a continuous stream by an oscillating frame, where they are met by two boys, who adjust
the sheets as they fall. The reel of four miles long is printed and divided into newspapers complete in about
twentyfive minutes.
The machine is almost entirely selfacting, from the pumpingup of the ink into the inkbox out of the
cistern below stairs, to the registering of the numbers as they are printed in the manager's room above. It is
always difficult to describe a machine in words. Nothing but a series of sections and diagrams could give the
reader an idea of the construction of this unrivalled instrument. The time to see it and wonder at it is when the
press is in full work. And even then you can see but little of its construction, for the cylinders are wheeling
round with immense velocity. The rapidity with which the machine works may be inferred from the fact that
the printing cylinders (round which the stereotyped plates are fixed), while making their impressions on the
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paper, travel at the surprising speed of 200 revolutions a minute, or at the rate of about nine miles an hour!
Contrast this speed with the former slowness. Go back to the beginning of the century. Before the year 1814
the turnout of newspapers was only about 300 single impressions in an hourthat is, impressions printed
on only one side of the paper. Koenig by his invention increased the issue to 1100 impressions. Applegath
and Cowper by their fourcylinder machine increased the issue to 4000, and by the eightcylinder machine
to 10,000 an hour. But these were only impressions printed on one side of the paper. The first perfecting
pressthat is, printing simultaneously the paper on both sideswas the Walter, the speed of which has been
raised to 12,000, though, if necessary, it can produce excellent work at the rate of 17,000 complete copies of
an eightpage paper per hour. Then, with the new method of stereotypingby means of which the plates can
be infinitely multiplied and by the aid of additional machines, the supply of additional impressions is
absolutely unlimited.
The Walter Press is not a monopoly. It is manufactured at The Times office, and is supplied to all comers.
Among the other daily papers printed by its means in this country are the Daily News, the Scotsmam, and the
Birmingham Daily Post. The first Walter Press was sent to America in 1872, where it was employed to print
the Missouri Republican at St. Louis, the leading newspaper of the Mississippi Valley. An engineer and a
skilled workman from The Times office accompanied the machinery. On arriving at St. Louisthe materials
were unpacked, lowered into the machineroom, where they were erected and ready for work in the short
space of five days.
The Walter Press was an object of great interest at the Centennial Exhibition held at Philadelphia in 1876,
where it was shown printing the New Fork Times one of the most influential journals in America. The press
was surrounded with crowds of visitors intently watching its perfect and regular action, "like a thing of life."
The New York Times said of it: "The Walter Press is the most perfect printing press yet known to man;
invented by the most powerful journal of the Old World, and adopted as the very best press to be had for its
purposes by the most influential journal of the New World.... It is an honour to Great Britain to have such an
exhibit in her display, and a lasting benefit to the printing business, especially to newspapers.... The first
printing press run by steam was erected in the year 1814 in the office of The Times by the father of him who
is the present proprietor of that worldfamous journal. The machine of 1814 was described in The Times of
the 29th November in that year, and the account given of it closed in these words: 'The whole of these
complicated acts is performed with such a velocity and simultaneonsness of movement that no less than 1100
sheets are impressed in one hour.' Mirabile dictu! And the Walter Press of today can run off 17,000 copies
an hour printed on both sides. This is not bad work for one man's lifetime."
It is unnecessary to say more about this marvellous machine. Its completion forms the crown of the industry
which it represents, and of the enterprise of the journal which it prints.
Footnotes for Chapter VII.
[1] Diary, Reminiscences, and Correspondence of Henry Crabb Robinson, BarristeratLaw, F.S.A., i. 231.
[2] After the appearance of my article on the Koenig and Walter Presses in Macmillan's Magazine for
December, 1869, I received the following letter from Sir Rowland Hill:
"Hampstead" January 5th, 1870.
"My dear sir,
"In your very interesting article in Macmillan's Magazine on the subject of the printing machine, you have
unconsciously done me some injustice. To convince yourself of this, you have only to read the enclosed
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paper. The case, however, will be strengthened when I tell you that as far back as the year 1856, that is, seven
years after the expiry of my patent, I pointed out to Mr. Mowbray Morris, the manager of The Times, the
fitness of my machine for the printing of that journal, and the fact that serious difficulties to its adoption had
been removed. I also, at his request, furnished him with a copy of the document with which I now trouble
you. Feeling sure that you would like to know the truth on any subject of which you may treat, I should be
glad to explain the matter more fully, and for this purpose will, with your permission, call upon you at any
time you may do me the favour to appoint. "Faithfully yours,
"Rowland Hill."
On further enquiry I obtained the Patent No. 6762; but found that nothing practical had ever come of it. The
pamphlet enclosed by Sir Rowland Hill in the above letter is entitled 'The Rotary Printing Machine.' It is very
clever and ingenious, like everything he did. But it was still left for some one else to work out the invention
into a practical working printingpress. The subject is fully referred to in the 'Life of Sir Rowland Hill' (i.
224,525). In his final word on the subject, Sir Rowland "gladly admits the enormous difficulty of bringing a
complex machine into practical use," a difficulty, he says, which "has been most successfully overcome by
the patentees of the Walter Press."
CHAPTER VIII. WILLIAM CLOWES: INTRODUCER OF BOOKPRINTING
BY STEAM.
"The Images of men's wits and knowledges remain in Books,
exempted from the wrong of time, and capable of perpetual
renovation. Neither are they fitly to be called Images, because
they generate still, and cast their seeds in the minds of others,
provoking and causing infinite actions and opinions in succeeding
ages; so that, if the invention of the Ship was thought so noble,
which carrieth riches and commodities from place to place, and
consociateth the most remote Regions in participation of their
Fruits, how much more are letters to be magnified, which, as
Ships, pass through the vast Seas of time, and make ages so
distant to participate of the wisdom, illuminations, and
inventions, the one of the other?"Bacon, On the Proficience and
Advancement of Learning.
Steam has proved as useful and potent in the printing of books as in the printing of newspapers. Down to the
end of last century, "the divine art," as printing was called, had made comparatively little progress. That is to
say, although books could be beautifully printed by hand labour, they could not be turned out in any large
numbers.
The early printing press was rude. It consisted of a table, along which the forme of type, furnished with a
tympan and frisket, was pushed by hand. The platen worked vertically between standards, and was brought
down for the impression, and raised after it, by a common screw, worked by a bar handle. The inking was
performed by balls covered with skin pelts; they were blacked with ink, and beaten down on the type by the
pressman. The inking was consequently irregular.
In 1798, Earl Stanhope perfected the press that bears his name. He did not patent it, but made his invention
over to the public. In 1818, Mr. Cowper greatly improved the inking of formes used in the Stanhope and
other presses, by the use of a hand roller covered with a composition of glue and treacle, in combination with
a distributing table. The ink was thus applied in a more even manner, and with a considerable decrease of
labour. With the Stanhope Press, printing was as far advanced as it could possibly be by means of hand
labour. About 250 impressions could be taken off, on one side, in an hour.
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But this, after all, was a very small result. When books could be produced so slowly, there could be no
popular literature. Books were still articles for the few, instead of for the many. Steam power, however,
completely altered the state of affairs. When Koenig invented his steam press, he showed by the printing of
Clarkson's 'Life of Penn' the first sheets ever printed with a cylindrical pressthat books might be printed
neatly, as well as cheaply, by the new machine. Mr. Bensley continued the process, after Koenig left
England; and in 1824, according to Johnson in his 'Typographia,' his son was "driving an extensive business."
In the following year, 1825, Archibald Constable, of Edinburgh, propounded his plan for revolutionising the
art of bookselling. Instead of books being articles of luxury, he proposed to bring them into general
consumption. He would sell them, not by thousands, but by hundreds of thousands, "ay, by millions;" and he
would accomplish this by the new methods of multiplicationby machine printing and by steam power. Mr.
Constable accordingly issued a library of excellent books; and, although he was ruinednot by this
enterprise, but the other speculations into which he enteredhe set the example which other enterprising
minds were ready to follow. Amongst these was Charles Knight, who set the steam presses of William
Clowes to work, for the purposes of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge.
William Clowes was the founder of the vast printing establishment from which these sheets are issued; and
his career furnishes another striking illustration of the force of industry and character. He was born on the 1st
of January, 1779. His father was educated at Oxford, and kept a large school at Chichester; but dying when
William was but an infant, he left his widow, with straitened means, to bring up her family. At a proper age
William was bound apprentice to a printer at Chichester; and, after serving him for seven years, he came up
to London, at the beginning of 1802, to seek employment as a journeyman. He succeeded in finding work at a
small office on Tower Hill, at a small wage. The first lodgings he took cost him 5s. a week; but finding this
beyond his means he hired a room in a garret at 2s. 6d., which was as much as he could afford out of his
scanty earnings.
The first job he was put to, was the settingup of a large posterbilla kind of work which he had been
accustomed to execute in the country; and he knocked it together so expertly that his master, Mr. Teape, on
seeing what he could do, said to him, "Ah! I find you are just the fellow for me." The young man, however,
felt so strange in London, where he was without a friend or acquaintance, that at the end of the first month he
thought of leaving it; and yearned to go back to his native city. But he had not funds enough to enable him to
follow his inclinations, and he accordingly remained in the great City, to work, to persevere, and finally to
prosper. He continued at Teape's for about two years, living frugally, and even contriving to save a little
money.
He then thought of beginning business on his own account. The small scale on which printing was carried on
in those days enabled him to make a start with comparatively little capital. By means of his own savings and
the help of his friends, he was enabled to take a little printingoffice in Villiers Street, Strand, about the end
of 1803; and there he began with one printing press, and one assistant. His stock of type was so small, that he
was under the necessity of working it from day to day like a banker's gold. When his first job came in, he
continued to work for the greater part of three nights, setting the type during the day, and working it off at
night, in order that the type might be distributed for resetting on the following morning. He succeeded,
however, in executing his first job to the entire satisfaction of his first customer.
His business gradually increased, and then, with his constantly saved means, he was enabled to increase his
stock of type, and to undertake larger jobs. Industry always tells, and in the longrun leads to prosperity. He
married early, but he married well. He was only twentyfour when he found his best fortune in a good,
affectionate wife. Through this lady's cousin, Mr. Winchester, the young printer was shortly introduced to
important official business. His punctual execution of orders, the accuracy of his work, and the despatch with
which he turned it out soon brought him friends, and his obliging and kindly disposition firmly secured them.
Thus, in a few years, the humble beginner with one press became a printer on a large scale.
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The small concern expanded into a considerable printingoffice in Northumberland Court, which was
furnished with many presses and a large stock of type. The office was, unfortunately, burnt down; but a larger
office rose in its place.
What Mr. Clowes principally aimed at, in carrying on his business, was accuracy, speed, and quantity. He did
not seek to produce editions de luxe in limited numbers, but large impressions of works in popular
demandtravels, biographies, histories, bluebooks, and official reports, in any quantity. For this purpose,
he found the process of handprinting too tedious, as well as too costly; and hence he early turned his
attention to book printing by machine presses, driven by steam power,in this matter following the example
of Mr. Walter of the Times, who had for some years employed the same method for newspaper printing.
Applegath Cowper's machines had greatly advanced the art of printing. They secured perfect inking and
register; and the sheets were printed off more neatly, regularly, and expeditiously; and larger sheets could be
printed on both sides, than by any other method. In 1823, accordingly, Mr. Clowes erected his first steam
presses, and he soon found abundance of work for them. But to produce steam requires boilers and engines,
the working of which occasions smoke and noise. Now, as the printingoffice, with its steam presses, was
situated in Northumberland Court, close to the palace of the Duke of Northumberland, at Charing Cross, Mr.
Clowes was required to abate the nuisance, and to stop the noise and dirt occasioned by the use of his
engines. This he failed to do, and the Duke commenced an action against him.
The case was tried in June, 1824, in the Court of Common Pleas. It was ludicrous to hear the extravagant
terms in which the counsel for the plaintiff and his witnesses described the nuisancethe noise made by the
engine in the underground cellar, some times like thunder, at other times like a thrashingmachine, and then
again like the rumbling of carts and waggons. The printer had retained the Attorneygeneral, Mr. Copley,
afterwards Lord Lyndhurst, who conducted his case with surpassing ability. The crossexamination of a
foreign artist, employed by the Duke to repaint some portraits of the Cornaro family by Titian, is said to have
been one of the finest things on record. The sly and pungent humour, and the banter with which the counsel
derided and laughed down this witness, were inimitable. The printer won his case; but he eventually
consented to remove his steam presses from the neighbourhood, on the Duke paying him a certain sum to be
determined by the award of arbitrators.
It happened, about this period, that a sort of murrain fell upon the London publishers. After the failure of
Constable at Edinburgh, they came down one after another, like a pack of cards. Authors are not the only
people who lose labour and money by publishers; there are also cases where publishers are ruined by authors.
Printers also now lost heavily. In one week, Mr. Clowes sustained losses through the failure of London
publishers to the extent of about 25,000L. Happily, the large sum which the arbitrators awarded him for the
removal of his printing presses enabled him to tide over the difficulty; he stood his ground unshaken, and his
character in the trade stood higher than ever.
In the following year Mr. Clowes removed to Duke Street, Blackfriars, to premises until then occupied by
Mr. Applegath, as a printer; and much more extensive buildings and offices were now erected. There his
business transactions assumed a form of unprecedented magnitude, and kept pace with the great demand for
popular information which set in with such force about fifty years ago. In the course of ten yearsas we find
from the 'Encyclopaedia Metropolitana'there were twenty of Applegath Cowper's machines, worked by
two fivehorse engines. From these presses were issued the numerous admirable volumes and publications of
the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge; the treatises on 'Physiology,' by Roget, and 'Animal
Mechanics,' by Charles Bell; the 'Elements of Physics,' by Neill Arnott; 'The Pursuit of Knowledge under
Difficulties,' by G. L. Craik, a most fascinating book; the Library of Useful Knowledge; the 'Penny
Magazine,' the first illustrated publication; and the 'Penny Cyclopaedia,' that admirable compendium of
knowledge and science.
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These publications were of great value. Some of them were printed in unusual numbers. The 'Penny
Magazine,' of which Charles Knight was editor, was perhaps too good, because it was too scientific.
Nevertheless, it reached a circulation of 200,000 copies. The 'Penny Cyclopaedia' was still better. It was
original, and yet cheap. The articles were written by the best men that could be found in their special
departments of knowledge. The sale was originally 75,000 weekly; but, as the plan enlarged, the price was
increased from 1d. to 2d., and then to 4d. At the end of the second year, the circulation had fallen to 44,000;
and at the end of the third year, to 20,000.
It was unfortunate for Mr. Knight to be so much under the influence of his Society. Had the Cyclopaedia been
under his own superintendence, it would have founded his fortune. As it was, he lost over 30,000L. by the
venture. The 'Penny Magazine' also went down in circulation, until it became a nonpaying publication, and
then it was discontinued. It is curious to contrast the fortunes of William Chambers of Edinburgh with those
of Charles Knight of London. 'Chambers's Edinburgh Journal' was begun in February, 1832, and the 'Penny
Magazine' in March, 1832.
Chambers was perhaps shrewder than Knight. His journal was as good, though without illustrations; but he
contrived to mix up amusement with useful knowledge. It may be a weakness, but the public like to be
entertained, even while they are feeding upon better food. Hence Chambers succeeded, while Knight failed.
The 'Penny Magazine' was discontinued in 1845, whereas 'Chambers's Edinburgh Journal' has maintained its
popularity to the present day. Chambers, also, like Knight, published an 'Encyclopaedia,' which secured a
large circulation. But he was not trammelled by a Society, and the 'Encyclopaedia' has become a valuable
property.
The publication of these various works would not have been possible without the aid of the steam printing
press. When Mr. Edward Cowper was examined before a Committee of the House of Commons, he said,
"The ease with which the principles and illustrations of Art might be diffused is, I think, so obvious that it is
hardly necessary to say a word about it. Here you may see it exemplified in the 'Penny Magazine.' Such
works as this could not have existed without the printing machine." He was asked, "In fact, the mechanic and
the peasant, in the most remote parts of the country, have now an opportunity of seeing tolerably correct
outlines of form which they never could behold before?" To which he answered, "Exactly; and literally at the
price they used to give for a song." "Is there not, therefore, a greater chance of calling genius into activity?"
"Yes," he said, "not merely by books creating an artist here and there, but by the general elevation of the taste
of the public."
Mr. Clowes was always willing to promote deserving persons in his office. One of these rose from step to
step, and eventually became one of the most prosperous publishers in London. He entered the service as an
errandboy, and got his meals in the kitchen. Being fond of reading, he petitioned Mrs. Clowes to let him sit
somewhere, apart from the other servants, where he might read his book in quiet. Mrs. Clowes at length
entreated her husband to take him into the office, for "Johnnie Parker was such a good boy." He consented,
and the boy took his place at a clerk's desk. He was wellbehaved, diligent, and attentive. As he advanced in
years, his steady and steadfast conduct showed that he could be trusted. Young fellows like this always make
their way in life; for character invariably tells, not only in securing respect, but in commanding confidence.
Parker was promoted from one post to another, until he was at length appointed overseer over the entire
establishment.
A circumstance shortly after occurred which enabled Mr. Clowes to advance him, though greatly to his own
inconvenience, to another important post. The Syndics of Cambridge were desirous that Mr. Clowes should
go down there to set their printingoffice in order; they offered him 400L. a year if he would only appear
occasionally, and see that the organisation was kept complete. He declined, because the magnitude of his own
operations had now become so great that they required his unremitting attention. He, however strongly
recommended Parker to the office, though he could ill spare him. But he would not stand in the young man's
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way, and he was appointed accordingly. He did his work most effectually at Cambridge, and put the
University Press into thorough working order.
As the 'Penny Magazine' and other publications of the Society of Useful Knowledge were now making their
appearance, the clergy became desirous of bringing out a religious publication of a popular character, and
they were in search for a publisher. Parker, who was well known at Cambridge, was mentioned to the Bishop
of London as the most likely person. An introduction took place, and after an hour's conversation with Parker,
the Bishop went to his friends and said, "This is the very man we want." An offer was accordingly made to
him to undertake the publication of the 'Saturday Magazine' and the other publications of the Christian
Knowledge Society, which he accepted. It is unnecessary to follow his fortunes. His progress was steady; he
eventually became the publisher of 'Fraser's Magazine' and of the works of John Stuart Mill and other
wellknown writers. Mill never forgot his appreciation and generosity; for when his 'System of Logic' had
been refused by the leading London publishers, Parker prized the book at its rightful value and introduced it
to the public.
To return to Mr. Clowes. In the course of a few years, the original humble establishment of the Sussex
compositor, beginning with one press and one assistant, grew up to be one of the largest printingoffices in
the world. It had twentyfive steam presses, twentyeight handpresses, six hydraulic presses, and gave
direct employment to over five hundred persons, and indirect employment to probably more than ten times
that number. Besides the works connected with his printingoffice, Mr. Clowes found it necessary to cast his
own types, to enable him to command on emergency any quantity; and to this he afterwards added
stereotyping on an immense scale. He possessed the power of supplying his compositors with a stream of
new type at the rate of about 50,000 pieces a day. In this way, the weight of type in ordinary use became very
great; it amounted to not less than 500 tons, and the stereotyped plates to about 2500 tons the value of the
latter being not less than half a million sterling.
Mr. Clowes would not hesitate, in the height of his career, to have tons of type locked up for months in some
ponderous bluebook. To print a report of a hundred folio pages in the course of a day or during a night, or of
a thousand pages in a week, was no uncommon occurrence. From his gigantic establishment were turned out
not fewer than 725,000 printed sheets, or equal to 30,000 volumes a week. Nearly 45,000 pounds of paper
were printed weekly. The quantity printed on both sides per week, if laid down in a path of 22 1/4 inches
broad, would extend 263 miles in length.
About the year l840, a Polish inventor brought out a composing machine, and submitted it to Mr. Clowes for
approval. But Mr. Clowes was getting too old to take up and push any new invention.
He was also averse to doing anything to injure the compositors, having once been a member of the craft. At
the same time he said to his son George, "If you find this to be a likely machine, let me know. Of course we
must go with the age. If I had not started the steam press when I did, where should I have been now?" On the
whole, the composing machine, though ingenious, was incomplete, and did not come into use at that time, nor
indeed for a long time after. Still, the idea had been born, and, like other inventions, became eventually
developed into a useful working machine. Composing machines are now in use in many printingoffices, and
the present Clowes' firm possesses several of them. Those in The Times newspaper office are perhaps the
most perfect of all.
Mr. Clowes was necessarily a man of great ability, industry, and energy. Whatever could be done in printing,
that he would do. He would never admit the force of any difficulty that might be suggested to his plans.
When he found a person ready to offer objections, he would say, "Ah! I see you are a difficultymaker: you
will never do for me."
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Mr. Clowes died in 1847, at the age of sixtyeight. There still remain a few who can recall to mind the giant
figure, the kindly countenance, and the gentle bearing of this "Prince of Printers," as he was styled by the
members of his craft. His life was full of hard and useful work; and it will probably be admitted that, as the
greatest multiplier of books in his day, and as one of the most effective practical labourers for the diffusion of
useful knowledge, his name is entitled to be permanently associated, not only with the industrial, but also
with the intellectual development of our time.
CHAPTER IX. CHARLES BIANCONI: A LESSON OF SELFHELP IN
IRELAND.
"I beg you to occupy yourself in collecting biographical notices
respecting the Italians who have honestly enriched themselves in
other regions, particularly referring to the obstacles of their
previous life, and to the efforts and the means which they
employed for vanquishing them, as well as to the advantages which
they secured for themselves, for the countries in which they
settled, and for the country to which they owed their birth."
GENERAL MENABREA, Circular to Italian Consuls.
When Count Menabrea was Prime Minister of Italy, he caused a despatch to be prepared and issued to Italian
Consuls in all parts of the world, inviting them to collect and forward to him "biographical notices respecting
the Italians who have honourably advanced themselves in foreign countries."
His object, in issuing the despatch, was to collect information as to the lives of his compatriots living abroad,
in order to bring out a book similar to 'Selfhelp,' the examples cited in which were to be drawn exclusively
from the lives of Italian citizens. Such a work, he intimated, "if it were once circulated among the masses,
could not fail to excite their emulation and encourage them to follow the examples therein set forth," while
"in the course of time it might exercise a powerful influence on the increased greatness of our country."
We are informed by Count Menabrea that, although no special work has been published from the
biographical notices collected in answer to his despatch, yet that the Volere e Potere ('Will is Power') of
Professor Lessona, issued a few years ago, sufficiently answers the purpose which he contemplated, and
furnishes many examples of the patient industry and untiring perseverance of Italians in all parts of the world.
Many important illustrations of life and character are necessarily omitted from Professor Lessona's interesting
work. Among these may be mentioned the subject of the following pages,a distinguished Italian who
entirely corresponds to Count Menabrea's descriptionone who, in the face of the greatest difficulties, raised
himself to an eminent public position, at the same time that he conferred the greatest benefits upon the
country in which he settled and carried on his industrial operations. We mean Charles Bianconi, and his
establishment of the great system of car communication through out Ireland.[1]
Charles Bianconi was born in 1786, at the village of Tregolo, situated in the Lombard Highlands of La
Brianza, about ten miles from Como. The last elevations of the Alps disappear in the district; and the great
plain of Lombardy extends towards the south. The region is known for its richness and beauty; the inhabitants
being celebrated for the cultivation of the mulberry and the rearing of the silkworm, the finest silk in
Lombardy being produced in the neighbourhood. Indeed, Bianconi's family, like most of the villagers,
maintained themselves by the silk culture.
Charles had three brothers and one sister. When of a sufficient age, he was sent to school. The Abbe Radicali
had turned out some good scholars; but with Charles Bianconi his failure was complete. The new pupil
proved a tremendous dunce. He was very wild, very bold, and very plucky; but he learned next to nothing.
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Learning took as little effect upon him as pouring water upon a duck's back. Accordingly, when he left school
at the age of sixteen, he was almost as ignorant as when he had entered it; and a great deal more wilful.
Young Bianconi had now arrived at the age at which he was expected to do something for his own
maintenance. His father wished to throw him upon his own resources; and as he would soon be subject to the
conscription, he thought of sending him to some foreign country in order to avoid the forced service. Young
fellows, who had any love of labour or promptings of independence in them, were then accustomed to leave
home and carry on their occupations abroad. It was a common practice for workmen in the neighbourhood of
Como to emigrate to England and carry on various trades; more particularly the manufacture and sale of
barometers, lookingglasses, images, prints, pictures, and other articles.
Accordingly, Bianconi's father arranged with one Andrea Faroni to take the young man to England and
instruct him in the trade of printselling. Bianconi was to be Faroni's apprentice for eighteen months; and in
the event of his not liking the occupation, he was to be placed under the care of Colnaghi, a friend of his
father's, who was then making considerable progress as a printseller in London; and who afterwards
succeeded in achieving a considerable fortune and reputation.
Bianconi made his preparations for leaving home. A little festive entertainment was given at a little inn in
Como, at which the whole family were present. It was a sad thing for Bianconi's mother to take leave of her
boy, wild though he was. On the occasion of this parting ceremony, she fainted outright, at which the young
fellow thought that things were assuming a rather serious aspect. As he finally left the family home at
Tregolo, the last words his mother said to him were these words which he never forgot: "When you
remember me, think of me as waiting at this window, watching for your return."
Besides Charles Bianconi, Faroni took three other boys under his charge. One was the son of a small village
innkeeper, another the son of a tailor, and the third the son of a flaxdealer. This party, under charge of the
Padre, ascended the Alps by the Val San Giacomo road. From the summit of the pass they saw the plains of
Lombardy stretching away in the blue distance. They soon crossed the Swiss frontier, and then Bianconi
found himself finally separated from home. He now felt, that without further help from friends or relatives, he
had his own way to make in the world.
The party of travellers duly reached England; but Faroni, without stopping in London, took them over to
Ireland at once. They reached Dublin in the summer of 1802, and lodged in Temple Bar, near Essex Bridge. It
was some little time before Faroni could send out the boys to sell pictures. First he had the leaden frames to
cast; then they had to be trimmed and coloured; and then the picturesmostly of sacred subjects, or of public
charactershad to be mounted. The flowers; which were of wax, had also to be prepared and finished, ready
for sale to the passersby.
When Bianconi went into the streets of Dublin to sell his mounted prints, he could not speak a word of
English. He could only say, "Buy, buy!" Everybody spoke to him an unknown tongue. When asked the price,
he could only indicate by his fingers the number of pence he wanted for his goods. At length he learned a
little English,at least sufficient "for the road;" and then he was sent into the country to sell his
merchandize. He was despatched every Monday morning with about forty shillings' worth of stock, and
ordered to return home on Saturdays, or as much sooner as he liked, if he had sold all the pictures. The only
money his master allowed him at starting was fourpence. When Bianconi remonstrated at the smallness of the
amount, Faroni answered, "While you have goods you have money; make haste to sell your goods!"
During his apprenticeship, Bianconi learnt much of the country through which he travelled. He was
constantly making acquaintances with new people, and visiting new places. At Waterford he did a good trade
in small prints. Besides the Scripture pieces, he sold portraits of the Royal Family, as well as of Bonaparte
and his most distinguished generals. "Bony" was the dread of all magistrates, especially in Ireland. At
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Passage, near Waterford, Bianconi was arrested for having sold a leaden framed picture of the famous French
Emperor. He was thrown into a cold guardroom, and spent the night there without bed, or fire, or food. Next
morning he was discharged by the magistrate, but cautioned that he must not sell any more of such pictures.
Many things struck Bianconi in making his first journeys through Ireland. He was astonished at the
dramdrinking of the men, and the pipesmoking of the women. The violent factionfights which took place
at the fairs which he frequented, were of a kind which he had never before observed among the pacific people
of North Italy. These factionfights were the result, partly of dramdrinking, and partly of the fighting mania
which then prevailed in Ireland. There were also numbers of crippled and deformed beggars in every
town,quarrelling and fighting in the streets,rows and drinkings at wakes,gambling, duelling, and
riotous living amongst all classes of the people,things which could not but strike any ordinary observer at
the time, but which have now, for the most part, happily passed away.
At the end of eighteen months, Bianconi's apprenticeship was out; and Faroni then offered to take him back
to his father, in compliance with the original understanding. But Bianconi had no wish to return to Italy.
Faroni then made over to him the money he had retained on his account, and Bianconi set up business for
himself. He was now about eighteen years old; he was strong and healthy, and able to walk with a heavy load
on his back from twenty to thirty miles a day. He bought a large case, filled it with coloured prints and other
articles, and started from Dublin on a tour through the south of Ireland. He succeeded, like most persons who
labour diligently. The curlyhaired Italian lad became a general favourite. He took his native politeness with
him everywhere; and made many friends among his various customers throughout the country.
Bianconi used to say that it was about this time when he was carrying his heavy case upon his back, weighing
at least a hundred poundsthat the idea began to strike him, of some cheap method of conveyance being
established for the accommodation of the poorer classes in Ireland. As he dismantled himself of his case of
pictures, and sat wearied and resting on the milestones along the road, he puzzled his mind with the thought,
"Why should poor people walk and toil, and rich people ride and take their ease? Could not some method be
devised by which poor people also might have the opportunity of travelling comfortably?"
It will thus be seen that Bianconi was already beginning to think about the matter. When asked, not long
before his death, how it was that he had first thought of starting his extensive Car establishment, he answered,
"It grew out of my back!" It was the hundred weight of pictures on his dorsal muscles that stimulated his
thinking faculties. But the time for starting his great experiment had not yet arrived.
Bianconi wandered about from town to town for nearly two years. The picturecase became heavier than
ever. For a time he replaced it with a portfolio of unframed prints. Then he became tired of the wandering
life, and in 1806 settled down at CarrickonSuir as a printseller and carver and gilder. He supplied himself
with goldleaf from Waterford, to which town he used to proceed by Tom Morrissey's boat. Although the
distance by road between the towns was only twelve miles, it was about twentyfour by water, in
consequence of the windings of the river Suir. Besides, the boat could only go when the state of the tide
permitted. Time was of little consequence; and it often took half a day to make the journey. In the course of
one of his voyages, Bianconi got himself so thoroughly soaked by rain and mud that he caught a severe cold,
which ran into pleurisy, and laid him up for about two months. He was carefully attended to by a good, kind
physician, Dr. White, who would not take a penny for his medicine and nursing.
Business did not prove very prosperous at Carrickonsuir; the town was small, and the trade was not very
brisk. Accordingly, Bianconi resolved, after a year's ineffectual trial, to remove to Waterford, a more thriving
centre of operations. He was now twentyone years old. He began again as a carver and gilder; and as
business flowed in upon him, he worked very hard, sometimes from six in the morning until two hours after
midnight. As usual, he made many friends. Among the best of them was Edward Rice, the founder of the
"Christian Brothers" in Ireland. Edward Rice was a true benefactor to his country. He devoted himself to the
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work of education, long before the National Schools were established; investing the whole of his means in the
foundation and management of this noble institution.
Mr. Rice's advice and instruction set and kept Bianconi in the right road. He helped the young foreigner to
learn English. Bianconi was no longer a dunce, as he had been at school; but a keen, active, enterprising
fellow, eager to make his way in the world. Mr. Rice encouraged him to be sedulous and industrious, urged
him to carefulness and sobriety, and strengthened his religions impressions. The help and friendship of this
good man, operating upon the mind and soul of a young man, whose habits of conduct and whose moral and
religious character were only in course of formation, could not fail to exercise, as Bianconi always
acknowledged they did, a most powerful influence upon the whole of his after life.
Although "three removes" are said to be "as bad as a fire," Bianconi, after remaining about two years at
Waterford, made a third removal in 1809, to Clonmel, in the county of Tipperary. Clonmel is the centre of a
large corn trade, and is in water communication, by the Suir, with Carrick and Waterford. Bianconi,
therefore, merely extended his connection; and still continued his dealings with his customers in the other
towns. He made himself more proficient in the mechanical part of his business; and aimed at being the first
carver and gilder in the trade. Besides, he had always an eye open for new business. At that time, when the
war was raging with France, gold was at a premium. The guinea was worth about twentysix or
twentyseven shillings. Bianconi therefore began to buy up the hoardedup guineas of the peasantry. The
loyalists became alarmed at his proceedings, and began to circulate the report that Bianconi, the foreigner,
was buying up bullion to send secretly to Bonaparte! The country people, however, parted with their guineas
readily; for they had no particular hatred of "Bony," but rather admired him.
Bianconi's conduct was of course quite loyal in the matter; he merely bought the guineas as a matter of
business, and sold them at a profit to the bankers.
The country people had a difficulty in pronouncing his name. His shop was at the corner of Johnson Street,
and instead of Bianconi, he came to be called "Bian of the Corner." He was afterwards known as "Bian."
Bianconi soon became well known after his business was established. He became a proficient in the carving
and gilding line, and was looked upon as a thriving man. He began to employ assistants in his trade, and had
three German gilders at work. While they were working in the shop he would travel about the country, taking
orders and delivering goodssometimes walking and sometimes driving.
He still retained a little of his old friskiness and spirit of mischief. He was once driving a car from Clonmel to
Thurles; he had with him a large lookingglass with a gilt frame, on which about a fortnight's labour had
been bestowed. In a fit of exuberant humour he began to tickle the horse under his tail with a straw! In an
instant the animal reared and plunged, and then set off at a gallop down hill. The result was, that the car was
dashed to bits and the lookingglass broken into a thousand atoms!
On another occasion, a man was carrying to Cashel on his back one of Bianconi's large lookingglasses. An
old woman by the wayside, seeing the oddlooking, unwieldy package, asked what it was; on which
Bianconi, who was close behind the man carrying the glass, answered that it was "the Repeal of the Union!"
The old woman's delight was unbounded! She knelt down on her knees in the middle of the road, as if it had
been a picture of the Madonna, and thanked God for having preserved her in her old age to see the Repeal of
the Union!
But this little waywardness did not last long. Bianconi's wild oats were soon all sown. He was careful and
frugal. As he afterwards used to say, "When I was earning a shilling a day at Clonmel, I lived upon
eightpence." He even took lodgers, to relieve him of the charge of his household expenses. But as his means
grew, he was soon able to have a conveyance of his own. He first started a yellow gig, in which he drove
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about from place to place, and was everywhere treated with kindness and hospitality. He was now regarded as
"respectable," and as a person worthy to hold some local office. He was elected to a Society for visiting the
Sick Poor, and became a Member of the House of Industry. He might have gone on in the same business,
winning his way to the Mayoralty of Clonmel, which he afterwards held; but that the old idea, which had first
sprung up in his mind while resting wearily on the milestones along the road, with his heavy case of pictures
by his side, again laid hold of him, and he determined now to try whether his plan could not be carried into
effect.
He had often lamented the fatigue that poor people had to undergo in travelling with burdens from place to
place upon foot, and wondered whether some means might not be devised for alleviating their sufferings.
Other people would have suggested "the Government!" Why should not the Government give us this, that,
and the other,give us roads, harbours, carriages, boats, nets, and so on. This, of course, would have been a
mistaken idea; for where people are too much helped, they invariably lose the beneficent practice of helping
themselves. Charles Bianconi had never been helped, except by advice and friendship. He had helped himself
throughout; and now he would try to help others.
The facts were patent to everybody. There was not an Irishman who did not know the difficulty of getting
from one town to another. There were roads between them, but no conveyances. There was an abundance of
horses in the country, for at the close of the war an unusual number of horses, bred for the army, were thrown
upon the market. Then a tax had been levied upon carriages, which sent a large number of jauntingcars out
of employment.
The roads of Ireland were on the whole good, being at that time quite equal, if not superior, to most of those
in England. The facts of the abundant horses, the good roads, the number of unemployed outside cars, were
generally known; but until Bianconi took the enterprise in hand, there was no person of thought, or spirit, or
capital in the country, who put these three things together horses, roads, and cars and dreamt of remedying
the great public inconvenience.
It was left for our young Italian carver and gilder, a struggling man of small capital, to take up the enterprise,
and show what could be done by prudent action and persevering energy. Though the car system originally
"grew out of his back," Bianconi had long been turning the subject over in his mind. His idea was, that we
should never despise small interests, nor neglect the wants of poor people. He saw the mailcoaches
supplying the requirements of the rich, and enabling them to travel rapidly from place to place. "Then," said
he to himself, "would it not be possible for me to make an ordinary twowheeled car pay, by running as
regularly for the accommodation of poor districts and poor people?"
When Mr. Wallace, chairman of the Select Committee on Postage, in 1838, asked Mr. Bianconi, "What
induced you to commence the car establishment?" his answer was, "I did so from what I saw, after coming to
this country, of the necessity for such cars, inasmuch as there was no middle mode of conveyance, nothing to
fill up the vacuum that existed between those who were obliged to walk and those who posted or rode. My
want of knowledge of the language gave me plenty of time for deliberation, and in proportion as I grew up
with the knowledge of the language and the localities, this vacuum pressed very heavily upon my mind, till at
last I hit upon the idea of running jauntingcars, and for that purpose I commenced running one between
Clonmel and Cahir."[2]
What a happy thing it was for Bianconi and Ireland that he could not speak with facility,that he did not
know the language or the manners of the country! In his case silence was "golden." Had he been able to talk
like the people about him, he might have said much and done little, attempted nothing and consequently
achieved nothing. He might have got up a meeting and petitioned Parliament to provide the cars, and
subvention the car system; or he might have gone amongst his personal friends, asked them to help him, and
failing their help, given up his idea in despair, and sat down grumbling at the people and the Government.
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But instead of talking, he proceeded to doing, thereby illustrating Lessona's maxim of Volere e potere. After
thinking the subject fully over, he trusted to selfhelp. He found that with his own means, carefully saved, he
could make a beginning; and the beginning once made, included the successful ending.
The beginning, it is true, was very small. It was only an ordinary jauntingcar, drawn by a single horse,
capable of accommodating six persons. The first car ran between Clonmel and Cahir, a distance of about
twelve miles, on the 5th of July, 1815a memorable day for Bianconi and Ireland. Up to that time the public
accommodation for passengers was confined to a few mail and day coaches on the great lines of road, the
fares by which were very high, and quite beyond the reach of the poorer or middleclass people.
People did not know what to make of Bianconi's car when it first started. There were, of course, the usual
prophets of disaster, who decided that it "would never do." Many thought that no one would pay
eighteenpence for going to Cahir by car when they could walk there for nothing? There were others who
thought that Bianconi should have stuck to his shop, as there was no connection whatever between
picturegilding and cardriving!
The truth is, the enterprise at first threatened to be a failure! Scarcely anybody would go by the car. People
preferred trudging on foot, and saved their money, which was more valuable to them than their time. The car
sometimes ran for weeks without a passenger. Another man would have given up the enterprise in despair.
But this was not the way with Bianconi. He was a man of tenacity and perseverance. What should he do but
start an opposition car? Nobody knew of it but himself; not even the driver of the opposition car. However,
the rival car was started. The races between the cardrivers, the free lifts occasionally given to passengers,
the cheapness of the fare, and the excitement of the contest, attracted the attention of the public. The people
took sides, and before long both cars came in full. Fortunately the "great big yallah horse" of the opposition
car broke down, and Bianconi had all the trade to himself.
The people became accustomed to travelling. They might still walk to Cahir; but going by car saved their
legs, saved their brains, and saved their time. They might go to Cahir market, do their business there, and be
comfortably back within the day. Bianconi then thought of extending the car to Tipperary and Limerick. In
the course of the same year, 1815, he started another car between Clonmel, Cashel, and Thurles. Thus all the
principal towns of Tipperary were, in the first year of the undertaking, connected together by car, besides
being also connected with Limerick.
It was easy to understand the convenience of the car system to business men, farmers, and even peasants.
Before their establishment, it took a man a whole day to walk from Thurles to Clonmel, the second day to do
his business, and the third to walk back again; whereas he could, in one day, travel backwards and forwards
between the two towns, and have five or six intermediate hours for the purpose of doing his business. Thus
two clear days could be saved.
Still carrying out his scheme, Bianconi, in the following year (1816), put on a car from Clonmel to
Waterford. Before that time there was no car accommodation between Clonmel and CarrickonSuir, about
halfway to Waterford; but there was an accommodation by boat between Carrick and Waterford. The
distance between the two latter places was, by road, twelve miles, and by the river Suir twentyfour miles.
Tom Morrissey's boat plied two days a week; it carried from eight to ten passengers at 6 1/2d. of the then
currency; it did the voyage in from four to five hours, and besides had to wait for the tide to float it up and
down the river. When Bianconi's car was put on, it did the distance daily and regularly in two hours, at a fare
of two shillings.
The people soon got accustomed to the convenience of the cars. They also learned from them the uses of
punctuality and the value of time. They liked the openair travelling and the sidelong motion. The new cars
were also safe and wellappointed. They were drawn by good horses and driven by good coachmen.
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Jauntingcar travelling had before been rather unsafe. The country cars were of a ramshackle order, and the
drivers were often reckless. "Will I pay the pike, or drive at it, plaise your honour?" said a driver to his
passenger on approaching a turnpikegate. Sam Lover used to tell a story of a cardriver, who, after driving
his passenger uphill and downhill, along a very bad road, asked him for something extra at the end of his
journey.
"Faith," said the driver, "its not putting me off with this ye'd be, if ye knew but all." The gentleman gave him
another shilling. "And now what do you mean by saying, 'if ye knew but all?'" "That I druv yer honor the last
three miles widout a linchpin!"
Bianconi, to make sure of the soundness and safety of his cars, set up a workshop to build them for himself.
He could thus depend upon their soundness, down even to the linchpin itself. He kept on his carving and
gilding shop until his car business had increased so much that it required the whole of his time and attention;
and then he gave it up. In fact, when he was able to run a car from Clonmel to Waterford a distance of
thirtytwo milesat a fare of threeandsixpence, his eventual triumph was secure.
He made Waterford one of the centres of his operations, as he had already made Clonmel. In 1818 he
established a car between Waterford and Ross, in the following year a car between Waterford and Wexford,
and another between Waterford and Enniscorthy. A few years later he established other cars between
Waterford and Kilkenny, and Waterford and Dungarvan. From these furthest points, again, other cars were
established in communication with them, carrying the line further north, east, and west. So much had the
travelling between Clonmel and Waterford increased, that in a few years (instead of the eight or ten
passengers conveyed by Tom Morrissey's boat on the Suir) there was horse and car power capable of
conveying a hundred passengers daily between the two places.
Bianconi did a great stroke of business at the Waterford election of 1826. Indeed it was the turning point of
his fortunes. He was at first greatly cramped for capital. The expense of maintaining and increasing his stock
of cars, and of foddering his horses was very great; and he was always on the lookout for more capital.
When the Waterford election took place, the Beresford party, then allpowerful, engaged all his cars to drive
the electors to the poll. The popular party, however, started a candidate, and applied to Bianconi for help. But
he could not comply, for his cars were all engaged. The morning after his refusal of the application, Bianconi
was pelted with mud. One or two of his cars and horses were heaved over the bridge.
Bianconi then wrote to Beresford's agent, stating that he could no longer risk the lives of his drivers and his
horses, and desiring to be released from his engagement. The Beresford party had no desire to endanger the
lives of the cardrivers or their horses, and they set Bianconi free. He then engaged with the popular party,
and enabled them to win the election. For this he was paid the sum of a thousand pounds. This access of
capital was greatly helpful to him under the circumstances. He was able to command the market, both for
horses and fodder. He was also placed in a position to extend the area of his car routes.
He now found time, amidst his numerous avocations, to get married! He was forty years of age before this
event occurred. He married Eliza Hayes, some twenty years younger than himself, the daughter of Patrick
Hayes, of Dublin, and of Henrietta Burton, an Englishwoman. The marriage was celebrated on the 14th of
February, 1827; and the ceremony was performed by the late Archbishop Murray. Mr. Bianconi must now
have been in good circumstances, as he settled two thousand pounds upon his wife on their marriageday.
His early married life was divided between his cars, electioneering, and Repeal agitationfor he was always
a great ally of O'Connell. Though he joined in the Repeal movement, his sympathies were not with it; for he
preferred Imperial to Home Rule. But he could never deny himself the pleasure of following O'Connell,
"right or wrong."
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Let us give a picture of Bianconi now. The curlyhaired Italian boy had grown a handsome man. His black
locks curled all over his head like those of an ancient Roman bust. His face was full of power, his chin was
firm, his nose was finely cut and wellformed; his eyes were keen and sparkling, as if throwing out a
challenge to fortune. He was active, energetic, healthy, and strong, spending his time mostly in the open air.
He had a wonderful recollection of faces, and rarely forgot to recognise the countenance that he had once
seen. He even knew all his horses by name. He spent little of his time at home, but was constantly rushing
about the country after business, extending his connections, organizing his staff, and arranging the centres of
his traffic.
To return to the car arrangements. A line was early opened from Clonmel which was at first the centre of
the entire connectionto Cork; and that line was extended northward, through Mallow and Limerick. Then,
the Limerick car went on to Tralee, and from thence to Cahirciveen, on the southwest coast of Ireland. The
cars were also extended northward from Thurles to Roscrea, Ballinasloe, Athlone, Roscommon, and Sligo,
and to all the principal towns in the northwest counties of Ireland.
The cars interlaced with each other, and plied, not so much in continuous main lines, as across country, so as
to bring all important towns, but especially the market towns, into regular daily communication with each
other. Thus, in the course of about thirty years, Bianconi succeeded in establishing a system of internal
communication in Ireland, which traversed the main highways and crossroads from town to town, and gave
the public a regular and safe car accommodation at the average rate of a pennyfarthing per mile.
The traffic in all directions steadily increased. The first car used was capable of accommodating only six
persons. This was between Clonmel and Cahir. But when it went on to Limerick, a larger car was required.
The traffic between Clonmel and Waterford was also begun with a smallsized car. But in the course of a few
years, there were four largesized cars, travelling daily each way, between the two places. And so it was in
other directions, between Cork in the south; and Sligo and Strabane in the north and northwest; between
Wexford in the east, and Galway and Skibbereen in the west and southwest.
Bianconi first increased the accommodation of these cars so as to carry four persons on each side instead of
three, drawn by two horses. But as the two horses could quite as easily carry two additional passengers,
another piece was added to the car so as to carry five passengers. Then another fourwheeled car was built,
drawn by three horses, so as to carry six passengers on each side. And lastly, a fourth horse was used, and the
car was further enlarged, so as to accommodate seven, and eventually eight passengers on each side, with one
on the box, which made a total accommodation for seventeen passengers. The largest and heaviest of the long
cars, on four wheels, was called "Finn MacCoul's," after Ossian's Giant; the fast cars, of a light build, on two
wheels, were called "Faughaballagh," or "clear the way"; while the intermediate cars were named "Massey
Dawsons," after a popular Tory squire.
When Bianconi's system was complete, he had about a hundred vehicles at work; a hundred and forty stations
for changing horses, where from one to eight grooms were employed; about a hundred drivers, thirteen
hundred horses, performing an average distance of three thousand eight hundred miles daily; passing through
twentythree counties, and visiting no fewer than a hundred and twenty of the principal towns and cities in
the south and west and midland counties of Ireland. Bianconi's horses consumed on an average from three to
four thousand tons of hay yearly, and from thirty to forty thousand barrels of oats, all of which were
purchased in the respective localities in which they were grown.
Bianconi's carsor "The Bians"soon became very popular. Everybody was under obligations to them.
They greatly promoted the improvement of the country. People could go to market and buy or sell their goods
more advantageously. It was cheaper for them to ride than to walk. They brought the whole people of the
country so much nearer to each other. They virtually opened up about seventenths of Ireland to civilisation
and commerce, and among their other advantages, they opened markets for the fresh fish caught by the
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fishermen of Galway, Clifden, Westport, and other places, enabling them to be sold throughout the country
on the day after they were caught. They also opened the magnificent scenery of Ireland to tourists, and
enabled them to visit Bantry Bay, Killarney, South Donegal, and the wilds of Connemara in safety, all the
year round.
Bianconi's service to the public was so great, and it was done with so much tact, that nobody had a word to
say against him. Everybody was his friend. Not even the Whiteboys would injure him or the mails he carried.
He could say with pride, that in the most disturbed times his cars had never been molested. Even during the
Whiteboy insurrection, though hundreds of people were on the roads at night, the traffic went on without
interference. At the meeting of the British Association in 1857, Bianconi said: "My conveyances, many of
them carrying very important mails, have been travelling during all hours of the day and night, often in lonely
and unfrequented places; and during the long period of fortytwo years that my establishment has been in
existence, the slightest injury has never been done by the people to my property, or that entrusted to my care;
and this fact gives me greater pleasure than any pride I might feel in reflecting upon the other rewards of my
life's labour."
Of course Bianconi's cars were found of great use for carrying the mails. The post was, at the beginning of his
enterprise, very badly served in Ireland, chiefly by foot and horse posts. When the first car was run from
Clonmel to Cahir, Bianconi offered to carry the mail for half the price then paid for "sending it alternately by
a mule and a bad horse." The post was afterwards found to come regularly instead of irregularly to Cahir; and
the practice of sending the mails by Bianconi's cars increased from year to year. Dispatch won its way to
popularity in Ireland as elsewhere, and Bianconi lived to see all the crossposts in Ireland arranged on his
system.
The postage authorities frequently used the cars of Bianconi as a means of competing with the few existing
mailcoaches. For instance, they asked him to compete for carrying the post between Limerick and Tralee,
then carried by a mailcoach. Before tendering, Bianconi called on the contractor, to induce him to give in to
the requirements of the Post Office, because he knew that the postal authorities only desired to make use of
him to fight the coach proprietors. But having been informed that it was the intention of the Post Office to
discontinue the mailcoach whether Bianconi took the contract or not, he at length sent in his tender, and
obtained the contract.
He succeeded in performing the service, and delivered the mail much earlier than it had been done before.
But the former contractor, finding that he had made a mistake, got up a movement in favour of
reestablishing the mailcoach upon that line of road; and he eventually induced the postage authorities to
take the mail contract out of the hands of Bianconi, and give it back to himself, as formerly. Bianconi,
however, continued to keep his cars upon the road. He had before stated to the contractor, that if he once
started his cars, he would not leave it, even though the contract were taken from him. Both coach and car
therefore ran for years upon the road, each losing thousands of pounds. "But," said Bianconi, when asked
about the matter by the Committee on Postage in 1838, "I kept my word: I must either lose character by
breaking my word, or lose money. I prefer losing money to giving up the line of road."
Bianconi had also other competitors to contend with, especially from coach and car proprietors. No sooner
had he shown to others the way to fortune, than he had plenty of imitators. But they did not possess his rare
genius for organisation, nor perhaps his still rarer principles. They had not his tact, his foresight, his
knowledge, nor his perseverance. When Bianconi was asked by the Select Committee on Postage, "Do the
opposition cars started against you induce you to reduce your fares?" his answer was, "No; I seldom do. Our
fares are so close to the first cost, that if any man runs cheaper than I do, he must starve off, as few can serve
the public lower and better than I do."[3]
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Bianconi was once present at a meeting of car proprietors, called for the purpose of uniting to put down a new
opposition coach. Bianconi would not concur, but protested against it, saying, "If car proprietors had united
against me when I started, I should have been crushed. But is not the country big enough for us all?" The
coach proprietors, after many angry words, threatened to unite in running down Bianconi himself. "Very
well," he said, "you may run me off the roadthat is possible; but while there is this" (pulling a flower out of
his coat) "you will not put me down." The threat merely ended in smoke, the courage and perseverance of
Bianconi having long since become generally recognised.
We have spoken of the principles of Mr. Bianconi. They were most honourable. His establishment might be
spoken of as a school of morality. In the first place, he practically taught and enforced the virtues of
punctuality, truthfulness, sobriety, and honesty. He also taught the public generally the value of time, to
which, in fact, his own success was in a great measure due. While passing through Clonmel in 1840, Mr. and
Mrs. S. C. Hall called upon Bianconi and went over his establishment, as well as over his house and farm, a
short distance from the town. The travellers had a very pressing engagement, and could not stay to hear the
story of how their entertainer had contrived to "make so much out of so little." "How much time have you?"
he asked. "Just five minutes." "The car," says Mr. Hall, "had conveyed us to the back entrance. Bianconi
instantly rang the bell, and said to the servant, 'Tell the driver to bring the car round to the front,' adding, 'that
will save one minute, and enable me to tell you all within the time.' This was, in truth the secret of his
success, making the most of time."[4]
But the success of Bianconi was also due to the admirable principles on which his establishment was
conducted. His drivers were noted as being among the most civil and obliging men in Ireland, besides being
pleasant companions to boot. They were careful, punctual, truthful, and honest; but all this was the result of
strict discipline on the part of their master.
The drivers were taken from the lowest grades of the establishment, and promoted to higher positions
according to their respective merits as opportunity offered. "Much surprise," says Bianconi, "has often been
expressed at the high order of men connected with my car establishment and at its popularity; but parties thus
expressing themselves forget to look at Irish society with sufficient grasp. For my part, I cannot better
compare it than to a man merging to convalescence from a serious attack of malignant fever, and requiring
generous nutrition in place of medical treatment"[5]
To attach the men to the system, as well as to confer upon them the due reward for their labour, he provided
for all the workmen who had been injured, worn out, or become superannuated in his service. The drivers
could then retire upon a full pension, which they enjoyed during the rest of their lives. They were also paid
their full wages during sickness, and at their death Bianconi educated their children, who grew up to
manhood, and afterwards filled the situations held by their deceased parents.
Every workman had thus a special interest in his own good conduct. They knew that nothing but
misbehaviour could deprive them of the benefits they enjoyed; and hence their endeavours to maintain their
positions by observing the strict discipline enjoined by their employer.
Sobriety was, of course, indispensablea drunken cardriver being amongst the most dangerous of servants.
The drivers must also be truthful, and the man found telling a lie, however venial, was instantly dismissed.
Honesty was also strongly enforced, not only for the sake of the public, but for the sake of the men
themselves. Hence he never allowed his men to carry letters. If they did so, he fined them in the first instance
very severely, and in the second instance dismissed them. "I do so," he said, "because if I do not respect other
institutions (the Post Office), my men will soon learn not to respect my own. Then, for carrying letters during
the extent of their trip, the men most probably would not get money, but drink, and hence become dissipated
and unworthy of confidence."
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Thus truth, accuracy, punctuality, sobriety, and honesty being strictly enforced, formed the fundamental
principle of the entire management. At the same time, Bianconi treated his drivers with every confidence and
respect. He made them feel that, in doing their work well, they conferred a greater benefit on him and on the
public than he did on them by paying them their wages.
When attending the British Association at Cork, Bianconi said that, "in proportion as he advanced his drivers,
he lowered their wages." "Then," said Dr. Taylor, the Secretary, "I wouldn't like to serve you." "Yes, you
would," replied Bianconi, "because in promoting my drivers I place them on a more lucrative line, where
their certainty of receiving fees from passengers is greater."
Bianconi was as merciful to his horses as to his men. He had much greater difficulty at first in finding good
men than good horses, because the latter were not exposed to the temptations to which the former were
subject. Although the price of horses continued to rise, he nevertheless bought the best horses at increased
prices, and he took care not to work them overmuch. He gave his horses as well as his men their seventh
day's rest. "I find by experience," he said, "that I can work a horse eight miles a day for six days in the week,
easier than I can work six miles for seven days; and that is one of my reasons for having no cars, unless
carrying a mail, plying upon Sundays."
Bianconi had confidence in men generally. The result was that men had confidence in him. Even the
Whiteboys respected him. At the close of a long and useful life he could say with truth, "I never yet attempted
to do an act of generosity or common justice, publicly or privately, that I was not met by manifold
reciprocity."
By bringing the various classes of society into connection with each other, Bianconi believed, and doubtless
with truth, that he was the means of making them respect each other, and that he thereby promoted the
civilisation of Ireland. At the meeting of the social Science Congress, held at Dublin in 1861, he said: "The
state of the roads was such as to limit the rate of travelling to about seven miles an hour, and the passengers
were often obliged to walk up hills. Thus all classes were brought together, and I have felt much pleasure in
believing that the intercourse thus created tended to inspire the higher classes with respect and regard for the
natural good qualities of the humbler people, which the latter reciprocated by a becoming deference and an
anxiety to please and oblige. Such a moral benefit appears to me to be worthy of special notice and
congratulation."
Even when railways were introduced, Bianconi did not resist them, but welcomed them as "the great
civilisers of the age." There was, in his opinion, room enough for all methods of conveyance in Ireland. When
Captain Thomas Drummond was appointed UnderSecretary for Ireland in 1835, and afterwards chairman of
the Irish Railway Commission, he had often occasion to confer with Mr. Bianconi, who gave him every
assistance. Mr. Drummond conceived the greatest respect for Bianconi, and often asked him how it was that
he, a foreigner, should have acquired so extensive an influence and so distinguished a position in Ireland?
"The question came upon me," said Bianconi, "by surprise, and I did not at the time answer it. But another
day he repeated his question, and I replied, 'Well, it was because, while the big and the little were fighting, I
crept up between them, carried out my enterprise, and obliged everybody.'" This, however, did not satisfy Mr.
Drummond, who asked Bianconi to write down for him an autobiography, containing the incidents of his
early life down to the period of his great Irish enterprise. Bianconi proceeded to do this, writing down his past
history in the occasional intervals which he could snatch from the immense business which he still continued
personally to superintend. But before the "Drummond memoir" could be finished Mr. Drummond himself
had ceased to live, having died in 1840, principally of overwork. What he thought of Bianconi, however, has
been preserved in his Report of the Irish Railway Commission of 1838, written by Mr. Drummond himself, in
which he thus speaks of his enterprising friend in starting and conducting the great Irish car establishment:
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"With a capital little exceeding the expense of outfit he commenced. Fortune, or rather the due reward of
industry and integrity, favoured his first efforts. He soon began to increase the number of his cars and
multiply routes, until his establishment spread over the whole of Ireland. These results are the more striking
and instructive as having been accomplished in a district which has long been represented as the focus of
unreclaimed violence and barbarism, where neither life nor property can be deemed secure. Whilst many
possessing a personal interest in everything tending to improve or enrich the country have been so misled or
inconsiderate as to repel by exaggerated statements British capital from their doors, this foreigner chose
Tipperary as the centre of his operations, wherein to embark all the fruits of his industry in a traffic peculiarly
exposed to the power and even to the caprice of the peasantry. The event has shown that his confidence in
their good sense was not illgrounded.
"By a system of steady and just treatment he has obtained a complete mastery, exempt from lawless
intimidation or control, over the various servants and agents employed by him, and his establishment is
popular with all classes on account of its general usefulness and the fair liberal spirit of its management.
The success achieved by this spirited gentleman is the result, not of a single speculation, which might have
been favoured by local circumstances, but of a series of distinct experiments, all of which have been
successful."
When the railways were actually made and opened, they ran right through the centre of Bianconi's
longestablished systems of communication. They broke up his lines, and sent them to the right and left. But,
though they greatly disturbed him, they did not destroy him. In his enterprising hands the railways merely
changed the direction of the cars. He had at first to take about a thousand horses off the road, with
thirtyseven vehicles, travelling 2446 miles daily. But he remodelled his system so as to run his cars between
the railwaystations and the towns to the right and left of the main lines.
He also directed his attention to those parts of Ireland which had not before had the benefit of his
conveyances. And in thus still continuing to accommodate the public, the number of his horses and carriages
again increased, until, in 1861, he was employing 900 horses, travelling over 4000 miles daily; and in 1866,
when he resigned his business, he was running only 684 miles daily below the maximum run in 1845, before
the railways had begun to interfere with his traffic.
His cars were then running to Dungarvan, Waterford, and Wexford in the southwest of Ireland; to Bandon,
Rosscarbery, Skibbereen, and Cahirciveen, in the south; to Tralee, Galway, Clifden, Westport, and Belmullet
in the west; to Sligo, Enniskillen, Strabane, and Letterkenny in the north; while, in the centre of Ireland, the
towns of Thurles, Kilkenny, Birr, and Ballinasloe were also daily served by the cars of Bianconi.
At the meeting of the British Association, held in Dublin in 1857, Mr. Bianconi mentioned a fact which, he
thought, illustrated the increasing prosperity of the country and the progress of the people. It was, that
although the population had so considerably decreased by emigration and other causes, the proportion of
travellers by his conveyances continued to increase, demonstrating not only that the people had more money,
but that they appreciated the money value of time, and also the advantages of the car system established for
their accommodation.
Although railways must necessarily have done much to promote the prosperity of Ireland, it is very doubtful
whether the general passenger public were not better served by the cars of Bianconi than by the railways
which superseded them. Bianconi's cars were on the whole cheaper, and were always run en correspondence,
so as to meet each other; whereas many of the railway trains in the south of Ireland, under the competitive
system existing between the several companies, are often run so as to miss each other. The present working
of the Irish railway traffic provokes perpetual irritation amongst the Irish people, and sufficiently accounts for
the frequent petitions presented to Parliament that they should be taken in hand and worked by the State.
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Bianconi continued to superintend his great car establishment until within the last few years. He had a
constitution of iron, which he expended in active daily work. He liked to have a dozen irons in the fire, all
redhot at once. At the age of seventy he was still a man in his prime; and he might be seen at Clonmel
helping, at busy times, to load the cars, unpacking and unstrapping the luggage where it seemed to be
inconveniently placed; for he was a man who could never stand by and see others working without having a
hand in it himself. Even when well on to eighty, he still continued to grapple with the immense business
involved in working a traffic extending over two thousand five hundred miles of road.
Nor was Bianconi without honour in his adopted country. He began his great enterprise in 1815, though it
was not until 1831 that he obtained letters of naturalisation. His application for these privileges was
supported by the magistrates of Tipperary and by the Grand Jury, and they were at once granted. In 1844 he
was elected Mayor of Clonmel, and took his seat as Chairman at the Borough Petty Sessions to dispense
justice.
The first person brought before him was James Ryan, who had been drunk and torn a constable's belt. "Well,
Ryan," said the magistrate, "what have you to say?" "Nothing, your worship; only I wasn't drunk." "Who tore
the constable's belt?" "He was bloated after his Christmas dinner, your worship, and the belt burst!" "You are
so very pleasant," said the magistrate, "that you will have to spend fortyeight hours in gaol."
He was reelected Mayor in the following year, very much against his wish. He now began to buy land, for
"land hunger" was strong upon him. In 1846 he bought the estate of Longfield, in the parish of Boherlahan,
county of Tipperary. It consisted of about a thousand acres of good land, with a large cheerful house
overlooking the river Suir. He went on buying more land, until he became possessor of about eight thousand
English acres.
One of his favourite sayings was: "Money melts, but land holds while grass grows and water runs." He was
an excellent landlord, built comfortable houses for his tenantry, and did what he could for their improvement.
Without solicitation, the Government appointed him a justice of the peace and a Deputylientenant for the
county of Tipperary. Everything that he did seemed to thrive. He was honest, straightforward, loyal, and
lawabiding.
On first taking possession of his estate at Longfield, he was met by a procession of the tenantry, who received
him with great enthusiasm. In his address to them, he said, amongst other things: "Allow me to impress upon
you the great importance of respecting the laws. The laws are made for the good and the benefit of society,
and for the punishment of the wicked. No one but an enemy would counsel you to outrage the laws. Above
all things, avoid secret and unlawful societies. Much of the improvement now going on amongst us is owing
to the temperate habits of the people, to the mission of my much respected friend, Father Mathew, and to the
advice of the Liberator. Follow the advice of O'Connell; be temperate, moral, peaceable; and you will
advance your country, ameliorate your condition, and the blessing of God will attend all your efforts."
Bianconi was always a great friend of O'Connell. From an early period he joined him in the Catholic
Emancipation movement. He took part with him in founding the National Bank in Ireland. In course of time
the two became more intimately related. Bianconi's son married O'Connell's granddaughter; and O'Connell's
nephew, Morgan John, married Bianconi's daughter. Bianconi's son died in 1864, leaving three daughters, but
no male heir to carry on the family name. The old man bore the blow of his son's premature death with
fortitude, and laid his remains in the mortuary chapel, which he built on his estate at Longfield.
In the following year, when he was seventyeight, he met with a severe accident. He was overturned, and his
thigh was severely fractured. He was laid up for six months, quite incapable of stirring. He was afterwards
able to get about in a marvellous way, though quite crippled. As his life's work was over, he determined to
retire finally from business; and he handed over the whole of his cars, coaches, horses, and plant, with all the
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lines of road he was then working, to his employes, on the most liberal terms.
My youngest son met Mr. Bianconi, by appointment, at the Roman Catholic church at Boherlahan, in the
summer of 1872. Although the old gentleman had to be lifted into and out of his carriage by his two
menservants, he was still as activeminded as ever. Close to the church at Boherlahan is Bianconi's
mortuary chapel, which he built as a sort of hobby, for the last restingplace of himself and his family. The
first person interred in it was his eldest daughter, who died in Italy; the second was his only son. A beautiful
monument with a basrelief has been erected in the chapel by Benzoni, an Italian sculptor, to the memory of
his daughter.
"As we were leaving the chapel," my son informs me, "we passed a long Irish car containing about sixteen
people, the tenants of Mr. Bianconi, who are brought at his expense from all parts of the estate. He is very
popular with his tenantry, regarding their interests as his own; and he often quotes the words of his friend Mr.
Drummond, that 'property has its duties as well as its rights.' He has rebuilt nearly every house on his
extensive estates in Tipperary.
"On our way home, the carriage stopped to let me down and see the strange remains of an ancient fort, close
by the roadside. It consists of a high grassgrown mound, surrounded by a moat. It is one of the socalled
Danish forts, which are found in all parts of Ireland. If it be true that these forts were erected by the Danes,
they must at one time have had a strong hold of the greater part of Ireland.
"The carriage entered a noble avenue of trees, with views of prettily enclosed gardens on either side. Mr.
Bianconi exclaimed, 'Welcome to the Carman's Stage!' Longfield House, which we approached, is a fine
oldfashioned house, situated on the river Suir, a few miles south of Cashel, one of the most ancient cities in
Ireland. Mr. Bianconi and his family were most hospitable; and I found him most lively and communicative.
He talked cleverly and with excellent choice of language for about three hours, during which I learnt much
from him.
"Like most men who have accomplished great things, and overcome many difficulties, Mr. Bianconi is fond
of referring to the past events in his interesting life. The acuteness of his conversation is wonderful. He hits
off a keen thought in a few words, sometimes full of wit and humour. I thought this very good: 'Keep before
the wheels, young man, or they will run over you: always keep before the wheels!' He read over to me the
memoir he had prepared at the suggestion of Mr. Drummond, relating to the events of his early life; and this
opened the way for a great many other recollections not set down in the book.
"He vividly remembered the parting from his mother, nearly seventy years ago, and spoke of her last words to
him: 'When you remember me, think of me as waiting at this window, watching for your return.' This led him
to speak of the great forgetfulness and want of respect which children have for their parents nowadays. 'We
seem,' he said, 'to have fallen upon a disrespectful age.'
"'It is strange,' said he, 'how little things influence one's mind and character. When I was a boy at Waterford, I
bought an old secondhand book from a man on the quay, and the maxim on its titlepage fixed itself deeply
on my memory. It was, "Truth, like water, will find its own level."' And this led him to speak of the great
influence which the example and instruction of Mr. Rice, of the Christian Brothers, had had upon his mind
and character. 'That religions institution,' said he, 'of which Mr. Rice was one of the founders, has now spread
itself over the country, and, by means of the instruction which the members have imparted to the poorer
ignorant classes, they have effected quite a revolution in the south of Ireland.'
"'I am not much of a reader,' said Mr. Bianconi; 'the best part of my reading has consisted in reading
waybills. But I was once complimented by Justice Lefroy upon my books. He remarked to me what a
wonderful education I must have had to invent my own system of bookkeeping. Yes,' said he, pointing to
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his ledgers, 'there they are.' The books are still preserved, recording the progress of the great car enterprise.
They show at first the small beginnings, and then the rapid growththe tens growing to hundreds, and the
hundreds to thousandsthe ledgers and daybooks containing, as it were, the whole history of the
undertakingof each car, of each man, of each horse, and of each line of road, recorded most minutely.
"'The secret of my success,' said he, 'has been promptitude, fair dealing, and good humour. And this I will
add, what I have often said before, that I never did a kind action but it was returned to me tenfold. My cars
have never received the slightest injury from the people. Though travelling through the country for about
sixty years, the people have throughout respected the property intrusted to me. My cars have passed through
lonely and unfrequented places, and they have never, even in the most disturbed times, been attacked. That, I
think, is an extraordinary testimony to the high moral character of the Irish people.'
"'It is not money, but the genius of money that I esteem,' said Bianconi; 'not money itself, but money used as
a creative power.'
And he himself has furnished in his own life the best possible illustration of his maxim He created a new
industry, gave employment to an immense number of persons, promoted commerce, extended civilisation;
and, though a foreigner, proved one of the greatest of Ireland's benefactors."
About two years after the date of my son's visit, Charles Bianconi passed away, full of years and honours;
and his remains were laid beside those of his son and daughter, in the mortuary chapel at Boherlahan. He died
in 1875, in his ninetieth year. Well might Signor Henrico Mayer say, at the British Association at Cork in
1846, that "he felt proud as an Italian to hear a compatriot so deservedly eulogised; and although Ireland
might claim Bianconi as a citizen, yet the Italians should ever with pride hail him as a countryman, whose
industry and virtue reflected honour on the country of his birth."
Footnotes for Chapter IX.
[1] This article originally appeared in 'Good Words.' A biography of Charles Bianconi, by his daughter, Mrs.
Morgan John O'Connell, has since been published; but the above article is thought worthy of republication, as
its contents were for the most part taken principally from Mr. Bianconi's own lips.
[2] Minutes of Evidence taken before the Select Committee on Postage (Second Report), 1838, p. 284.
[3] Evidence before the Select Committee on Postage, 1838.
[4] Hall's 'Ireland,' ii. 76.
[5] Paper read before the British Association at Cork, 1843.
CHAPTER X. INDUSTRY IN IRELAND: THROUGH CONNAUGHT AND
ULSTER, TO BELFAST.
"The Irish people have a past to boast of, and a future to
create."J. F. O'Carrol.
"One of the great questions is how to find an outlet for Irish
manufactures. We ought to be an exporting nation, or we never
will be able to compete successfully with our trade rivals."E.
D. Gray.
"Ireland may become a Nation again, if we all sacrifice our
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parricidal passions, prejudices, and resentments on the altar of
our country. Then shall your manufactures flourish, and Ireland
be free."Daniel O'Connell.
Further communications passed between my young friend, the Italian count, and his father; and the result was
that he accompanied me to Ireland, on the express understanding that he was to send home a letter daily by
post assuring his friends of his safety. We went together accordingly to Galway, up Lough Corrib to Cong
and Lough Mask; by the romantic lakes and mountains of Connemara to Clifden and Letterfrack, and through
the lovely pass of Kylemoor to Leenane; along the fiord of Killury; then on, by Westport and Ballina to
Sligo. Letters were posted daily by my young friend; and every day we went forwards in safety.
But how lonely was the country! We did not meet a single American tourist during the whole course of our
visit, and the Americans are the most travelling people in the world. Although the railway companies have
given every facility for visiting Connemara and the scenery of the West of Ireland, we only met one single
English tourist, accompanied by his daughter. The Bianconi long car between Clifden and Westport had been
taken off for want of support. The only persons who seemed to have no fear of Irish agrarianism were the
English anglers, who are ready to brave all dangers, imaginary or supposed, provided they can only kill a big
salmon! And all the rivers flowing westward into the Atlantic are full of fine fish. While at Galway, we
looked down into the river Corrib from the Upper Bridge, and beheld it literally black with the backs of
salmon! They were waiting for a flood to enable them to ascend the ladder into Lough Corrib. While there,
1900 salmon were taken in one day by nets in the bay.
Galway is a declining town. It has docks, but no shipping; bonded warehouses, but no commerce. It has a
community of fishermen at Claddagh, but the fisheries of the bay are neglected. As one of the poor men of
the place exclaimed, "Poverty is the curse of Ireland." On looking at Galway from the Claddagh side, it seems
as if to have suffered from a bombardment. Where a roof has fallen in, nothing has been done to repair it. It
was of no use. The ruin has been left to go on. The mills, which used to grind homegrown corn, are now
unemployed. The corn comes ready ground from America. Nothing is thought of but emigration, and the best
people are going, leaving the old, the weak, and the inefficient at home. "The labourer," said the late
President Garfield, "has but one commodity to sellhis day's work, it is his sole reliance. He must sell it
today, or it is lost forever." And as the poor Irishman cannot sell his day's labour, he must needs emigrate
to some other country, where his only commodity may be in demand.
While at Galway, I read with interest an eloquent speech delivered by Mr. Parnell at the banquet held in the
Great Hall of the Exhibition at Cork. Mr. Parnell asked, with much reason, why manufactures should not be
established and encouraged in the South of Ireland, as in other parts of the country. Why should not capital be
invested, and factories and workshops developed, through the length and breadth of the kingdom? "I
confess," he said, "I should like to give Ireland a fair opportunity of working her home manufactures. We can
each one of us do much to revive the ancient name of our nation in those industrial pursuits which have done
so much to increase and render glorious those greater nations by the side of which we live. I trust that before
many years are over we shall have the honour and pleasure of meeting in even a more splendid palace than
this, and of seeing in the interval that the quickwitted genius of the Irish race has profited by the lessons
which this beautiful Exhibition must undoubtedly teach, and that much will have been done to make our
nation happy, prosperous, and free."
Mr. Parnell, in the course of his speech, referred to the manufactures which had at one time flourished in
Irelandto the flannels of Rathdrum, the linens of Bandon, the cottons of Cork, and the gloves of Limerick.
Why should not these things exist again? "We have a people who are by nature quick and facile to learn, who
have shown in many other countries that they are industrious and laborious, and who have not been
excelled whether in the pursuits of agriculture under a midday sun in the field, or amongst the vast looms
in the factory districtsby the people of any country on the face of the globe."[1] Most just and eloquent!
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The only weak point in Mr. Parnell's speech was where he urged his audience "not to use any article of the
manufacture of any other country except Ireland, where you can get up an Irish manufacture." The true
remedy is to make Irish articles of the best and cheapest, and they will be bought, not only by the Irish, but by
the English and people of all nations. Manufactures cannot be "boycotted." They will find their way into all
lands, in spite even of the most restrictive tariffs. Take, for instance, the case of Belfast hereafter to be
referred to. If the manufacturing population of that town were to rely for their maintenance on the demand for
their productions at home, they would simply starve. But they make the best and the cheapest goods of their
kind, and hence the demand for them is worldwide.
There is an abundant scope for the employment of capital and skilled labour in Ireland. During the last few
years land has been falling rapidly out of cultivation. The area under cereal crops has accordingly
considerably decreased.[2] Since 1868, not less than 400,000 acres have been disused for this purpose.[3]
Wheat can be bought better and cheaper in America, and imported into Ireland ground into flour. The
consequence is, that the men who worked the soil, as well as the men who ground the corn, are thrown out of
employment, and there is nothing left for them but subsistence upon the poorrates, emigration to other
countries, or employment in some new domestic industry.
Ireland is by no means the "poor Ireland" that she is commonly supposed to be. The last returns of the
PostmasterGeneral show that she is growing in wealth. Irish thrift has been steadily at work during the last
twenty years. Since the establishment of the Post Office Savings Banks, in 1861, the deposits have annually
increased in value. At the end of 1882, more than two millions sterling had been deposited in these banks,
and every county participated in the increase.[4] The largest accumulations were in the counties of Dublin,
Antrim, Cork, Down, Tipperary, and Tyrone, in the order named. Besides this amount, the sum of
2,082,413L. was due to depositors in the ordinary Savings Banks on the 20th of November, 1882; or, in all,
more than four millions sterling, the deposits of small capitalists. At Cork, at the end of last year, it was found
that the total deposits made in the savings bank had been 76,000L, or an increase of 6,675L. over the
preceding twelve months. But this is not all. The Irish middle classes are accustomed to deposit most of their
savings in the Joint Stock banks; and from the returns presented to the Lord Lieutenant, dated the 31st of
January, 1883, we find that these had been more than doubled in twenty years, the deposits and cash balances
having increased from 14,389,000L. at the end of 1862, to 32,746,000L. at the end of 1882. During the last
year they had increased by the sum of 2,585,000L. "So large an increase in bank deposits and cash balances,"
says the Report, "is highly satisfactory." It may be added that the investments in Government and India
Stock, on which dividends were paid at the Bank of Ireland, at the end of 1882, amounted to not less than
31,804,000L.
It is proper that Ireland should be bountiful with her increasing means. It has been stated that during the last
eighteen years her people have contributed not less than six millions sterling for the purpose of building
places of worship, convents, schools, and colleges, in connection with the Roman Catholic Church, not to
speak of their contributions for other patriotic objects.
It would be equally proper if some of the saved surplus capital of Ireland, as suggested by Mr. Parnell, were
invested in the establishment of Irish manufactures. This would not only give profitable occupation to the
unemployed, but enable Ireland to become an increasingly exporting nation. We are informed by an Irish
banker, that there is abundance of money to be got in Ireland for any industry which has a reasonable chance
of success. One thing, however, is certain: there must be perfect safety. An old writer has said that
"Government is a badge of lost innocence: the palaces of kings are built upon the ruins of the bowers of
paradise." The main use of government is protection against the weaknesses and selfishness of human nature.
If there be no protection for life, liberty, property, and the fruits of accumulated industry, government
becomes comparatively useless, and society is driven back upon its first principles.
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Capital is the most sensitive of all things. It flies turbulence and strife, and thrives only in security and
freedom. It must have complete safety. If tampered with by restrictive laws, or hampered by combinations, it
suddenly disappears. "The age of glory of a nation," said Sir Humphry Davy, "is the age of its security. The
same dignified feeling which urges men to gain a dominion over nature will preserve them from the dominion
of slavery. Natural, and moral, and religions knowledge, are of one family; and happy is the country and great
its strength where they dwell together in union."
Dublin was once celebrated for its shipbuilding, its timbertrade, its iron manufactures, and its
steamprinting; Limerick was celebrated for its gloves; Kilkenny for its blankets; Bandon for its woollen and
linen manufactures. But most of these trades were banished by strikes.[5] Dr. Doyle stated before the Irish
Committee of 1830, that the almost total extinction of the Kilkenny blankettrade was attributable to the
combinations of the weavers; and O'Connell admitted that Trades Unions had wrought more evil to Ireland
than absenteeism and Saxon maladministration. But working men have recently become more prudent and
thrifty; and it is believed that under the improved system of moderate counsel, and arbitration between
employers and employed, a more hopeful issue is likely to attend the future of such enterprises.
Another thing is clear. A country may be levelled down by idleness and ignorance; it can only be levelled up
by industry and intelligence. It is easy to pull down; it is very difficult to build up. The hands that cannot
erect a hovel may demolish a palace. We have but to look to Switzerland to see what a country may become
which mixes its industry with its brains. That little land has no coal, no seaboard by which she can introduce
it, and is shut off from other countries by lofty mountains, as well as by hostile tariffs; and yet Switzerland is
one of the most prosperous nations in Europe, because governed and regulated by intelligent industry. Let
Ireland look to Switzerland, and she need not despair.
Ireland is a much richer country by nature than is generally supposed. In fact, she has not yet been properly
explored. There is copperore in Wicklow, Waterford, and Cork. The Leitrim ironores are famous for their
riches; and there is good ironstone in Kilkenny, as well as in Ulster. The Connaught ores are mixed with
coalbeds. Kaolin, porcelain clay, and coarser clay, abound; but it is only at Belleek that it has been
employed in the pottery manufacture. But the sea about Ireland is still less explored than the land. All round
the Atlantic seaboard of the Irish coast are shoals of herring and mackerel, which might be food for men, but
are at present only consumed by the multitudes of seabirds which follow them.
In the daily papers giving an account of the Cork Exhibition, appeared the following paragraph: "An
interesting exhibit will be a quantity of preserved herrings from Lowestoft, caught off the old head of
Kinsale, and returned to Cork after undergoing a preserving process in England."[6] Fish caught off the coast
of Ireland by English fishermen, taken to England and cured, and then "returned to Cork" for exhibition! Here
is an opening for patriotic Irishmen. Why not catch and preserve the fish at home, and get the entire benefit of
the fish traffic? Will it be believed that there is probably more money value in the seas round Ireland than
there is in the land itself? This is actually the case with the sea round the county of Aberdeen.[7]
A vast source of wealth lies at the very doors of the Irish people. But the harvest of an ocean teeming with
life is allowed to pass into other hands. The majority of the boats which take part in the fishery at Kinsale are
from the little island of Man, from Cornwall, from France, and from Scotland. The fishermen catch the fish,
salt them, and carry them or send them away. While the Irish boats are diminishing in number, those of the
strangers are increasing. In an East Lothian paper, published in May 1881, I find the following paragraph,
under the head of Cockenzie:
"Departure of Boats.In the early part of this week, a number of the boats here have left for the
herringfishery at Kinsale, in Ireland. The success attending their labours last year at that place and at Howth
has induced more of them than usual to proceed thither this year."
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It may not be generally known that Cockenzie is a little fishing village on the Firth of Forth, in Scotland,
where the fishermen have provided themselves, at their own expense, with about fifty decked fishingboats,
each costing, with nets and gear, about 500L. With these boats they carry on their pursuits on the coast of
Scotland, England, and Ireland. In 1882, they sent about thirty boats to Kinsale[8] and Howth. The profits of
their fishing has been such as to enable them, with the assistance of Lord Wemyss, to build for themselves a
convenient harbour at Port Seaton, without any help from the Government. They find that selfhelp is the
best help, and that it is absurd to look to the Government and the public purse for what they can best do for
themselves.
The wealth of the ocean round Ireland has long been known. As long ago as the ninth and tenth centuries, the
Danes established a fishery off the western coasts, and carried on a lucrative trade with the south of Europe.
In Queen Mary's reign, Philip II. of Spain paid 1000L. annually in consideration of his subjects being allowed
to fish on the northwest coast of Ireland; and it appears that the money was brought into the Irish
Exchequer. In 1650, Sweden was permitted, as a favour, to employ a hundred vessels in the Irish fishery; and
the Dutch in the reign of Charles I. were admitted to the fisheries on the payment of 30,000L. In 1673, Sir W.
Temple, in a letter to Lord Essex, says that "the fishing of Ireland might prove a mine under water as rich as
any under ground."[9]
The coasts of Ireland abound in all the kinds of fish in common usecod, ling, haddock, hake, mackerel,
herring, whiting, conger, turbot, brill, bream, soles, plaice, dories, and salmon. The banks off the coast of
Galway are frequented by myriads of excellent fish; yet, of the small quantity caught, the bulk is taken in the
immediate neighbourhood of the shores. Galway bay is said to be the finest fishing ground in the world; but
the fish cannot be expected to come on shore unsought: they must be found, followed, and netted. The
fishingboats from the west of Scotland are very successful; and they often return the fish to Ireland, cured,
which had been taken out of the Irish bays. "I tested this fact in Galway," says Mr. S. C. Hall. "I had ordered
fish for dinner; two salt haddocks were brought to me. On inquiry, I ascertained where they were bought, and
learned from the seller that he was the agent of a Scotch firm, whose boats were at that time loading in the
bay."[10] But although Scotland imports some 80,000 barrels of cured herrings annually into Ireland, that is
not enough; for we find that there is a regular importation of cured herrings, cod, ling, and hake, from
Newfoundland and Nova Scotia, towards the food of the Irish people.[11]
The fishing village of Claddagh, at Galway, is more decaying than ever. It seems to have suffered from a
bombardment, like the rest of the town. The houses of the fishermen, when they fall in, are left in ruins.
While the French, and English, and Scotch boats leave the coast laden with fish, the Claddagh men remain
emptyhanded. They will only fish on "lucky days," so that the Galway market is often destitute of fish,
while the Claddagh people are starving. On one occasion an English company was formed for the purpose of
fishing and curing fish at Galway, as is now done at Yarmouth, Grimsby, Fraserburgh, Wick, and other
places. Operations were commenced, but so soon as the English fishermen put to sea in their boats, the
Claddagh men fell upon them, and they were glad to escape with their lives.[12] Unfortunately, the Claddagh
men have no organization, no fixed rules, no settled determination to work, unless when pressed by necessity.
The appearance of the men and of their cabins show that they are greatly in want of capital; and fishing
cannot be successfully performed without a sufficiency of this industrial element.
Illustrations of this neglected industry might be given to any extent. Herring fishing, cod fishing, and pilchard
fishing, are alike untouched. The Irish have a strong prejudice against the pilchard; they believe it to be an
unlucky fish, and that it will rot the net that takes it. The Cornishmen do not think so, for they find the
pilchard fishing to be a source of great wealth. The pilchards strike upon the Irish coast first before they reach
Cornwall. When Mr. Brady, Inspector of Irish Fisheries, visited St. Ives a few years ago, he saw captured, in
one seine alone, nearly ten thousand pounds of this fish.
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Not long since; according to a northern local paper,[13] a large fleet of vessels in full sail was seen from the
west coast of Donegal, evidently making for the shore. Many surmises were made about the unusual sight.
Some thought it was the Fenians, others the Home Rulers, others the IrishAmerican Dynamiters. Nothing of
the kind! It was only a fleet of Scotch smacks, sixtyfour in number, fishing for herring between Torry Island
and Horn Head. The Irish might say to the Scotch fishermen, in the words of the Morayshire legend,
"Rejoice, O my brethren, in the gifts of the sea, for they enrich you without making any one else the poorer!"
But while the Irish are overlooking their treasure of herring, the Scotch are carefully cultivating it. The Irish
fleet of fishingboats fell off from 27,142 in 1823 to 7181 in 1878; and in 1882 they were still further
reduced to 6089.[14] Yet Ireland has a coastline of fishing ground of nearly three thousand miles in extent.
The bights and bays on the west coast of Irelandoff Erris, Mayo, Connemara, and Donegalswarm with
fish. Near Achill Bay, 2000 mackerel were lately taken at a single haul; and Clew Bay is often alive with fish.
In Scull Bay and Crookhaven, near Cape Clear, they are so plentiful that the peasants often knock them on
the head with oars, but will not take the trouble to net them.
These swarms of fish might be a source of permanent wealth. A gentleman of Cork one day borrowed a
common rod and line from a Cornish miner in his employment, and caught fiftyseven mackerel from the
jetty in Scull Bay before breakfast. Each of these mackerel was worth twopence in Cork market, thirty miles
off. Yet the people round about, many of whom were short of food, were doing nothing to catch them, but
expecting Providence to supply their wants. Providence, however, always likes to be helped. Some people
forget that the Giver of all good gifts requires us to seek for them by industry, prudence, and
perseverance.[15]
Some cry for more loans; some cry for more harbours. It would be well to help with suitable harbours, but the
system of dependence upon Government loans is pernicious. The Irish ought to feel that the very best help
must come from themselves. This is the best method for teaching independence. Look at the little Isle of
Man. The fishermen there never ask for loans. They look to their nets and their boats; they sail for Ireland,
catch the fish, and sell them to the Irish people. With them, industry brings capital, and forms the fertile
seedgronnd of further increase of boats and nets. Surely what is done by the Manxmen, the Cornishmen, and
the Cockenziemen, might be done by the Irishmen. The difficulty is not to be got over by lamenting about it,
or by staring at it, but by grappling with it, and overcoming it. It is deeds, not words, that are wanted.
Employment for the mass of the people must spring from the people themselves. Provided there is security
for life and property, and an absence of intimidation, we believe that capital will become invested in the
fishing industry of Ireland; and that the result will be peace, food, and prosperity.
We must remember that it is only of comparatively late years that England and Scotland have devoted so
much attention to the fishery of the seas surrounding our island. In this fact there is consolation and hope for
Ireland. At the beginning of the seventeenth century Sir Waiter Raleigh laid before the King his observations
concerning the trade and commerce of England, in which he showed that the Dutch were almost
monopolising the fishing trade, and consequently adding to their shipping, commerce, and wealth. "Surely,"
he says, "the stream is necessary to be turned to the good of this kingdom, to whose seacoasts alone God has
sent us these great blessings and immense riches for us to take; and that every nation should carry away out
of this kingdom yearly great masses of money for fish taken in our seas, and sold again by them to us, must
needs be a great dishonour to our nation, and hindrance to this realm."
The Hollanders then had about 50,000 people employed in fishing along the English coast; and their industry
and enterprise gave employment to about 150,000 more, "by sea and land, to make provision, to dress and
transport the fish they take, and return commodities; whereby they are enabled yearly to build 1000 ships and
vessels." The prosperity of Amsterdam was then so great that it was said that Amsterdam was "founded on
herringbones." Tobias Gentleman published in 1614 his treatise on 'England's Way to win Wealth, and to
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employ Ships and Marines,'[16] in which he urged the English people to vie with the Dutch in fishing the
seas, and thereby to give abundant employment, as well as abundant food, to the poorer people of the
country.
"Look," he said, "on these fellows, that we call the plump Hollanders; behold their diligence in fishing, and
our own careless negligence!" The Dutch not only fished along the coasts near Yarmouth, but their fishing
vessels went north as far as the coasts of Shetland. What most roused Mr. Gentleman's indignation was, that
the Dutchmen caught the fish and sold them to the Yarmouth herringmongers "for ready gold, so that it
amounteth to a great sum of money, which money doth never come again into England." "We are daily
scorned," he says, "by these Hollanders, for being so negligent of our Profit, and careless of our Fishing; and
they do daily flout us that be the poor Fishermen of England, to our Faces at Sea, calling to us, and saying,
'Ya English, ya sall or oud scoue dragien;' which, in English, is this, 'You English, we will make you glad to
wear our old Shoes!'"
Another pamphlet, to a similar effect, 'The Royal Fishing revived,'[17] was published fifty years later, in
which it was set forward that the Dutch "have not only gained to themselves almost the sole fishing in his
Majesty's Seas; but principally upon this Account have very near beat us out of all our other most profitable
Trades in all Parts of the World." It was even proposed to compel "all Sorts of begging Persons and all other
poor People, all People condemned for less Crimes than Blood," as well as "all Persons in Prison for Debt,"
to take part in this fishing trade! But this was not the true way to force the traffic. The herring fishery at
Yarmouth and along the coast began to make gradual progress with the growth of wealth and enterprise
throughout the country; though it was not until 1787less than a hundred years agothat the Yarmouth
men began the deepsea herring fishery.
Before then, the fishing was all carried on along shore in little cobles, almost within sight of land. The native
fishery also extended northward, along the east coast of Scotland and the Orkney and Shetland Isles, until
now the herring fishery of Scotland forms one of the greatest industries in the United Kingdom, and gives
employment, directly or indirectly, to close upon half a million of people, or to oneseventh of the whole
population of Scotland.
Taking these facts into consideration, therefore, there is no reason to despair of seeing, before many years
have elapsed, a large development of the fishing industry of Ireland. We may yet see Galway the Yarmouth,
Achill the Grimsby, and Killybegs the Wick of the West. Modern society in Ireland, as everywhere else, can
only be transformed through the agency of labour, industry, and commerceinspired by the spirit of work,
and maintained by the accumulations of capital. The first end of all labour is security,security to person,
possession, and property, so that all may enjoy in peace the fruits of their industry. For no liberty, no
freedom, can really exist which does not include the first liberty of allthe right of public and private safety.
To show what energy and industry can do in Ireland, it is only necessary to point to Belfast, one of the most
prosperous and enterprising towns in the British Islands. The land is the same, the climate is the same, and
the laws are the same, as those which prevail in other parts of Ireland. Belfast is the great centre of Irish
manufactures and commerce, and what she has been able to do might be done elsewhere, with the same
amount of energy and enterprise. But it is not land, or climate, or altered laws that are wanted. It is men to
lead and direct, and men to follow with anxious and persevering industry. It is always the Man society wants.
The influence of Belfast extends far out into the country. As you approach it from Sligo, you begin to see that
you are nearing a place where industry has accumulated capital, and where it has been invested in cultivating
and beautifying the land. After you pass Enniskillen, the fields become more highly cultivated. The
drillrows are more regular; the hedges are clipped; the weeds no longer hide the crops, as they sometimes do
in the far west. The country is also adorned with copses, woods, and avenues. A new crop begins to appear in
the fieldsa crop almost peculiar to the neighbourhood of Belfast. It is a plant with a very slender erect
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green stem, which, when full grown, branches at the top into a loose corymb of blue flowers. This is the flax
plant, the cultivation and preparation of which gives employment to a great number of persons, and is to a
large extent the foundation of the prosperity of Belfast.
The first appearance of the linen industry of Ireland, as we approach Belfast from the west, is observed at
Portadown. Its position on the Bann, with its water power, has enabled this town, as well as the other places
on the river, to secure and maintain their due share in the linen manufacture. Factories with their long
chimneys begin to appear. The fields are richly cultivated, and a general air of wellbeing pervades the
district. Lurgan is reached, so celebrated for its diapers; and the fields there about are used as
bleachinggreens. Then comes Lisburn, a populous and thriving town, the inhabitants of which are mostly
engaged in their staple trade, the manufacture of damasks. This was really the first centre of the linen trade.
Though Lord Strafford, during his government of Ireland, encouraged the flax industry, by sending to
Holland for flaxseed, and inviting Flemish and French artisans to settle in Ireland, it was not until the
Huguenots, who had been banished from France by the persecutions of Louis XIV., settled in Ireland in such
large numbers, that the manufacture became firmly established. The Crommelins, the Goyers, and the
Dupres, were the real founders of this great branch of industry.[18]
As the traveller approaches Belfast, groups of houses, factories, and works of various kinds, appear closer
and closer; long chimneys over boilers and steamengines, and brick buildings three or four stories high;
large yards full of workmen, carts, and lorries; and at length we are landed in the midst of a large
manufacturing town. As we enter the streets, everybody seems to be alive. What struck William Hutton when
he first saw Birmingham, might be said of Belfast: "I was surprised at the place, but more at the people. They
possessed a vivacity I had never before beheld. I had been among dreamers, but now I saw men awake. Their
very step along the street showed alacrity. Every man seemed to know what he was about. The town was
large, and full of inhabitants, and these inhabitants full of industry. The faces of other men seemed tinctured
with an idle gloom; but here with a pleasing alertness. Their appearance was strongly marked with the modes
of civil life."
Some people do not like manufacturing towns: they prefer old castles and ruins. They will find plenty of
these in other parts of Ireland. But to found industries that give employment to large numbers of persons, and
enable them to maintain themselves and families upon the fruits of their labourinstead of living upon
poorrates levied from the labours of others, or who are forced, by want of employment, to banish
themselves from their own country, to emigrate and settle among strangers, where they know not what may
become of themis a most honourable and important source of influence, and worthy of every
encouragement.
Look at the wonderfully rapid rise of Belfast, originating in the enterprise of individuals, and developed by
the earnest and anxious industry of the inhabitants of Ulster!
"God save Ireland!" By all means. But Ireland cannot be saved without the help of the people who live in it.
God endowed men, there as elsewhere, with reason, will, and physical power; and it is by patient industry
only that they can open up a pathway to the enduring prosperity of the country. There is no Eden in nature.
The earth might have continued a rude uncultivated wilderness, but for human energy, power, and industry.
These enable man to subdue the wilderness, and develop the potency of labour. "Possunt quia credunt posse."
They must conquer who will.
Belfast is a comparatively modern town. It has no ancient history. About the beginning of the sixteenth
century it was little better than a fishing village. There was a castle, and a ford to it across the Lagan. A
chapel was built at the ford, at which hurried prayers were offered up for those who were about to cross the
currents of Lagan Water. In 1575, Sir Henry Sydney writes to the Lords of the Council: "I was offered
skirmish by MacNeill Bryan Ertaugh at my passage over the water at Belfast, which I caused to be answered,
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and passed over without losse of man or horse; yet by reason of the extraordinaire Retorne our horses
swamme and the Footmen in the passage waded very deep." The country round about was forest land. It was
so thickly wooded that it was a common saying that one might walk to Lurgan "on the tops of the trees."
In 1612, Belfast consisted of about 120 houses, built of mud and covered with thatch. The whole value of the
land on which the town is built, is said to have been worth only 5L. in fee simple.[19] "Ulster," said Sir John
Davies, "is a very desert or wilderness; the inhabitants thereof having for the most part no certain habitation
in any towns or villages." In 1659, Belfast contained only 600 inhabitants: Carrickfergus was more important,
and had 1312 inhabitants. But about 1660, the Long Bridge over the Lagan was built, and prosperity began to
dawn upon the little town. It was situated at the head of a navigable lough, and formed an outlet for the
manufacturing products of the inland country. Ships of any burden, however, could not come near the town.
The cargoes, down even to a recent date, had to be discharged into lighters at Garmoyle. Streams of water
made their way to the Lough through the mud banks; and a rivulet ran through what is now known as the
High Street.
The population gradually increased. In 1788 Belfast had 12,000 inhabitants. But it was not until after the
Union with Great Britain that the town made so great a stride. At the beginning of the present century it had
about 20,000 inhabitants. At every successive census, the progress made was extraordinary, until now the
population of Belfast amounts to over 225,000. There is scarcely an instance of so large a rate of increase in
the British Islands, save in the exceptional case of Middlesborough, which was the result of the opening out
of the Stockton and Darlington Railway, and the discovery of ironstone in the hills of Cleveland in Yorkshire.
Dundee and Barrow are supposed to present the next most rapid increases of population.
The increase of shipping has also been equally great. Ships from other ports frequented the Lough for
purposes of trade; but in course of time the Belfast merchants supplied themselves with ships of their own. In
1791 one William Ritchie, a sturdy North Briton, brought with him from Glasgow ten men and a quantity of
shipbuilding materials. He gradually increased the number of his workmen, and proceeded to build a few
sloops. He reclaimed some land from the sea, and made a shipyard and graving dock on what was known as
Corporation Ground. In November 1800 the new graving dock, near the bridge, was opened for the reception
of vessels. It was capable of receiving three vessels of 200 tons each! In 1807 a vessel of 400 tons burthen
was launched from Mr. Ritchie's shipyard, when a great crowd of people assembled to witness the launching
of "so large a ship"far more than now assemble to see a 3000tonner of the White Star Line leave the slips
and enter the water!
The shipbuilding trade has been one of the most rapidly developed, especially of late years. In 1805 the
number of vessels frequenting the port was 840; whereas in 1883 the number had been increased to 7508,
with about a million and ahalf of tonnage; while the gross value of the exports from Belfast exceeded
twenty millions sterling annually. In 1819 the first steamboat of 100 tons was used to tug the vessels up the
windings of the Lough, which it did at the rate of three miles an hour, to the astonishment of everybody.
Seven years later, the steamboat Rob Roy was put on between Glasgow and Belfast. But these vessels had
been built in Scotland. It was not until 1826 that the first steamboat, the chieftain, was built in Belfast, by the
same William Ritchie. Then, in 1838, the first iron boat was built in the Lagan foundry, by Messrs. Coates
and Young, though it was but a mere cockleshell compared with the mighty ocean steamers which are now
regularly launched from Queen's Island. In the year 1883 the largest shipbuilding firm in the town launched
thirteen vessels, of over 30,000 tons gross, while two other firms launched twelve ships, of about 10,000 tons
gross.
I do not propose to enter into details respecting the progress of the trades of Belfast. The most important is
the spinning of fine linen yarn, which is for the most part concentrated in that town, over 25,000,000 of
pounds weight being exported annually. Towards the end of the seventeenth century the linen manufacture
had made but little progress. In 1680 all Ireland did not export more than 6000L. worth annually. Drogheda
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was then of greater importance than Belfast. But with the settlement of the persecuted Hugnenots in Ulster,
and especially through the energetic labours of Crommelin, Goyer, and others, the growth of flax was
sedulously cultivated, and its manufacture into linen of all sorts became an important branch of Irish industry.
In the course of about fifty years the exports of linen fabrics increased to the value of over 600,000L. per
annum.
It was still, however, a handicraft manufacture, and done for the most part at home. Flax was spun and yarn
was woven by hand. Eventually machinery was employed, and the turnout became proportionately large and
valuable. It would not be possible for hand labour to supply the amount of linen now turned out by the aid of
machinery. It would require three times the entire population of Ireland to spin and weave, by the old
spinningwheel and handloom methods, the amount of linen cloth now annually manufactured by the
operatives of Belfast alone. There are now forty large spinningmills in Belfast and the neighbourhood,
which furnish employment to a very large number of working people.[20]
In the course of my visit to Belfast, I inspected the works of the York Street flaxspinning mills, founded in
1830 by the Messrs. Mulholland, which now give employment, directly or indirectly, to many thousand
persons. I visited also, with my young Italian friend, the admirable printing establishment of Marcus Ward
and Co., the works of the Belfast Ropework Company, and the shipbuilding works of Harland and Wolff.
There we passed through the roar of the iron forge, the clang of the Nasmyth hammer, and the intermittent
glare of the furnacesall telling of the novel appliances of modern shipbuilding, and the power of the
modern steamengine. I prefer to give a brief account of this latter undertaking, as it exhibits one of the
newest and most important industries of Belfast. It also shows, on the part of its proprietors, a brave
encounter with difficulties, and sets before the friends of Ireland the truest and surest method of not only
giving employment to its people, but of building up on the surest foundations the prosperity of the country.
The first occasion on which I visited Belfastthe reader will excuse the introduction of myselfwas in
1840; about fortyfour years ago. I went thither on the invitation of the late Wm. Sharman Crawford, Esq.,
M.P., the first prominent advocate of tenantright, to attend a public meeting of the Ulster Association, and to
spend a few days with him at his residence at Crawfordsburn, near Bangor. Belfast was then a town of
comparatively little importance, though it had already made a fair start in commerce and industry. As our
steamer approached the head of the Lough, a large number of labourers were observedwith barrows, picks,
and spadesscooping out and wheeling up the slob and mud of the estuary, for the purpose of forming what
is now known as Queen's Island, on the eastern side of the river Lagan. The work was conducted by William
Dargan, the famous Irish contractor; and its object was to make a straight artificial outletthe Victoria
Channelby means of which vessels drawing twentythree feet of water might reach the port of Belfast.
Before then, the course of the Lagan was tortuous and difficult of navigation; but by the straight cut, which
was completed in l846, and afterwards extended further seawards, ships of large burden were enabled to
reach the quays, which extend for about a mile below Queen's Bridge, on both sides of the river.
It was a saying of honest William Dargan, that "when a thing is put anyway right at all, it takes a vast deal of
mismanagement to make it go wrong." He had another curious saying about "the calf eating the cow's belly,"
which, he said, was not right, "at all, at all." Belfast illustrated his proverbial remarks. That the cutting of the
Victoria Channel was doing the "right thing" for Belfast, was clear, from the constantly increasing traffic of
the port. In course of time, several extensive docks and tidal basins were added; while provision was made, in
laying out the reclaimed land at the entrance of the estuary, for their future extension and enlargement. The
town of Belfast was by these means gradually placed in immediate connection by sea with the principal
western ports of England and Scotland,steamships of large burden now leaving it daily for Liverpool,
Glasgow, Fleetwood, Barrow, and Ardrossan. The ships entering the port of Belfast in 1883 were 7508, of
1,526,535 tonnage; they had been more than doubled in fifteen years. The town has risen from nothing, to
exhibit a Customs revenue, in 1883, of 608,781L., infinitely greater than that of Leith, the port of Edinburgh,
or of Hull, the chief port of Yorkshire. The population has also largely increased. When I visited Belfast in
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1840, the town contained 75,000 inhabitants. They are now over 225,006, or more than trebled,Belfast
being the tenth town, in point of population, in the United Kingdom.
The spirit and enterprise of the people are illustrated by the variety of their occupations. They do not confine
themselves to one branch of business; but their energies overflow into nearly every department of industry.
Their linen manufacture is of worldwide fame; but much less known are their more recent enterprises. The
production of aerated waters, for instance, is something extraordinary. In 1882 the manufacturers shipped off
53,163 packages, and 24,263 cwts. of aerated waters to England, Scotland, Australia, New Zealand, and other
countries. While Ireland produces no wrought iron, though it contains plenty of ironstone,and Belfast has
to import all the iron which it consumes,yet one engineering firm alone, that of Combe, Barbour, and
Combe, employs 1500 highlypaid mechanics, and ships off its iron machinery to all parts of the world. The
printing establishment of Marcus Ward and Co. employs over 1000 highly skilled and ingenious persons, and
extends the influence of learning and literature into all civilised countries. We might add the various
manufactures of roofing felt (of which there are five), of ropes, of stoves, of stable fittings, of nails, of starch,
of machinery; all of which have earned a worldwide reputation.
We prefer, however, to give an account of the last new industry of Belfastthat of shipping and
shipbuilding. Although, as we have said, Belfast imports from Scotland and England all its iron and all its
coal,[21] it nevertheless, by the skill and strength of its men, sends out some of the finest and largest
steamships which navigate the Atlantic and Pacific. It all comes from the power of individuality, and
furnishes a splendid example for Dublin, Cork, Waterford, and Limerick, each of which is provided by nature
with magnificent harbours, with fewer of those difficulties of access which Belfast has triumphed over; and
each of which might be the centre of some great industrial enterprise, provided only there were patriotic men
willing to embark their capital, perfect protection for the property invested, and men willing to work rather
than to strike.
It was not until the year 1853 that the Queen's Islandraked out of the mud of the sloblandwas first used
for shipbuilding purposes. Robert Hickson and Co. then commenced operations by laying down the Mary
Stenhouse, a wooden sailingship of 1289 tons register; and the vessel was launched in the following year.
The operations of the firm were continued until the year 1859, when the shipbuilding establishments on
Queen's Island were acquired by Mr. E. J. Harland (afterwards Harland and Wolff), since which time the
development of this great branch of industry in Belfast has been rapid and complete.
From the history of this firm, it will be found that energy is the most profitable of all merchandise; and that
the fruit of active work is the sweetest of all fruits. Harland and Wolff are the true Watt and Boulton of
Belfast. At the beginning of their great enterprise, their works occupied about four acres of land; they now
occupy over thirtysix acres. The firm has imported not less than two hundred thousand tons of iron; which
have been converted by skill and labour into 168 ships of 253,000 total tonnage. These ships, if laid close
together, would measure nearly eight miles in length.
The advantage to the wageearning class can only be shortly stated. Not less than 34 per cent. is paid in
labour on the cost of the ships turned out. The number of persons employed in the works is 3920; and the
weekly wages paid to them is 4000L., or over 200,000L. annually. Since the commencement of the
undertaking, about two millions sterling have been paid in wages.
All this goes towards the support of the various industries of the place. That the working classes of Belfast
are thrifty and frugal may be inferred from the fact that at the end of 1882 they held deposits in the Savings
Bank to the amount of 230,289L., besides 158,064L. in the Post Office Savings Banks.[22] Nearly all the
better class working people of the town live in separate dwellings, either rented or their own property. There
are ten Building Societies in Belfast, in which industrious people may store their earnings, and in course of
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time either buy or build their own houses.
The example of energetic, active men always spreads. Belfast contains two other shipbuilding yards, both the
outcome of Harland and Wolff's enterprise; those of Messrs. Macilwaine and Lewis, employing about four
hundred men, and of Messrs. Workman and Clarke, employing about a thousand. The heads of both these
firms were trained in the parent shipbuilding works of Belfast. There is do feeling of rivalry between the
firms, but all work together for the good of the town.
In Plutarch's Lives, we are told that Themistocles said on one occasion, "'Tis true that I have never learned
how to tune a harp, or play upon a lute, but I know how to raise a small and inconsiderable city to glory and
greatness." So might it be said of Harland and Wolff. They have given Belfast not only a potency for good,
but a worldwide reputation. Their energies overflow. Mr. Harland is the active and everprudent Chairman
of the most important of the local boards, the Harbour Trust of Belfast, and exerts himself to promote the
extension of the harbour facilities of the port as if the benefits were to be exclusively his own; while Mr.
Wolff is the Chairman of one of the latest born industries of the place, the Belfast Ropework Company,
which already gives employment to over 600 persons.
This lastmentioned industry is only about six years old. The works occupy over seven acres of ground, more
than six acres of which are under roofing. Although the whole of the raw material is imported from abroad
from Russia, the Philippine Islands, New Zealand, and Central Americait is exported again in a
manufactured state to all parts of the world.
Such is the contagion of example, and such the everbranching industries with which men of enterprise and
industry can enrich and bless their country. The following brief memoir of the career of Mr. Harland has been
furnished at my solicitation; and I think that it will be found full of interest as well as instruction.
Footnotes for Chapter X.
[1] Report in the Cork Examiner, 5th July, 1883.
[2] In 1883, as compared with 1882, there was a decrease of 58,022 acres in the land devoted to the growth of
wheat; there was a total decrease of 114,871 acres in the land under tillage.Agricultural Statistics, Ireland,
1883. Parliamentary Return, c. 3768.
[3] Statistical Abstract for the United Kingdom, 1883.
[4] The particulars are these: deposits in Irish Post Office Savings Banks, 31st December, 1882, 1,925,440; to
the credit of depositors and Government stock, 125,000L.; together, 2,050,440L.
The increase of deposits over those made in the preceding year, were: in Dublin, 31,321L.; in Antrim,
23,328L.; in Tyrone, 21,315L.; in Cork, 17,034L.; and in Down, 10,382L.
[5] The only thriving manufacture now in Dublin is that of intoxicating drinksbeer, porter, stout, and
whisky. Brewing and distilling do not require skilled labour, so that strikes do not affect them.
[6] Times, 11th June, 1883.
[7] The valuation of the county of Aberdeen (exclusive of the city) was recently 866,816L., whereas the value
of the herrings (748,726 barrels) caught round the coast (at 25s. the barrel) was 935,907L., thereby exceeding
the estimated annual rental of the county by 69,091L. The Scotch fishermen catch over a million barrels of
herrings annually, representing a value of about a million and ahalf sterling.
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[8] A recent number of Land and Water supplies the following information as to the fishing at Kinsale:
"The takes of fish have been so enormous and unprecedented that buyers can scarcely be found, even when,
as now, mackerel are selling at one shilling per six score. Piles of magnificent fish lie rotting in the sun.
The sides of Kinsale Harbour are strewn with them, and frequently, when they have become a little 'touched,'
whole boatloads are thrown overboard into the water. This great waste is to be attributed to scarcity of
hands to salt the fish and want of packingboxes. Some of the boats are said to have made as much as 500L.
this season. The local fishing company are making active preparations for the approaching herring fishery,
and it is anticipated that Kinsale may become one of the centres of this description of fishing."
[9] Statistical Journal for March 1848. Paper by Richard Valpy on "The Resources of the Irish Sea Fisheries,"
pp. 5572.
[10] HALL, Retrospect of a Long Life, ii. 324.
[11] The Commissioners of Irish Fisheries, in one of their reports, observe:"Notwithstanding the
diminished population, the fish captured round the coast is so inadequate to the wants of the population that
fully 150,000L. worth of ling, cod, and herring are annually imported from Norway, Newfoundland, and
Scotland, the vessels bearing these cargoes, as they approach the shores of Ireland, frequently sailing through
large shoals of fish of the same description as they are freighted with!"
[12] The following examination of Mr. J. Ennis, chairman of the Midland and Great Western Railway, took
place before the "Royal Commission on Railways," as long ago as the year 1846:
Chairman"Is the fish traffic of any importance to your railway?"
Mr. Ennis"of course it is, and we give it all the facilities that we can.... But the Galway fisheries, where
one would expect to find plenty of fish, are totally neglected."
Sir Rowland Hill"What is the reason of that?"
Mr. Ennis "I will endeavour to explain. I had occasion a few nights ago to speak to a gentleman in the
House of Commons with regard to an application to the Fishery Board for 2000L. to restore the pier at
Buffin, in Clew Bay, and I said, 'Will you join me in the application? I am told it is a place that swarms with
fish, and if we had a pier there the fishermen will have some security, and they will go out.' The only answer
I received was, 'They will not go out; they pay no attention whatever to the fisheries; they allow the fish to
come and go without making any effort to catch them....'"
Mr. Ayrton "Do you think that if English fishermen went to the west coast of Ireland they would be able to
get on in harmony with the native fishermen?"
Mr. Ennis "We know the fact to be, that some years ago, a company was established for the purpose of
trawling in Galway Bay, and what was the consequence? The Irish fishermen, who inhabit a region in the
neighbourhood of Galway, called Claddagh, turned out against them, and would not allow them to trawl, and
the Englishmen very properly went away with their lives."
Sir Rowland Hill "Then they will neither fish themselves nor allow any one else to fish!"
Mr. Ennis "It seems to be so." Minutes of Evidence, 1756.
[13] The Derry Journal.
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[14] Report of Inspectors of Irish Fisheries for 1882.
[15] The Report of the Inspectors of Irish Fisheries on the Sea and Inland Fisheries of Ireland for 1882, gives
a large amount of information as to the fish which swarm round the Irish coast. Mr. Brady reports on the
abundance of herring and other fish all round the coast. Shoals of herrings "remained off nearly the entire
coast of Ireland from August till December." "Large shoals of pilchards" were observed on the south and
southwest coasts. Off Dingle, it is remarked, "the supply of all kinds of fish is practically inexhaustible."
"Immense shoals of herrings off Liscannor and Loop Head;" "the mackerel is always on this coast, and can be
captured at any time of the year, weather permitting." At Belmullet, "the shoals of fish off the coast,
particularly herring and mackerel, are sometimes enormous." The fishermen, though poor, are all very orderly
and well conducted. They only want energy and industry.
[16] The Harleian Miscellany, iii. 37891.
[17] The Harleian Miscellany, iii. 392.
[18] See The Huguenots in England and Ireland. A Board of Traders, for the encouragement and promotion
of the hemp and flax manufacture in Ireland, was appointed by an Act of Parliament at the beginning of last
century (6th October, 1711), and the year after the appointment of the Board the following notice was placed
on the records of the institution: "Louis Crommelin and the Huguenot colony have been greatly
instrumental in improving and propagating the flaxen manufacture in the north of this Kingdom, and the
perfection to which the same is brought in that part of the country has been greatly owing to the skill and
industry of the said Crommelin." In a history of the linen trade, published at Belfast, it is said that "the dignity
which that enterprising man imparted to labour, and the halo which his example cast around physical
exertion, had the best effect in raising the tone of popular feeling, as well among the patricians as among the
peasants of the north of Ireland. This love of industry did much to break down the national prejudice in
favour of idleness, and cast doubts on the social orthodoxy of the idea then so popular with the squirearchy,
that those alone who were able to live without employment had any rightful claim to the distinctive title of
gentleman.... A patrician by birth and a merchant by profession, Crommelin proved, by his own life, his
example, and his enterprise, that an energetic manufacturer may, at the same time, take a high place in the
conventional world."
[19] Benn's History of Belfast, p. 78.
[20] From the Irish Manufacturers' Almanack for 1883 I learn that nearly onethird of the spindles used in
Europe in the linen trade, and more than onefourth of the powerlooms, belong to Ireland, that "the Irish
linen and associated trades at present give employment to 176,303 persons; and it is estimated that the capital
sunk in spinning and weaving factories, and the business incidental thereto, is about 100,000,000L., and of
that sum 37,000,000L. is credited to Belfast alone."
[21] The importation of coal in 1883 amounted to over 700,000 tons.
[22] We are indebted to the obliging kindness of the Right Hon. Mr. Fawcett, PostmasterGeneral for this
return. The total number of depositors in the Post Office Savings banks in the Parliamentary borough of
Belfast is 10,827 and the amount of their deposits, including the interest standing to their credit, on the 31st
December, 1882, was 158,064L. 0s. 1d.
An important item in the savings of Belfast, not included in the above returns, consists in the amounts of
deposits made with the various Limited Companies, as well as with the thriving Building Societies in the
town and neighbourhood.
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CHAPTER XI. SHIPBUILDING IN BELFASTITS ORIGIN AND
PROGRESS.
BY SIR E. J. HARLAND, ENGINEER AND SHIPBUILDER. "The useful arts are but reproductions or new
combinations by the art of man, of the same natural benefactors. He no longer waits for favouring gales, but
by means of steam he realises the fable of AEolus's bag, and carries the twoandthirty winds in the boiler of
his boat."Emerson. "The most exquisite and the most expensive machinery is brought into play where
operations on the most common materials are to be performed, because these are executed on the widest
scale. This is the meaning of the vast and astonishing prevalence of machine work in this country: that the
machine, with its million fingers, works for millions of purchasers, while in remote countries, where
magnificence and savagery stand side by side, tens of thousands work for one. There Art labours for the rich
alone; here she works for the poor no less. There the multitude produce only to give splendour and grace to
the despot or the warrior, whose slaves they are, and whom they enrich; here the man who is powerful in the
weapons of peace, capital, and machinery, uses them to give comfort and enjoyment to the public, whose
servant he is, and thus becomes rich while he enriches others with his goods."William Whewell, D.D.
I was born at Scarborough in May, 1831, the sixth of a family of eight. My father was a native of Rosedale,
halfway between Whitby and Pickering: his nurse was the sister of Captain Scoresby, celebrated as an
Arctic explorer. Arrived at manhood, he studied medicine, graduated at Edinburgh, and practised in
Scarborough until nearly his death in 1866. He was thrice Mayor and a Justice of the Peace for the borough.
Dr. Harland was a man of much force of character, and displayed great originality in the treatment of disease.
Besides exercising skill in his profession, he had a great love for mechanical pursuits. He spent his leisure
time in inventions of many sorts; and, in conjunction with the late Sir George Cayley of Brompton, he kept
an excellent mechanic constantly at work.
In 1827 he invented and patented a steamcarriage for running on common roads. Before the adoption of
railways, the old stage coaches were found slow and insufficient for the traffic. A working model of the
steamcoach was perfected, embracing a multitubular boiler for quickly raising highpressure steam, with a
revolving surface condenser for reducing the steam to water again, by means of its exposure to the cold
draught of the atmosphere through the interstices of extremely thin laminations of copper plates. The entire
machinery, placed under the bottom of the carriage, was borne on springs; the whole being of an elegant
form. This model steamcarriage ascended with perfect ease the steepest roads. Its success was so complete
that Dr. Harland designed a fullsized carriage; but the demands upon his professional skill were so great that
he was prevented going further than constructing the pair of engines, the wheels, and a part of the boiler,all
of which remnants I still preserve, as valuable links in the progress of steam locomotion.
Other branches of practical sciencesuch as electricity, magnetism, and chemical cultivation of the
soilreceived a share of his attention. He predicted that three or four powerful electric lamps would yet light
a whole city. He was also convinced of the feasibility of an electric cable to New York, and calculated the
probable cost. As an example to the neighbourhood, he successfully cultivated a tract of moorland, and
overcame difficulties which before then were thought insurmountable.
When passing through Newcastle, while still a young man, on one of his journeys to the University at
Edinburgh, and being desirous of witnessing the operations in a coalmine, a friend recommended him to
visit Killingworth pit, where he would find one George Stephenson, a most intelligent workman, in charge.
My father was introduced to Mr. Stephenson accordingly; and after rambling over the underground workings,
and observing the pumping and winding engines in full operation, a friendship was made, which afterwards
proved of the greatest service to myself, by facilitating my being placed as a pupil at the great engineering
works of Messrs. Robert Stephenson and Co., at Newcastle.
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My mother was the daughter of Gawan Pierson, a landed proprietor of Goathland, near Rosedale. She, too,
was surprisingly mechanical in her tastes; and assisted my father in preparing many of his plans, besides
attaining considerable proficiency in drawing, painting, and modelling in wax. Toys in those days were poor,
as well as very expensive to purchase. But the nursery soon became a little workshop under her directions;
and the boys were usually engaged, one in making a cart, another in carving out a horse, and a third in cutting
out a boat; while the girls were making harness, or sewing sails, or cutting out and making perfect dresses for
their dollswhose houses were completely furnished with everything, from the kitchen to the attic, all made
at home.
It was in a house of such industry and mechanism that I was brought up. As a youth, I was slow at my
lessons; preferring to watch and assist workmen when I had an opportunity of doing so, even with the
certainty of having a thrashing from the schoolmaster for my neglect. Thus I got to know every workshop and
every workman in the town. At any rate I picked up a smattering of a variety of trades, which afterwards
proved of the greatest use to me. The chief of these was wooden shipbuilding, a branch of industry then
extensively carried on by Messrs. William and Robert Tindall, the former of whom resided in London; he
was one of the halfdozen great shipbuilders and owners who founded "Lloyd's." Splendid East Indiamen, of
some 1000 tons burden, were then built at Scarborough; and scarcely a timber was moulded, a plank bent, a
spar lined off, or launching shipways laid, without my being present to witness them. And thus, in course of
time, I was able to make for myself the neatest and fastest of model yachts.
At that time, I attended the Grammar School. Of the rudiments taught, I was fondest of drawing, geometry,
and Euclid. Indeed, I went twice through the first two books of the latter before I was twelve years old. At
this age I was sent to the Edinburgh Academy, my eldest brother William being then a medical student at the
University. I remained at Edinburgh two years. My early progress in mathematics would have been lost in the
classical training which was then insisted upon at the academy, but for my brother who was not only a good
mathematician but an excellent mechanic. He took care to carry on my instruction in that branch of
knowledge, as well as to teach me to make models of machines and buildings, in which he was himself
proficient. I remember, in one of my journeys to Edinburgh, by coach from Darlington, that a gentleman
expressed his wonder what a screw propeller could be like; for the screw, as a method of propulsion, was then
being introduced. I pointed out to him the patent tail of a windmill by the roadside, and said, "It is just like
that!"
In 1844 my mother died; and shortly after, my brother having become M.D., and obtained a prize gold medal,
we returned to Scarborough. It was intended that he should assist my father; but he preferred going abroad for
a few years. I may mention further, with relation to him, that after many years of scientific research and
professional practice, he died at Hong Kong in 1858, when a public monument was erected to his memory, in
what is known as the "Happy Valley."
I remained for a short time under the tuition of my old master. But as the time was rapidly approaching when
I too must determine what I was "to be" in life. I had no hesitation in deciding to be an engineer, though my
father wished me to be a barrister. But I kept constant to my resolution; and eventually he succeeded, through
his early acquaintance with George Stephenson, in gaining for me an entrance to the engineering works of
Robert Stephenson and Co., at NewcastleuponTyne. I started there as a pupil on my fifteenth birthday, for
an apprenticeship of five years. I was to spend the first four years in the various workshops, and the last year
in the drawingoffice.
I was now in my element. The working hours, it is true, were very long,being from six in the morning until
8.15 at night; excepting on Saturday, when we knocked off at four. However, all this gave me so much the
more experience; and, taking advantage of it, I found that, when I had reached the age of eighteen, I was
intrusted with the full charge of erecting one side of a locomotive. I had to accomplish the same amount of
work as my mate on the other side, one Murray Playfair, a powerful, hardworking Scotchman. My strength
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and endurance were sometimes taxed to the utmost, and required the intervals of my labour to be spent in
merely eating and sleeping.
I afterwards went through the machineshops. I was fortunate enough to get charge of the best screwcutting
and brassturning lathe in the shop; the former occupant, Jack Singleton, having just been promoted to a
foreman's berth at the Messrs. Armstrong's factory. He afterwards became superintendent of all the hydraulic
machinery of the Mersey Dock Trust at Liverpool. After my four years had been completed, I went into the
drawingoffice, to which I had looked forward with pleasure; and, having before practised lineal as well as
freehand drawing, I soon succeeded in getting good and difficult designs to work out, and eventually
finished drawings of the engines. Indeed, on visiting the works many years after, one of these drawings was
shown to me as a "specimen;" the person exhibiting it not knowing that it was my own work.
In the course of my occasional visits to Scarborough, my attention was drawn to the imperfect design of the
lifeboats of the period; the frequent shipwrecks along the coast indicating the necessity for their
improvement. After considerable deliberation, I matured a plan for a metal lifeboat, of a cylindricoconical
or chrysalis form, to be propelled by a screw at each end, turned by sixteen men inside, seated on
waterballast tanks; sufficient room being left at the ends inside for the accommodation of ten or twelve
shipwrecked persons; while a mate near the bow, and the captain near the stern in charge of the rudder, were
stationed in recesses in the deck about three feet deep. The whole apparatus was almost cylindrical, and
watertight, save in the selfacting ventilators, which could only give access to the smallest portion of water. I
considered that, if the lifeboat fully manned were launched into the roughest seas, or off the deck of a vessel,
it would, even if turned on its back, immediately right itself, without any of the crew being disturbed from
their positions, to which they were to have been strapped.
It happened that at this time (the summer of 1850) his Grace the late Duke of Northumberland, who had
always taken a deep interest in the Lifeboat Institution, offered a prize of one hundred guineas for the best
model and design of such a craft; so I determined to complete my plans and make a working model of my
lifeboat. I came to the conclusion that the cylindricoconical form, with the frames to be carried completely
round and forming beams as well, and the two screws, one at each end, worked off the same power, by which
one or other of them would always be immersed, were worth registering in the Patent Office. I therefore
entered a caveat there; and continued working at my model in the evenings. I first made a wooden block
model, on the scale of an inch to the foot. I had some difficulty in procuring sheets of copper thin enough, so
that the model should draw only the correct amount of water; but at last I succeeded, through finding the man
at Newcastle who had supplied my father with copper plates for his early road locomotive.
The model was only 32 inches in length, and 8 inches in beam; and in order to fix all the internal fittings, of
tanks, seats, crank handles, and pulleys, I had first to fit the shell plating, and then, by finally securing one
strake of plates on, and then another, after all inside was complete, I at last finished for good the last outside
plate. In executing the job, my early experience of all sorts of handiwork came serviceably to my aid. After
many a whole night's workfor the evenings alone were not sufficient for the purposeI at length
completed my model; and triumphantly and confidently took it to sea in an open boat; and then cast it into the
waves. The model either rode over them or passed through them; if it was sometimes rolled over, it righted
itself at once, and resumed its proper attitude in the waters. After a considerable trial I found scarcely a trace
of water inside. Such as had got there was merely through the joints in the sliding hatches; though the
ventilators were free to work during the experiments.
I completed the prescribed drawings and specifications, and sent them, together with the model, to Somerset
House. Some 280 schemes of lifeboats were submitted for competition; but mine was not successful. I
suspect that the extreme novelty of the arrangement deterred the adjudicators from awarding in its favour.
Indeed, the scheme was so unprecedented, and so entirely out of the ordinary course of things, that there was
no special mention made of it in the report afterwards published, and even the description there given was
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incorrect. The prize was awarded to Mr. James Beeching, of Great Yarmouth, whose plans were afterwards
generally adopted by the Lifeboat Society. I have preserved my model just as it was; and some of its features
have since been introduced with advantage into shipbuilding.[1]
The firm of Robert Stephenson and Co. having contracted to build for the Government three large iron
caissons for the Keyham Docks, and as these were very similar in construction to that of an ordinary iron
ship, draughtsmen conversant with that class of work were specially engaged to superintend it. The manager,
knowing my fondness for ships, placed me as his assistant at this new work. After I had mastered it, I
endeavoured to introduce improvements, having observed certain defects in laying down the linesI mean
by the use of graduated curves cut out of thin wood. In lieu of this method, I contrived thin tapered laths of
lancewood, and weights of a particular form, with steel claws and knife edges attached, so as to hold the lath
tightly down to the paper, yet capable of being readily adjusted, so as to produce any form of curve, along
which the pen could freely and continuously travel. This method proved very efficient, and it has since come
into general use.
The Messrs. Stephenson were then also making marine engines, as well as large condensing pumping
engines, and a large tubular bridge to be erected over the river Don. The splendid highlevel bridge over the
Tyne, of which Robert Stephenson was the engineer, was also in course of construction. With the opportunity
of seeing these great works in progress, and of visiting, during my holidays and long evenings, most of the
manufactories and mines in the neighbourhood of Newcastle, I could not fail to pick up considerable
knowledge, and an acquaintance with a vast variety of trades. There were about thirty other pupils in the
works at the same time with myself; some were there either through favour or idle fancy; but comparatively
few gave their full attention to the work, and I have since heard nothing of them. Indeed, unless a young
fellow takes a real interest in his work, and has a genuine love for it, the greatest advantages will prove of no
avail whatever.
It was a good plan adopted at the works, to require the pupils to keep the same hours as the rest of the men,
and, though they paid a premium on entering, to give them the same rate of wages as the rest of the lads. Mr.
William Hutchinson, a contemporary of George Stephenson, was the managing partner. He was a person of
great experience, and had the most thorough knowledge of men and materials, knowing well how to handle
both to the best advantage.
His soninlaw, Mr. William Weallans, was the head draughtsman, and very proficient, not only in
quickness but in accuracy and finish. I found it of great advantage to have the benefit of the example and the
training of these very clever men.
My five years apprenticeship was completed in May 1851, on my twentieth birthday. Having had but very
little "black time," as it was called, beyond the halfyearly holiday for visiting my friends, and having only
"slept in" twice during the five years, I was at once entered on the books as a journeyman, on the "big" wage
of twenty shillings a week. Orders were, however, at that time very difficult to be had.
Railway trucks, and even navvies' barrows, were contracted for in order to keep the men employed. It was
better not to discharge them, and to find something for them to do. At the same time it was not very
encouraging for me, under such circumstances, to remain with the firm. I therefore soon arranged to leave;
and first of all I went to see London. It was the Great Exhibition year of 1851. I need scarcely say what a rich
feast I found there, and how thoroughly I enjoyed it all. I spent about two months in inspecting the works of
art and mechanics in the Exhibition, to my own great advantage. I then returned home; and, after remaining in
Scarborough for a short time, I proceeded to Glasgow with a letter of introduction to Messrs. J. and G.
Thomson, marine engine builders, who started me on the same wages which I had received at Stephenson's,
namely twenty shillings a week.
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I found the banks of the Clyde splendid ground for gaining further mechanical knowledge. There were the
ship and engine works on both sides of the river, down to Govan; and below there, at Renfrew, Dumbarton,
Port Glasgow, and Greenockno end of magnificent yardsso that I had plenty of occupation for my
leisure time on Saturday afternoons. The works of Messrs. Robert Napier and Sons were then at the top of the
tree. The largest Cunard steamers were built and engined there. Tod and Macgregor were the foremost in
screw steamshipsthose for the Peninsular and Oriental Company being splendid models of symmetry and
works of art. Some of the fine wooden paddlesteamers built in Bristol for the Royal Mail Company were
sent round to the Clyde for their machinery. I contrived to board all these ships from time to time, so as to
become well acquainted with their respective merits and peculiarities.
As an illustration of how contrivances, excellent in principle, but defective in construction, may be discarded,
but again taken up under more favourable circumstances, I may mention that I saw a Hall's patent
surfacecondensor thrown to one side from one of these steamers, the principal difficulty being in keeping it
tight. And yet, in the course of a very few years, by the simplest possible contrivanceinserting an
indiarubber ring round each end of the tube (Spencer's patent)surface condensation in marine engines came
into vogue; and there is probably no oceangoing steamer afloat without it, furnished with every variety of
suitable packings.
After some time, the Messrs. Thomson determined to build their own vessels, and an experienced naval
draughtsman was engaged, to whom I was "told off" whenever he needed assistance. In the course of time,
more and more of the ship work came in my way. Indeed, I seemed to obtain the preference. Fortunately for
us both, my superior obtained an appointment of a similar kind on the Tyne, at superior pay, and I was
promoted to his place. The Thomsons had now a very fine shipbuildingyard, in full working order, with
several large steamers on the stocks. I was placed in the drawingoffice as head draughtsman. At the same
time I had no rise of wages; but still went on enjoying my twenty shillings a week. I was, however, gaining
information and experience, and knew that better pay would follow in due course of time. And without
solicitation I was eventually offered an engagement for a term of years, at an increased and increasing salary,
with three months' notice on either side.
I had only enjoyed the advance for a short time, when Mr. Thomas Toward, a shipbuilder on the Tyne, being
in want of a manager, made application to the Messrs. Stephenson for such a person. They mentioned my
name, and Mr. Toward came over to the Clyde to see me. The result was, that I became engaged, and it was
arranged that I should enter on my enlarged duties on the Tyne in the autumn of 1853. It was with no small
reluctance that I left the Messrs. Thomson. They were firstclass practical men, and had throughout shown
me every kindness and consideration. But a managership was not to be had every day; and being the next step
to the position of a master, I could not neglect the opportunity for advancement which now offered itself.
Before leaving Glasgow, however, I found that it would be necessary to have a new angle and plate furnace
provided for the works on the Tyne. Now, the best man in Glasgow for building these important requisites for
shipbuilding work was scarcely ever sober; but by watching and coaxing him, and by a liberal supply of
Glenlivat afterwards, I contrived to lay down on paper, from his directions, what he considered to be the best
class of furnace; and by the aid of this I was afterwards enabled to construct what proved to be the best
furnace on the Tyne.
To return to my education in shipbuilding. My early efforts in shipdraughting at Stephensons' were further
developed and matured at Thomsons' on the Clyde. Models and drawings were more carefully worked out on
the 1/4in. scale than heretofore. The stern frames were laid off and put up at once correctly, which before
had been first shaped by fullsized wooden moulds. I also contrived a mode of quickly and correctly laying
off the framelines on a model, by laying it on a plane surface, and then, with a rectangular block traversing
ita pencil in a suitable holder being readily applied over the curved surface. This method is now in general
use.
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Even at that time, competition as regards speed in the Clyde steamers was very keen. Foremost among the
competitors was the late Mr. David Hutchinson, who, though delighted with the Mountaineer, built by the
Thomsons in 1853, did not hesitate to have her lengthened forward to make her sharper, so as to secure her
ascendency in speed during the ensuing season. The results were satisfactory; and his steamers grew and
grew, until they developed into the celebrated Iona and Cambria, which were in later years built for him by
the same firm. I may mention that the Cunard screw steamer Jura was the last heavy job with which I was
connected while at Thomsons'.
I then proceeded to the Tyne, to superintend the building of ships and marine boilers. The shipbuilding yard
was at St. Peter's, about two and ahalf miles below Newcastle. I found the work, as practised there, rough
and ready; but by steady attention to all the details, and by careful inspection when passing the "piecework"
(a practice much in vogue there, but which I discouraged), I contrived to raise the standard of excellence,
without a corresponding increase of price. My object was to raise the quality of the work turned out; and, as
we had orders from the Russian Government, from China, and the Continent, as well as from shipowners at
home, I observed that quality was a very important element in all commercial success. My master, Mr.
Thomas Toward, was in declining health; and, being desirous of spending his winters abroad, I was
consequently left in full charge of the works. But as there did not appear to be a satisfactory prospect, under
the circumstances, for any material development of the business, a trifling circumstance arose, which again
changed the course of my career.
An advertisement appeared in the papers for a manager to conduct a shipbuilding yard in Belfast. I made
inquiries as to the situation, and eventually applied for it. I was appointed, and entered upon my duties there
at Christmas, 1854. The yard was a much larger one than that on the Tyne, and was capable of great
expansion. It was situated on what was then well known as the Queen's Island; but now, like the Isle of Dogs,
it has been attached by reclamation. The yard, about four acres in extent, was held by lease from the Belfast
Harbour Commissioners. It was well placed, alongside a fine patent slip, with clear frontage, allowing of the
largest ships being freely launched. Indeed, the first ship built there, the Mary Stenhouse, had only just been
completed and launched by Messrs. Robert Hickson and Co., then the proprietors of the undertaking. They
were also the owners of the Eliza Street Iron Works, Belfast, which were started to work up old iron
materials. But as the works were found to be unremunerative, they were shortly afterwards closed.
On my entering the shipbuilding yard I found that the firm had an order for two large sailing ships. One of
these was partly in frame; and I at once tackled with it and the men. Mr. Hickson, the acting partner, not
being practically acquainted with the business, the whole proceeding connected with the building of the ships
devolved upon me. I had been engaged to supersede a manager summarily dismissed. Although he had not
given satisfaction to his employers, he was a great favourite with the men. Accordingly, my appearance as
manager in his stead was not very agreeable to the employed. On inquiry I found that the rate of wages paid
was above the usual value, whilst the quantity as well as quality of the work done were below the standard. I
proceeded to rectify these defects, by paying the ordinary rate of wages, and then by raising the quality of the
work done. I was met by the usual methoda strike. The men turned out. They were abetted by the former
manager; and the leading hands hung about the town unemployed, in the hope of my throwing up the post in
disgust.
But, nothing daunted, I went repeatedly over to the Clyde for the purpose of enlisting fresh hands. When I
brought them over, however, in batches, there was the greatest difficulty in inducing them to work. They
were intimidated, or enticed, or feasted, and sent home again. The late manager had also taken a yard on the
other side of the river, and actually commenced to build a ship, employing some of his old comrades; but
beyond laying the keel, little more was ever done. A few months after my arrival, my firm had to arrange
with its creditors, whilst I, pending the settlement, had myself to guarantee the wages to a few of the leading
hands, whom I had only just succeeded in gathering together. In this dilemma, an old friend, a foreman on the
Clyde, came over to Belfast to see me. After hearing my story, and considering the difficulties I had to
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encounter, he advised me at once to "throw up the job!" My reply was, that "having mounted a restive horse, I
would ride him into the stable."
Notwithstanding the advice of my friend, I held on. The comparatively few men in the works, as well as those
out, no doubt observed my determination. The obstacles were no doubt great; the financial difficulties were
extreme; and yet there was a prospect of profit from the work in hand, provided only the men could be
induced to settle steadily down to their ordinary employment. I gradually gathered together a number of
steady workmen, and appointed suitable foremen. I obtained a considerable accession of strength from
Newcastle. On the death of Mr. Toward, his head foreman, Mr. William Hanston, with a number of the
leading hands, joined me. From that time forward the works went on apace; and we finished the ships in hand
to the perfect satisfaction of the owners.
Orders were obtained for several large sailing ships as well as screw vessels. We lifted and repaired wrecked
ships, to the material advantage of Mr. Hickson, then the sole representative of the firm. After three years
thus engaged, I resolved to start somewhere as a shipbuilder on my own account. I made inquiries at Garston,
Birkenhead, and other places. When Mr. Hickson heard of my intentions, he said he had no wish to carry on
the concern after I left, and made a satisfactory proposal for the sale to me of his holding of the Queen's
Island Yard. So I agreed to the proposed arrangement. The transfer and the purchase were soon completed,
through the kind assistance of my old and esteemed friend Mr. G. G. Schwabe, of Liverpool; whose nephew,
Mr. G. W. Wolff, had been with me for a few months as my private assistant.
It was necessary, however, before commencing for myself, that I should assist Mr. Hickson in finishing off
the remaining vessels in hand, as well as to look out for orders on my own account. Fortunately, I had not
long to wait; for it had so happened that my introduction to the Messrs. Thomson of Glasgow had been made
through the instrumentality of my good friend Mr. Schwabe, who induced Mr. James Bibby (of J. Bibby,
Sons Co., Liverpool) to furnish me with the necessary letter. While in Glasgow, I had endeavoured to assist
the Messrs. Bibby in the purchase of a steamer; so I was now intrusted by them with the building of three
screw steamers the Venetian, Sicilian, and Syrian, each 270 feet long, by 34 feet beam, and 22 feet 9 inches
hold; and contracted with Macnab and Co., Greenock, to supply the requisite steamengines.
This was considered a large order in those days. It required many additions to the machinery, plant, and tools
of the yard. I invited Mr. Wolff, then away in the Mediterranean as engineer of a steamer, to return and take
charge of the drawing office. Mr. Wolff had served his apprenticeship with Messrs. Joseph Whitworth and
Co., of Manchester, and was a most able man, thoroughly competent for the work. Everything went on
prosperously; and, in the midst of all my engagements, I found time to woo and win the hand of Miss Rosa
Wann, of Vermont, Belfast, to whom I was married on the 26th of January, 1860, and by her great energy,
soundness of judgment, and cleverness in organization, I was soon relieved from all sources of care and
anxiety, excepting those connected with business.
The steamers were completed in the course of the following year, doubtless to the satisfaction of the owners,
for their delivery was immediately followed by an order for two larger vessels. As I required frequently to go
from home, and as the works must be carefully attended to during my absence, on the 1st of January, 1862, I
took Mr. Wolff in as a partner; and the firm has since continued under the name of Harland and Wolff. I may
here add that I have throughout received the most able advice and assistance from my excellent friend and
partner, and that we have together been enabled to found an entirely new branch of industry in Belfast.
It is necessary for me here to refer back a little to a screw steamer which was built on the Clyde for Bibby and
Co. by Mr. John Read, and engined by J. and G. Thomson while I was with them. That steamer was called the
Tiber. She was looked upon as of an extreme length, being 235 feet, in proportion to her beam, which was 29
feet. Serious misgivings were thrown out as to whether she would ever stand a heavy sea. Vessels of such
proportions were thought to be crank, and even dangerous. Nevertheless, she seemed to my mind a great
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success. From that time, I began to think and work out the advantages and disadvantages of such a vessel,
from an owner's as well as from a builder's point of view. The result was greatly in favour of the owner,
though entailing difficulties in construction as regards the builder. These difficulties, however. I thought
might easily be overcome.
In the first steamers ordered of me by the Messrs. Bibby, I thought it more prudent to simply build to the
dimensions furnished, although they were even longer than usual. But, prior to the precise dimensions being
fixed for the second order, I with confidence proposed my theory of the greater carrying power and
accommodation, both for cargo and passengers, that would be gained by constructing the new vessels of
increased length, without any increase of beam. I conceived that they would show improved qualities in a
seaway, and that, notwithstanding the increased accommodation, the same speed with the same power
would be obtained, by only a slight increase in the first cost. The result was, that I was allowed to settle the
dimensions; and the following were then decided on: Length, 310 feet; beam, 34 feet; depth of hold, 24 feet 9
inches; all of which were fully compensated for by making the upper deck entirely of iron. In this way, the
hull of the ship was converted into a box girder of immensely increased strength, and was, I believe, the first
ocean steamer ever so constructed. The rig too was unique. The four masts were made in one continuous
length, with foreandaft sails, but no yards,thereby reducing the number of hands necessary to work
them. And the steam winches were so arranged as to be serviceable for all the heavy hauls, as well as for the
rapid handling of the cargo.
In the introduction of so many novelties, I was well supported by Mr. F. Leyland, the junior partner of
Messrs. Bibby's firm, and by the intelligent and practical experience of Captain Birch, the overlooker, and
Captain George Wakeham, the Commodore of the company. Unsuccessful attempts had been made many
years before to condense the steam from the engines by passing it into variously formed chambers, tubes, to
be there condensed by surfaces kept cold by the circulation of seawater round them, so as to preserve the
pure water and return it to the boilers free of salt. In this way, "salting up" was avoided, and a considerable
saving of fuel and expenses in repairs was effected.
Mr. Spencer had patented an improvement on Hall's method of surface condensation, by introducing
indiarubber rings at each end of the tubes. This had been tried as an experiment on shore, and we advised that
it should be adopted in one of Messrs. Bibby's smallest steamers, the Frankfort. The results were found
perfectly satisfactory. Some 20 per cent. of fuel was saved; and, after the patent right had been bought, the
method was adopted in all the vessels of the company.
When these new ships were first seen at Liverpool, the "old salts" held up their hands. They were too long!
they were too sharp! they would break their backs! They might, indeed, get out of the Mersey, but they would
never get back! The ships, however, sailed; and they made rapid and prosperous voyages to and from the
Mediterranean. They fulfilled all the promises which had been made. They proved the advantages of our new
build of ships; and the owners were perfectly satisfied with their superior strength, speed, and
accommodation. The Bibbys were wise men in their day and generation. They did not stop, but went on
ordering more ships. After the Grecian and the Italian had made two or three voyages to Alexandria, they sent
us an order for three more vessels. By our advice, they were made twenty feet longer than the previous ones,
though of no greater beam; in other respects, they were almost identical. This was too much for "Jack."
"What!" he exclaimed, "more Bibby's coffins?" Yes, more and more; and in the course of time, most
shipowners followed our example.
To a young firm, a repetition of orders like these was a great advantage,not only because of the novel
design of the ships, but also because of their constructive details. We did our best to fit up the Egyptian,
Dalmatian, and Arabian, as firstrate vessels. Those engaged in the Mediterranean trade finding them to be
serious rivals, partly because of the great cargos which they carried, but principally from the regularity with
which they made their voyages with such surprisingly small consumption of coal. They were not, however,
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what "Jack" had been accustomed to consider "dry ships." The ship built Dutchman fashion, with her bluff
ends, is the driest of all ships, but the least steady, because she rises to every sea. But the new ships, because
of their length and sharpness, precluded this; for, though they rose sufficiently to an approaching wave for all
purposes of safety, they often went through the crest of it, and, though shipping a little water, it was not only
easier for the vessel, but the shortest road.
Nature seems to have furnished us with the finest design for a vessel in the form of the fish: it presents such
fine linesis so clean, so true, and so rapid in its movements. The ship, however, must float; and to hit upon
the happy medium of velocity and stability seems to me the art and mystery of shipbuilding. In order to give
large carrying capacity, we gave flatness of bottom and squareness of bilge. This became known in Liverpool
as the "Belfast bottom;" and it has been generally adopted. This form not only serves to give stability, but
also increases the carrying power without lessening the speed.
While Sailor Jack and our many commercial rivals stood aghast and wondered, our friends gave us yet
another order for a still longer ship, with still the same beam and power. The vessel was named the Persian;
she was 360 feet long, 34 feet beam, 24 feet 9 inches hold. More cargo was thus carried, at higher speed. It
was only a further development of the fish form of structure. Venice was an important port to call at. The
channel was difficult to navigate, and the Venetian class (270 feet long) was supposed to be the extreme
length that could be handled here. But what with the straight stem,by cutting the forefoot away, and by the
introduction of powerful steeringgear, worked amidships,the captain was able to navigate the Persian, 90
feet longer than the Venetian, with much less anxiety and inconvenience.
Until the building of the Persian, we had taken great pride in the modelling and finish of the old style of
cutwater and figurehead, with bowsprit and jibboom; but in urging the advantages of greater length of hull,
we were met by the fact of its being simply impossible in certain docks to swing vessels of any greater length
than those already constructed. Not to be beaten, we proposed to do away with all these overhanging
encumbrances, and to adopt a perpendicular stem. In this way the hull might be made so much longer; and
this was, I believe, the first occasion of its being adopted in this country in the case of an ocean steamer;
though the once celebrated Collins Line of paddle steamers had, I believe, such stems. The iron decks, iron
bulwarks, and iron rails, were all found very serviceable in our later vessels, there being no leaking, no
caulking of deckplanks or waterways, nor any consequent damaging of cargo. Having found it impossible to
combine satisfactorily wood with iron, each being so differently affected by temperature and moisture, I
secured some of these novelties of construction in a patent, by which filling in the spaces between frames,
with Portland cement, instead of chocks of wood, and covering the iron plates with cement and tiles, came
into practice, and this has since come into very general use.
The Tiber, already referred to, was 235 feet in length when first constructed by Read, of Glasgow, and was
then thought too long; but she was now placed in our hands to be lengthened 39 feet, as well as to have an
iron deck added, both of which greatly improved her. We also lengthened the Messrs. Bibby's Calpealso
built by Messrs. Thomson while I was thereby no less than 93 feet. The advantage of lengthening ships,
retaining the same beam and power, having become generally recognised, we were in trusted by the Cunard
Company to lengthen the Hecla, Olympus, Atlas, and Marathon, each by 63 feet. The Royal Consort P.S.,
which had been lengthened first at Liverpool, was again lengthened by us at Belfast.
The success of all this heavy work, executed for successful owners, put a sort of backbone into the Belfast
shipbuilding yard. While other concerns were slack, we were either lengthening or building steamers as well
as sailingships for firms in Liverpool, London, and Belfast. Many acres of ground were added to the works.
The Harbour Commissioners had now made a fine new gravingdock, and connected the Queen's Island with
the mainland. The yard, thus improved and extended, was surveyed by the Admiralty, and placed on the
firstclass list. We afterwards built for the Government the gun vessels Lynx and Algerine, as well as the
store and torpedo ship Hecla, of 3360 tons.
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The Suez Canal being now open, our friends the Messrs. Bibby gave us an order for three steamers of very
large tonnage, capable of being adapted for trade with the antipodes if necessary. In these new vessels there
was no retrograde step as regards length, for they were 390 feet keel by 37 feet beam, squarerigged on three
of the masts, with the yards for the first time fitted on travellers, as to enable them to be readily sent down;
thus forming a unique combination of big foreandaft sails, with handy square sails. These ships were
named the Istrian, Iberian, and Illyrian, and in 1868 they went to sea; soon after to be followed by three more
shipsthe Bavarian, Bohemian, and Bulgarianin most respects the same, though ten feet longer, with the
same beam. They were first placed in the Mediterranean trade, but were afterwards transferred to the
Liverpool and Boston trade, for cattle and emigrants. These, with three smaller steamers for the Spanish cattle
trade, and two larger steamers for other trades, made together twenty steamvessels constructed for the
Messrs. John Bibby, Sons, Co.; and it was a matter of congratulation that, after a great deal of heavy and
constant work, not one of them had exhibited the slightest indication of weakness,all continuing in
firstrate working order.
The speedy and economic working of the Belfast steamers, compared with those of the ordinary type, having
now become well known, a scheme was set on foot in 1869 for employing similar vessels, though of larger
size, for passenger and goods accommodation between England and America. Mr. T. H. Ismay,of Liverpool,
the spirited shipowner, then formed, in conjunction with the late Mr. G. H. Fletcher, the Oceanic Steam
Navigation Company, Limited; and we were commissioned by them to build six large Transatlantic steamers,
capable of carrying a heavy cargo of goods, as well as a full complement of cabin and steerage passengers,
between Liverpool and New York, at a speed equal, if not superior, to that of the Cunard and Inman lines.
The vessels were to be longer than any we had yet constructed, being 420 feet keel and 41 feet beam, with 32
feet hold.
This was a great opportunity, and we eagerly embraced it. The works were now up to the mark in point of
extent and appliances. The men in our employment were mostly of our own training: the foremen had been
promoted from the ranks; the manager, Mr. W. H. Wilson, and the head draughtsman, Mr. W. J. Pirrie (since
become partners), having, as pupils, worked up through all the departments, and ultimately won their
honourable and responsible positions by dint of merit onlyby character, perseverance, and ability. We were
therefore in a position to take up an important contract of this kind, and to work it out with heart and soul.
As everything in the way of saving of fuel was of firstrate importance, we devoted ourselves to that branch
of economic working. It was necessary that buoyancy or space should be left for cargo, at the same time that
increased speed should be secured, with as little consumption of coal as possible. The Messrs. Elder and Co.,
of Glasgow, had made great strides in this direction with the paddle steamengines which they had
constructed for the Pacific Company on the compound principle. They had also introduced them on some of
their screw steamers, with more or less success. Others were trying the same principle in various forms, by
the use of highpressure cylinders, and so on; the form of the boilers being varied according to
circumstances, for the proper economy of fuel. The first thing absolutely wanted was, perfectly reliable
information as to the actual state of the compound engine and boiler up to the date of our inquiry. To
ascertain the facts by experience, we dispatched Mr. Alexander Wilson, younger brother of the manager who
had been formerly a pupil of Messrs. Macnab and Co., of Greenock, and was thoroughly able for the
workto make a number of voyages in steam vessels fitted with the best examples of compound engines.
The result of this careful inquiry was the design of the machinery and boilers of the Oceanic and five
sisterships. They were constructed on the vertical overhead "tandem" type, with fivefeet stroke (at that
time thought excessive), oval singleended transverse boilers, with a working pressure of sixty pounds. We
contracted with Messrs. Maudslay, Sons, and Field, of London, for three of these sets, and with Messrs.
George Forrester and Co., of Liverpool, for the other three; and as we found we could build the six vessels in
the same time as the machinery was being constructed; and, as all this machinery had to be conveyed to
Belfast to be there fitted on board, whilst the vessels were being otherwise finished, we built a little
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screwsteamer, the Camel, of extra strength, with very big hatchways, to receive these large masses of iron;
and this, in course of time, was found to work with great advantage; until eventually we constructed our own
machinery.
We were most fortunate in the type of engine we had fixed upon, for it proved both economical and
serviceable in all ways; and, with but slight modifications, we repeated it in the many subsequent vessels
which we built for the White Star Company. Another feature of novelty in these vessels consisted in placing
the firstclass accommodation amidships, with the thirdclass aft and forward. In all previous ocean
steamers, the cabin passengers had been berthed near the stern, where the heaving motion of the vessel was
far greater than in the centre, and where that most disagreeable vibration inseparable from proximity to the
propeller was ever present. The unappetising smells from the galley were also avoided. And last, but not
least, a commodious smokingsaloon was fitted up amidships, contrasting most favourably with the scanty
accommodation provided in other vessels. The saloon, too, presented the novelty of extending the full width
of the vessel, and was lighted from each side. Electric bells were for the first time fitted on board ship. The
saloon and entire range of cabins were lighted by gas, made on board, though this has since given place to the
incandescent electric light. A fine promenade deck was provided over the saloon, which was accessible from
below in all weathers by the grand staircase.
These, and other arrangements, greatly promoted the comfort and convenience of the cabin passengers; while
those in the steerage found great improvements in convenience, sanitation, and accommodation. "Jack" had
his forecastle well ventilated and lighted, and a turtleback over his head when on deck, with winches to haul
for him, and a steamengine to work the wheel; while the engineers and firemen berthed as near their work as
possible, never needing to wet a jacket or miss a meal. In short, for the first time perhaps, oceanvoyaging,
even in the North Atlantic, was made not only less tedious and dreadful to all, but was rendered enjoyable
and even delightful to many. Before the Oceanic, the pioneer of the new line, was even launched, rival
companies had already consigned her to the deepest place in the ocean. Her first appearance in Liverpool was
therefore regarded with much interest. Mr. Ismay, during the construction of the vessel, took every pains to
suggest improvements and arrangements with a view to the comfort and convenience of the travelling public.
He accompanied the vessel on her first voyage to New York in March, 1871, under command of Captain,
now Sir Digby Murray, Brt. Although severe weather was experienced, the ship made a splendid voyage,
with a heavy cargo of goods and passengers. The Oceanic thus started the Transatlantic traffic of the
Company, with the houseflag of the White Star proudly flying on the main.
It may be mentioned that the speed of the Oceanic was at least a knot faster per hour than had been heretofore
accomplished across the Atlantic. The motion of the vessel was easy, without any indication of weakness or
straining, even in the heaviest weather. The only inducement to slow was when going head to it (which often
meant head through it), to avoid the inconvenience of shipping a heavy body of "green sea" on deck forward.
A turtleback was therefore provided to throw it off, which proved so satisfactory, as it had done on the
Holyhead and Kingstown boats, that all the subsequent vessels were similarly constructed. Thus, then, as
with the machinery, so was the hull of the Oceanic, a type of the succeeding vessels, which after intervals of a
few months took up their stations on the Transatlantic line.
Having often observed, when at sea in heavy weather, how the pitching of the vessel caused the weights on
the safetyvalves to act irregularly, thus letting puffs of steam escape at every heave, and as high pressure
steam was too valuable a commodity to be so wasted, we determined to try directacting spiral springs,
similar to those used in locomotives, in connection with the compound engine. But as no such experiment
was possible in any vessels requiring the Board of Trade certificate, the alternative of using the Camel as an
experimental vessel was adopted. The spiral springs were accordingly fitted upon the boiler of that vessel,
and with such a satisfactory result that the Board of Trade allowed the use of the same contrivance on all the
boilers of the Oceanic and every subsequent steamer, and the contrivance has now come into general use.
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It would be too tedious to mention in detail the other ships built for the White Star line. The Adriatic and
Celtic were made 17 feet 6 inches longer than the Oceanic, and a little sharper, being 437 feet 6 inches keel,
41 feet beam, and 32 feet hold. The success of the Company had been so great under the able management of
Ismay, Imrie and Co., and they had secured so large a share of the passengers and cargo, as well as of the
mails passing between Liverpool and New York, that it was found necessary to build two still larger and
faster vesselsthe Britannic and Germamic: these were 455 feet in length; 45 feet in beam; and of 5000
indicated horsepower. The Britannic was in the first instance constructed with the propeller fitted to work
below the line of keel when in deep water, by which means the "racing" of the engines was avoided. When
approaching shallow water, the propeller was raised by steampower to the ordinary position without any
necessity for stopping the engines during the operation. Although there was an increase of speed by this
means through the uniform revolutions of the machinery in the heaviest sea, yet there was an objectionable
amount of vibration at certain parts of the vessel, so that we found it necessary to return to the ordinary fixed
propeller, working in the line of direction of the vessel. Comfort at sea is of even more importance than
speed; and although we had succeeded in four small steamers working on the new principle, it was found
better to continue in the larger ships to resort to the established modes of propulsion. It may happen that at
some future period the new method may yet be adopted with complete success.
Meanwhile competition went on with other companies. Monopoly cannot exist between England and
America. Our plans were followed; and sharper boats and heavier power became the rule of the day. But
increase of horsepower of engines means increase of heating surface and largely increased boilers, when we
reach the vanishing point of profit, after which there is nothing left but speed and expense. It may be possible
to fill a ship with boilers, and to save a few hours in the passage from Liverpool to New York by a
tremendous expenditure of coal; but whether that will answer the purpose of any body of shareholders must
be left for the future to determine.
"Brute force" may be still further employed. It is quite possible that recent "large strides" towards a more
speedy transit across the Atlantic may have been made "in the dark."
The last ships we have constructed for Ismay, Imrie and Co. have been of comparatively moderate
dimensions and powerthe Arabic and Coptic, 430 feet long; and the Ionic and Boric, 440 feet long, all of
2700 indicated horsepower. These are large cargo steamers, with a moderate amount of saloon
accommodation, and a large space for emigrants. Some of these are now engaged in crossing the Pacific,
whilst others are engaged in the line from London to New Zealand; the latter being specially fitted up for
carrying frozen meat.
To return to the operations of the Belfast shipbuilding yard. A serious accident occurred in the autumn of
1867 to the mail paddlesteamer the Wolf, belonging to the Messrs. Burns, of Glasgow. When passing out of
the Lough, about eight miles from Belfast, she was run into by another steamer. She was cut down and sank,
and there she lay in about seven fathoms of water; the top of her funnel and masts being only visible at low
tide. She was in a dangerous position for all vessels navigating the entrance to the port, and it was necessary
that she should be removed, either by dynamite, gunpowder, or some other process. Divers were sent down to
examine the ship, and the injury done to her being found to be slight, the owners conferred with us as to the
possibility of lifting her and bringing her into port. Though such a process had never before been
accomplished, yet knowing her structure well, and finding that we might rely upon smooth water for about a
week or two in summer, we determined to do what we could to lift the sunken vessel to the surface.
We calculated the probable weight of the vessel, and had a number of airtanks expressly built for her
floatation. These were secured to the ship with chains and hooks, the latter being inserted through the side
lights in her sheer strake. Early in the following summer everything was ready. The airtanks were prepared
and rafted together. Powerful screws were attached to each chain, with handpumps for emptying the tanks,
together with a steam tender fitted with cooking appliances, berths and stores, for all hands engaged in the
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enterprise. We succeeded in attaching the hooks and chains by means of divers; the chains being ready coiled
on deck. But the weather, which before seemed to be settled, now gave way. No sooner had we got the pair of
big tanks secured to the after body, than a fierce northnortheasterly gale set in, and we had to run for it,
leaving the tanks partly filled, in order to lessen the strain on everything.
When the gale had settled, we returned again, and found that no harm had been done. The remainder of the
hooks were properly attached to the rest of the tanks, the chains were screwed tightly up, and the tanks were
pumped clear. Then the tide rose; and before high water we had the great satisfaction of getting the body of
the vessel under weigh, and towing her about a cable's length from her old bed. At each tide's work she was
lifted higher and higher, and towed into shallower water towards Belfast; until at length we had her, after
eight days, safely in the harbour, ready to enter the graving dock,not more ready, however, than we all
were for our beds, for we had neither undressed nor shaved during that anxious time. Indeed, our friends
scarcely recognised us on our return home.
The result of the enterprise was this. The clean cut made into the bow of the ship by the collision was soon
repaired. The crop of oysters with which she was incrusted gave place to the scraper and the paintbrush. The
Wolf came out of the dock to the satisfaction both of the owners and underwriters; and she was soon "ready
for the road," nothing the worse for her ten months' immersion.[2]
Meanwhile the building of new iron ships went on in the Queen's Island. We were employed by another
Liverpool Companythe British Shipowners' Company, Limitedto supply some large steamers. The
British Empire, of 3361 gross tonnage, was the same class of vessel as those of the White Star line, but fuller,
being intended for cargo. Though originally intended for the Eastern trade, this vessel was eventually placed
on the Liverpool and Philadelphia line; and her working proved so satisfactory that five more vessels were
ordered like her, which were chartered to the American Company.
The Liverpool agents, Messrs. Richardson, Spence, and Co., having purchased the Cunard steamer Russia,
sent her over to us to be lengthened 70 feet, and entirely refittedanother proof of the rapid change which
owners of merchant ships now found it necessary to adopt in view of the requirements of modern traffic.
Another Liverpool firm, the Messrs. T. and J. Brocklebank, of worldwide repute for their fine East
Indiamen, having given up building for themselves at their yard at Whitehaven, commissioned us to build for
them the Alexandria, and Baroda, which were shortly followed by the Candahar and Tenasserim. And
continuing to have a faith in the future of big iron sailing ships, they further employed us to build for them
two of yet greater tonnage, the Belfast and the Majestic.
Indeed, there is a future for sailing ships, notwithstanding the recent development of steam power. Sailing
ships can still hold their own, especially in the transport of heavy merchandise for great distances. They can
be built more cheaply than steamers; they can be worked more economically, because they require no
expenditure on coal, nor on wages of engineers; besides, the space occupied in steamers by machinery is
entirely occupied by merchandise, all of which pays its quota of freight. Another thing may be mentioned: the
telegraph enables the fact of the sailing of a vessel, with its cargo on board, to be communicated from
Calcutta or San Francisco to Liverpool, and from that moment the cargo becomes as marketable as if it were
on the spot. There are cases, indeed, where the freight by sailing ship is even greater than by steamer, as the
charge for warehousing at home is saved, and in the meantime the cargo while at sea is negotiable.
We have accordingly, during the last few years, built some of the largest iron and steel sailing ships that have
ever gone to sea. The aim has been to give them great carrying capacity and fair speed, with economy of
working; and the use of steel, both in the hull and the rigging, facilitates the attainment of these objects. In
1882 and 1883, we built and launched four of these steel and iron sailing shipsthe Waiter H. Wilson, the
W. J. Pirrie, the Fingal, and the Lord Wolseleyeach of nearly 3000 tons register, with four masts,the
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owners being Mr. Lawther, of Belfast; Mr. Martin, of Dublin; and the Irish Shipowners Company.
Besides these and other sailing ships, we have built for Messrs. Ismay, Imrie and Co. the Garfield, of 2347
registered tonnage; for Messrs. Thomas Dixon and Son, the Lord Downshire (2322); and for Messrs.
Bullock's Bay Line, the Bay of Panama (2365).
In 1880 we took in another piece of the land reclaimed by the Belfast Harbour Trust; and there, in close
proximity to the shipyard, we manufacture all the machinery required for the service of the steamers
constructed by our firm. In this way we are able to do everything "within ourselves"; and the whole land now
occupied by the works comprises about forty acres, with ten building slips suitable for the largest vessels.
It remains for me to mention a Belfast firm, which has done so much for the town. I mean the Messrs. J.P.
Corry and Co., who have always been amongst our best friends. We built for them their first iron sailing
vessel, the Jane Porter, in 1860, and since then they have never failed us. They successfully established their
"Star" line of sailing clippers from London to Calcutta, all of which were built here. They subsequently gave
us orders for yet larger vessels, in the Star of France and the Star of Italy. In all, we have built for that firm
eleven of their wellknown "Star" ships.
We have built five ships for the Asiatic Steam Navigation Company, Limited, each of from 1650 to 2059 tons
gross; and we are now building for them two ships, each of about 3000 tons gross. In 1883 we launched
thirteen iron and steel vessels, of a registered tonnage of over 30,000 tons. Out of eleven ships now building,
seven are of steel.
Such is a brief and summary account of the means by which we have been enabled to establish a new branch
of industry in Belfast. It has been accomplished simply by energy and hard work. We have been
wellsupported by the skilled labour of our artisans; we have been backed by the capital and the enterprise of
England; and we believe that if all true patriots would go and do likewise, there would be nothing to fear for
the prosperity and success of Ireland.
Footnotes for Chapter XI.
[1] Although Mr. Harland took no further steps with his lifeboat, the project seems well worthy of a fair trial.
We had lately the pleasure of seeing the model launched and tried on the lake behind Mr. Harland's residence
at Ormiston, near Belfast. The cylindrical lifeboat kept perfectly watertight, and though thrown into the
water in many different positionssometimes tumbled in on its prow, at other times on its back (the deck
being undermost), it invariably righted itself. The screws fore and aft worked well, and were capable of being
turned by human labour or by steam power. Now that such large freights of passengers are carried by
oceangoing ships, it would seem necessary that some such method should be adopted of preserving life at
sea; for ordinary lifeboats, which are so subject to destructive damage, are often of little use in fires or
shipwrecks, or other accidents on the ocean.
[2] A full account is given in the Illustrated London News of the 21st of October, 1868, with illustrations, of
the raising of the Wolf; and another, more scientific, is given in the Engineer of the 16th of October, of the
same year.
CHAPTER XII. ASTRONOMERS AND STUDENTS IN HUMBLE LIFE:
A NEW CHAPTER IN THE 'PURSUIT OF KNOWLEDGE UNDER DIFFICULTIES.'
"I first learnt to read when the masons were at work in your house. I approached them one day, and observed
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that the architect used a rule and compass, and that he made calculations.
I inquired what might be the meaning and use of these things, and I was informed that there was a science
called Arithmetic. I purchased a book of arithmetic, and I learned it. I was told there was another science
called Geometry; I bought the necessary books, and I learned Geometry. By reading, I found there were good
books in these two sciences in Latin; I bought a dictionary, and I learned Latin. I understood, also, that there
were good books of the same kind in French; I bought a dictionary, and I learned French. It seems to me that
one does not need to know anything more than the twentyfour letters to learn everything else that one
wishes."Edmund Stone to the Duke of Argyll. ('Pursuit of Knowledge under Difficulties.')
"The British Census proper reckons twentyseven and a half million in the home countries. What makes this
census important is the quality of the units that compose it. They are free forcible men, in a country where
life is safe, and has reached the greatest value. They give the bias to the current age; and that not by chance or
by mass, but by their character, and by the number of individuals among them of personal
ability."Emerson: English Traits.
From Belfast to the Highlands of Scotland is an easy route by steamers and railways. While at Birnam, near
Dunkeld, I was reminded of some remarkable characters in the neighbourhood. After the publication of the
'Scotch Naturalist' and 'Robert Dick,' I received numerous letters informing me of many selftaught botanists
and students of nature, quite as interesting as the subjects of my memoirs. Among others, there was John
Duncan, the botanist weaver of Aberdeen, whose interesting life has since been done justice to by Mr. Jolly;
and John Sim of Perth, first a shepherd boy, then a soldier, and towards the close of his life a poet and a
botanist, whose life, I was told, was "as interesting as a romance."
There was also Alexander Croall, Custodian of the Smith Institute at Stirling, an admirable naturalist and
botanist. He was originally a hardworking parish schoolmaster, near Montrose. During his holiday
wanderings he collected plants for his extensive herbarium. His accomplishments having come under the
notice of the late Sir William Hooker, he was selected by that gentleman to prepare sets of the Plants of
Braemar for the Queen and Prince Albert, which he did to their entire satisfaction. He gave up his
schoolmastership for an illpaid but more congenial occupation, that of Librarian to the Derby Museum and
Herbarium. Some years ago, he was appointed to his present position of Custodian to the Smith
Instituteperhaps the best provincial museum and art gallery in Scotland.
I could not, however, enter into the history of these remarkable persons; though I understand there is a
probability of Mr. Croall giving his scientific recollections to the world. He has already brought out a
beautiful work, in four volumes, 'British Seaweeds, Natureprinted;' and anything connected with his
biography will be looked forward to with interest.
Among the other persons brought to my notice, years ago, were Astronomers in humble life. For instance, I
received a letter from John Grierson, keeper of the Girdleness Lighthouse, near Aberdeen, mentioning one of
these persons as "an extraordinary character." "William Ballingall," he said, "is a weaver in the town of
Lower Largo, Fifeshire; and from his early days he has made astronomy the subject of passionate study. I
used to spend my school vacation at Largo, and have frequently heard him expound upon his favourite
subject. I believe that very high opinions have been expressed by scientific gentlemen regarding Ballingall's
attainments. They were no doubt surprised that an individual with but a very limited amount of education,
and whose hours of labour were from five in the morning until ten or eleven at night, should be able to
acquire so much knowledge on so profound a subject. Had he possessed a fair amount of education, and an
assortment of scientific instruments and books, the world would have heard more about him. Should you ever
find yourself," my correspondent concludes, "in his neighbourhood, and have a few hours to spare, you
would have no reason to regret the time spent in his company." I could not, however, arrange to pay the
proposed visit to Largo; but I found that I could, without inconvenience, visit another astronomer in the
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neighbourhood of Dunkeld.
In January 1879 I received a letter from Sheriff Barclay, of Perth, to the following effect: "Knowing the deep
interest you take in genius and merit in humble ranks, I beg to state to you an extraordinary case. John
Robertson is a railway porter at Coupar Angus station. From early youth he has made the heavens his study.
Night after night he looks above, and from his small earnings he has provided himself with a telescope which
cost him about 30L. He sends notices of his observations to the scientific journals, under the modest initials
of 'J.R.' He is a great favourite with the public; and it is said that he has made some observations in celestial
phenomena not before noticed. It does occur to me that he should have a wider field for his favourite study.
In connection with an observatory, his services would be invaluable."
Nearly five years had elapsed since the receipt of this letter, and I had done nothing to put myself in
communication with the Coupar Angus astronomer. Strange to say, his existence was again recalled to my
notice by Professor Grainger Stewart, of Edinburgh. He said that if I was in the neighbourhood I ought to call
upon him, and that he would receive me kindly. His duty, he said, was to act as porter at the station, and to
shout the name of the place as the trains passed. I wrote to John Robertson accordingly, and received a reply
stating that he would be glad to see me, and inclosing a photograph, in which I recognised a good, honest,
sensible face, with his person inclosed in the usual station porter's garb, "C.R. 1446."
I started from Dunkeld, and reached Coupar Angus in due time. As I approached the station, I heard the
porter calling out, "Coupar Angus! change here for Blairgowrie!"[1] It was the voice of John Robertson.
I descended from the train, and addressed him at once: after the photograph there could be no mistaking him.
An arrangement for a meeting was made, and he called upon me in the evening. I invited him to such
hospitality as the inn afforded; but he would have nothing. "I am much obliged to you," he said; "but it
always does me harm." I knew at once what the "it" meant. Then he invited me to his house in Causewayend
Street. I found his cottage clean and comfortable, presided over by an evidently clever wife. He took me into
his sittingroom, where I inspected his drawings of the sunspots, made in colour on a large scale. In all his
statements he was perfectly modest and unpretending. The following is his story, so far as I can recollect, in
his own words:
"Yes; I certainly take a great interest in astronomy, but I have done nothing in it worthy of notice. I am
scarcely worthy to be called a day labourer in the science. I am very well known hereabouts, especially to the
travelling public; but I must say that they think a great deal more of me than I deserve.
"What made me first devote my attention to the subject of astronomy? Well, if I can trace it to one thing more
than another, it was to some evening lectures delivered by the late Dr. Dick, of Broughty Ferry, to the men
employed at the Craigs' Bleachfield Works, near Montrose, where I then worked, about the year l848. Dr.
Dick was an excellent lecturer, and I listened to him with attention. His instructions were fully impressed
upon our minds by Mr. Cooper, the teacher of the evening school, which I attended. After giving the young
lads employed at the works their lessons in arithmetic, he would come out with us into the nightand it was
generally late when we separatedand show us the principal constellations, and the planets above the
horizon. It was a wonderful sight; yet we were told that these hundreds upon hundreds of stars, as far as the
eye could see, were but a mere vestige of the creation amidst which we lived. I got to know the names of
some of the constellations the Greater Bear, with 'the pointers' which pointed to the Pole Star, Orion with his
belt, the Twins, the Pleiades, and other prominent objects in the heavens. It was a source of constant wonder
and surprise.
"When I left the Bleachfield Works, I went to Inverury, to the North of Scotland Railway, which was then in
course of formation; and for many years, being immersed in work, I thought comparatively little of
astronomy. It remained, however, a pleasant memory. It was only after coming to this neighbourhood in
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1854, when the railway to Blairgowrie was under construction, that I began to read up a little, during my
leisure hours, on the subject of astronomy. I got married the year after, since which time I have lived in this
house.
"I became a member of a readingroom club, and read all the works of Dr. Dick that the library contained:
his 'Treatise on the Solar System,' his 'Practical Astronomer,' and other works. There were also some very
good popular works to which I was indebted for amusement as well as instruction: Chambers's 'Information
for the People,' Cassell's ' Popular Educator,' and a very interesting series of articles in the 'Leisure Hour,' by
Edwin Dunkin of the Royal Observatory, Greenwich. These last papers were accompanied by maps of the
chief constellations, so that I had a renewed opportunity of becoming a little better acquainted with the
geography of the heavens.
"I began to have a wish for a telescope, by means of which I might be able to see a little more than with my
naked eyes. But I found that I could not get anything of much use, short of 20L. I could not for a long time
feel justified in spending so much money for my own personal enjoyment. My children were then young and
dependent upon me. They required to attend schoolfor education is a thing that parents must not neglect,
with a view to the future. However, about the year 1875, my attention was called to a cheap instrument
advertised by Solomonwhat he called his '5L. telescope.' I purchased one, and it tantalised me; for the
power of the instrument was such as to teach me nothing of the surface of the planets. After using it for about
two years, I sold it to a student, and then found that I had accumulated enough savings to enable me to buy
my present instrument. Will you come into the next room and look at it?"
I went accordingly into the adjoining room, and looked at the new telescope. It was taken from its case, put
upon its tripod, and looked in beautiful condition. It is a refractor, made by Cooke and Sons of York. The
object glass is three inches; the focal length fortythree inches; and the telescope, when drawn out, with the
pancratic eyepiece attached, is about four feet. It was made after Mr. Robertson's directions, and is a sort of
combination of instruments.
"Even that instrument," he proceeded, "good as it is for the money, tantalises me yet. A look through a fixed
equatorial, such as every large observatory is furnished with is a glorious view. I shall never forget the sight
that I got when at Dunecht Observatory, to which I was invited through the kindness of Dr. Copeland, the
Earl of Crawford and Balcarres' principal astronomer.
"You ask me what I have done in astronomical research? I am sorry to say I have been able to do little except
to gratify my own curiosity; and even then, as I say, I have been much tantalised. I have watched the spots on
the sun from day to day through obscured glasses, since the year 1878, and made many drawings of them.
Mr. Rand Capron, the astronomer, of Guildown, Guildford, desired to see these drawings, and after
expressing his satisfaction with them, he sent them to Mr. Christie, Astronomer Royal, Greenwich. Although
photographs of the solar surface were preferred, Mr. Capron thought that my sketches might supply gaps in
the partially cloudy days, as well as details which might not appear on the photographic plates. I received a
very kind letter from Mr. Christie, in which he said that it would be very difficult to make the results obtained
from drawings, however accurate, at all comparable with those derived from photographs; especially as
regards the accurate size of the spots as compared with the diameter of the sun. And no doubt he is right.
"What, do I suppose, is the cause of these spots in the sun? Well, that is a very difficult question to answer.
Changes are constantly going on at the sun's surface, or, I may rather say, in the sun's interior, and making
themselves apparent at the surface. Sometimes they go on with enormous activity; at other times they are
more quiet. They recur alternately in periods of seven or eight weeks, while these again are also subject to a
period of about eleven yearsthat is, the short recurring outbursts go on for some years, when they attain a
maximum, from which they go on decreasing. I may say that we are now (August 1883) at, or very near, a
maximum epoch. There is no doubt that this period has an intimate connection with our auroral displays; but
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I don't think that the influence sunspots have on light or heat is perceptible. Whatever influence they possess
would be felt alike on the whole terrestrial globe. We have wet, dry, cold, and warm years, but they are never
general. The kind of season which prevails in one country is often quite reversed in another perhaps in the
adjacent one. Not so with our auroral displays. They are universal on both sides of the globe; and from pole
to pole the magnetic needle trembles during their continuance. Some authorities are of opinion that these
elevenyear cycles are subject to a larger cycle, but sunspot observations have not existed long enough to
determine this point. For myself, I have a great difficulty in forming an opinion. I have very little doubt that
the spots are depressions on the surface of the sun. This is more apparent when the spot is on the limb. I have
often seen the edge very rugged and uneven when groups of large spots were about to come round on the east
side. I have communicated some of my observations to 'The Observatory,' the monthly review of astronomy,
edited by Mr. Christie, now Astronomer Royal,[2] as well as to The Scotsmam, and some of our local
papers.[3]
"I have also taken up the observation of variable stars in a limited portion of the heavens. That, and 'hunting
for comets' is about all the real astronomical work that an amateur can do nowadays in our climate, with a
threeinch telescope. I am greatly indebted to the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres, who regularly sends me
circulars of all astronomical discoveries, both in this and foreign countries. I will give an instance of the
usefulness of these circulars. On the morning of the 4th of October, 1880, a comet was discovered by
Hartwig, of Strasburg, in the constellation of Corona. He telegraphed it to Dunecht Observatory, fifteen miles
from Aberdeen. The circulars announcing the discovery were printed and despatched by post to various
astronomers. My circular reached me by 7 P.M., and, the night being favourable, I directed my telescope
upon the part of the heavens indicated, and found the comet almost at oncethat is, within fifteen hours of
the date of its discovery at Strasburg.
"In April, 1878, a large meteor was observed in broad daylight, passing from south to north, and falling it was
supposed, about twenty miles south of Ballater. Mr. A. S. Herschel, Professor of Physics in the College of
Science, 'NewcastleonTyne, published a letter in The Scotsmam, intimating his desire to be informed of
the particulars of the meteor's flight by those who had seen it. As I was one of those who had observed the
splendid meteor flash northwards almost under the face of the bright sun (at 10.25 A.M), I sent the Professor
a full account of what I had seen, for which he professed his strong obligations. This led to a very pleasant
correspondence with Professor Herschel. After this, I devoted considerable attention to meteors, and sent
many contributions to 'The Observatory' on the subject.[4]
"You ask me what are the hours at which I make my observations? I am due at the railway station at six in the
morning, and I leave at six in the evening; but I have two hours during the day for meals and rest. Sometimes
I get a glance at the heavens in the winter mornings when the sky is clear, hunting for comets. My
observations on the sun are usually made twice a day during my meal hours, or in the early morning or late at
evening in summer, while the sun is visible. Yes, you are right; I try and make the best use of my time. It is
much too short for all that I propose to do. My evenings are my own. When the heavens are clear, I watch
them; when obscured, there are my books and letters.
"Dr. Alexander Brown, of Arbroath, is one of my correspondents. I have sent him my drawings of the rings
of Saturn, of Jupiter's belt and satellites. Dr. Ralph Copeland, of Dunecht, is also a very good friend and
adviser. Occasionally, too, I send accounts of solar disturbances, comet a within sight, eclipses, and
occultations, to the Scotsman, the Dundee Evening Telegraph and Evening News, or to the Blairgowrie
Advertiser. Besides, I am the local observer of meteorology, and communicate regularly with Mr. Symons.
These things entirely fill up my time.
"Do I intend always to remain a railway porter? Oh, yes; I am very comfortable! The company are very kind
to me, and I hope I serve them faithfully. It is true Sheriff Barclay has, without my knowledge, recommended
me to several wellknown astronomers as an observer. But at my time of life changes are not to be desired. I
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am quite satisfied to go on as I am doing. My young people are growing up, and are willing to work for
themselves. But come, sir," he concluded, "come into the garden, and look at the moon through my
telescope."
We went into the garden accordingly, but a cloud was over the moon, and we could not see it. At the top of
the garden was the selfregistering barometer, the pitcher to measure the rainfall, and the other apparatus
necessary to enable the "Diagram of barometer, thermometer, rain, and wind" to be conducted, so far as
Coupar Angus is concerned. This Mr. Robertson has done for four years past. As the hour was late, and as I
knew that my entertainer must be up by six next morning, I took my leave.
A man's character often exhibits itself in his amusements. One must have a high respect for the character of
John Robertson, who looks at the manner in which he spends his spare time. His astronomical work is
altogether a labour of love. It is his hobby; and the working man may have his hobby as well as the rich. In
his case he is never less idle than when idle. Some may think that he is casting his bread upon the waters, and
that he may find it after many days. But it is not with this object that he carries on his leisurehour pursuits.
Some have tried sheriff Barclay among others[5]to obtain appointments for him in connection with
astronomical observation; others to secure advancement for him in his own line. But he is a man who is
satisfied with his lotone of the rarest things on earth. Perhaps it is by looking so much up to the heavens
that he has been enabled to obtain his portion of contentment.
Next morning I found him busy at the station, making arrangements for the departure of the passenger train
for Perth, and evidently upon the best of terms with everybody. And here I leave John Robertson, the
contented Coupar Angus astronomer.
Some years ago I received from my friend Mr. Nasmyth a letter of introduction to the late Mr. Cooke of
York, while the latter was still living. I did not present it at the time; but I now proposed to visit, on my return
homewards, the establishment which he had founded at York for the manufacture of telescopes and other
optical instruments. Indeed, what a man may do for himself as well as for science, cannot be better illustrated
than by the life of this remarkable man.
Mr. Nasmyth says that he had an account from Cooke himself of his small beginnings. He was originally a
shoemaker in a small country village. Many a man has risen to distinction from a shoemaker's seat. Bulwer,
in his 'What will He do with It?' has discussed the difference between shoemakers and tailors. "The one is
thrown upon his own resources, the other works in the company of his fellows: the one thinks, the other
communicates.
Cooke was a man of natural ability, and he made the best use of his powers. Opportunity, sooner or later,
comes to nearly all who work and wait, and are duly persevering. Shoemaking was not found very
productive; and Cooke, being fairly educated as well as selfeducated, opened a village school. He succeeded
tolerably well. He taught himself geometry and mathematics, and daily application made him more perfect in
his studies. In course of time an extraordinary ambition took possession of him: no less than the construction
of a reflecting telescope of six inches diameter. The idea would not let him rest until he had accomplished his
purpose. He cast and polished the speculum with great labour; but just as he was about to finish it, the casting
broke! What was to be done? About onefifth had broken away, but still there remained a large piece, which
he proceeded to grind down to a proper diameter. His perseverance was rewarded by the possession of a 3 1/2
inch speculum, which by his rare skill he worked into a reflecting telescope of very good quality.
He was, however, so much annoyed by the treacherously brittle nature of the speculum metal that he
abandoned its use, and betook himself to glass. He found that before he could make a good achromatic
telescope it was necessary that he should calculate his curves from data depending upon the nature of the
glass. He accordingly proceeded to study the optical laws of refraction, in which his knowledge of geometry
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and mathematics greatly helped him. And in course of time, by his rare and exquisite manipulative skill, he
succeeded in constructing a fourinch refractor, or achromatic telescope, of admirable defining power.
The excellence of his first works became noised abroad. Astronomical observers took an interest in him; and
friends began to gather round him, amongst others the late Professor Phillips and the Rev. Vernon Harcourt,
Dean of York. Cooke received an order for a telescope like his own; then he received other orders. At last he
gave up teaching, and took to telescope making. He advanced step by step; and like a practical, thoughtful
man, he invented special tools and machinery for the purpose of grinding and polishing his glasses. He
opened a shop in York, and established himself as a professed maker of telescopes. He added to this the
business of a general optician, his wife attending to the sale in the shop, while he himself attended to the
workshop.
Such was the excellence of his work that the demand for his telescopes largely increased. They were not only
better manufactured, but greatly cheaper than those which had before been in common use. Three of the
London makers had before possessed a monopoly of the business; but now the trade was thrown open by the
enterprise of Cooke of York. He proceeded to erect a complete factorythe Buckingham Street works. His
brother took charge of the grinding and polishing of the lenses, while his sons attended to the mechanism of
the workshop; but Cooke himself was the master spirit of the whole concern. Everything that he did was good
and accurate. His clocks were about the best that could be made. He carried out his clockmaking business
with the same zeal that he devoted to the perfection of his achromatic telescopes. His work was always
firstrate. There was no scamping about it. Everything that he did was thoroughly good and honest. His 4
1/4inch equatorials are perfect gems; and his admirable achromatics, many of them of the largest class, are
known all over the world. Altogether, Thomas Cooke was a remarkable instance of the power of SelfHelp.
Such was the story of his Life, as communicated by Mr. Nasmyth. I was afterwards enabled, through the kind
assistance of his widow, Mrs. Cooke, whom I saw at Saltburn, in Yorkshire, to add a few particulars to his
biography.
"My husband," she said, "was the son of a working shoemaker at Pocklington, in the East Riding. He was
born in 1807. His father's circumstances were so straitened that he was not able to do much for him; but he
sent him to the National school, where he received some education. He remained there for about two years,
and then he was put to his father's trade. But he greatly disliked shoemaking, and longed to get away from it.
He liked the sun, the sky, and the open air. He was eager to be a sailor, and, having heard of the voyages of
Captain Cook, he wished to go to sea. He spent his spare hours in learning navigation, that he might be a
good seaman. But when he was ready to set out for Hull, the entreaties and tears of his mother prevailed on
him to give up the project; and then he had to consider what he should do to maintain himself at home.
"He proceeded with his selfeducation, and with such small aids as he could procure, he gathered together a
good deal of knowledge. He thought that he might be able to teach others. Everybody liked him, for his
diligence, his application, and his good sense. At the age of seventeen he was employed to teach the sons of
the neighbouring farmers. He succeeded so well that in the following year he opened a village school at
Beilby. He went on educating himself, and learnt a little of everything. He next removed his school to
Kirpenbeck, near Stamford Bridge; and it was there," proceeded Mrs. Cooke, "that I got to know him, for I
was one of his pupils."
"He first learned mathematics by buying an old volume at a bookstall, with a spare shilling. That was before
he began to teach. He also got odd sheets, and read other books about geometry and mathematics, before he
could buy them; for he had very little to spare. He studied and learnt as much as he could.
He was very anxious to get an insight into knowledge. He studied optics before he had any teaching. Then he
tried to turn his knowledge to account. While at Kirpenbeck he made his first objectglass out of a thick
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tumbler bottom. He ground the glass cleverly by hand; then he got a piece of tin and soldered it together, and
mounted the objectglass in it so as to form a telescope.
"He next got a situation at the Rev. Mr. Shapkley's school in Micklegate, York, where he taught mathematics.
He also taught in ladies' schools in the city, and did what he could to make a little income. Our intimacy had
increased, and we had arranged to get married. He was twentyfour, and I was nineteen, when we were
happily united. I was then his pupil for life.
"Professor Phillips saw his first telescope, with the objectglass made out of the thick tumbler bottom, and he
was so much pleased with it that my husband made it over to him. But he also got an order for another, from
Mr. Gray, solicitor, more by way of encouragement than because Mr. Gray wanted it, for he was a most kind
man. The objectglass was of fourinch aperture, and when mounted the defining power was found
excellent. My husband was so successful with his telescopes that he went on from smaller to greater, and at
length he began to think of devoting himself to optics altogether. His knowledge of mathematics had led him
on, and friends were always ready to encourage him in his pursuits.
"During this time he had continued his teaching at the school in the daytime; and he also taught on his own
account the sons of gentlemen in the evening: amongst others the sons of Dr. Wake and Dr. Belcomb, both
medical men. He was only making about 100L. a year, and his family was increasing. It was necessary to be
very economical, and I was careful of everything. At length my uncle Milner agreed to advance about 100L.
as a loan. A shop was taken in Stonegate in 1836, and provided with optical instruments. I attended to the
shop, while my husband worked in the back premises. To bring in a little ready money, I also took in lodgers.
"My husband now devoted himself entirely to telescope making and optics. But he took in other work. His
pumps were considered excellent; and he furnished all those used at the pumproom, Harrogate. His clocks,
telescopedriving[6] and others, were of the best. He commenced turretclock making in 1852, and made
many improvements in them. We had by that time removed to Coney Street; and in 1855 the Buckingham
Works were established, where a large number of firstrate workmen were employed. A place was also taken
in Southampton Street, London, in 1868, for the sale of the instruments manufactured at York."
Thus far Mrs. Cooke. It may be added that Thomas Cooke revived the art of making refracting telescopes in
England. Since the discovery by Dollond, in 1758, of the relation between the refractive and dispersive
powers of different kinds of glass, and the invention by that distinguished optician of the achromatic
telescope, the manufacture of that instrument had been confined to England, where the best flint glass was
made. But through the shortsighted policy of the Government, an exorbitant duty was placed upon the
manufacture of flint glass, and the English trade was almost entirely stamped out. We had accordingly to look
to foreign countries for the further improvement of the achromatic telescope, which Dollond had so much
advanced.
A humble mechanic of Brenetz, in the Canton of Neufchatel, Switzerland, named Guinaud, having directed
his attention to the manufacture of flint glass towards the close of last century, at length succeeded, after
persevering efforts, in producing masses of that substance perfectly free from stain, and therefore adapted for
the construction of the objectglasses of telescopes.
Frauenhofer, the Bavarian optician, having just begun business, heard of the wonderful success of Guinaud,
and induced the Swiss mechanic to leave Brenetz and enter into partnership with him at Munich in 1805.
The result was perfectly successful; and the new firm turned out some of the largest objectglasses which had
until then been made. With one of these instruments, having an aperture of 9.9 inches, Struve, the Russian
astronomer, made some of his greatest discoveries. Frauenhofer was succeeded by Merz and Mahler, who
carried out his views, and turned out the famous refractors of Pulkowa Observatory in Russia, and of Harvard
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University in the United States. These last two telescopes contained objectglasses of fifteen inches aperture.
The pernicious impost upon flint glass having at length been removed by the English Government, an
opportunity was afforded to our native opticians to recover the supremacy which they had so long lost. It is to
Thomas Cooke, more than to any other person, that we owe the recovery of this manufacture. Mr. Lockyer,
writing in 1878, says: "The two largest and most perfectly mounted refractors on the German form at present
in existence are those at Gateshead and Washington, U.S. The former belongs to Mr. Newall, a gentleman
who, connected with those who were among the first to recognise the genius of our great English optician,
Cooke, did not hesitate to risk thousands of pounds in one great experiment, the success of which will have a
most important bearing upon the astronomy of the future."[7]
The progress which Mr. Cooke made in his enterprise was slow but steady. Shortly after he began business as
an optician, he became dissatisfied with the method of handpolishing, and made arrangements to polish the
objectglasses by machinery worked by steam power. By this means he secured perfect accuracy of figure.
He was also able to turn out a large quantity of glasses, so as to furnish astronomers in all parts of the world
with telescopes of admirable defining power, at a comparatively moderate price. In all his works he
endeavoured to introduce simplicity. He left his mark on nearly every astronomical instrument. He found the
equatorial comparatively clumsy; he left it nearly perfect. His beautiful "dividing machine," for marking
divisions on the circles, four feet in diameter and altogether selfactingwhich divides to five minutes and
reads off to five seconds is not the least of his triumphs.
The following are some of his more important achromatic telescopes. In 1850, when he had been fourteen
years in business, he furnished his earliest patron, Professor Phillips, with an equatorial telescope of 6 1/4
inches aperture. His second (of 6 1/8) was supplied two years later, to James Wigglesworth of Wakefield.
William Gray, Solicitor, of York, one of his earliest friends, bought a 6 1/2inch telescope in 1853. In the
following year, Professor Pritchard of Oxford was supplied with a 6 1/2inch. The other important
instruments were as follows: in 1854, Dr. Fisher, Liverpool, 6 inches; in 1855, H. L. Patterson, Gateshead, 7
1/4 inches; in 1858, J. G. Barclay, Layton, Essex, 7 1/4 inches; in 1857, Isaac Fletcher, Cockermouth, 9 1/4
inches; in l858, Sir W. Keith Murray, Ochtertyre, Crieff, 9 inches; in 1859, Captain Jacob, 9 inches; in 1860,
James Nasmyth, Penshurst, 8 inches; in 1861, another telescope to J. G. Barclay, 10 inches; in 1864, the Rev.
W. R. Dawes, Haddenham, Berks, 8 inches; and in 1867, Edward Crossley, Bermerside, Halifax, 9 3/8
inches.
In 1855 Mr. Cooke obtained a silver medal at the first Paris Exhibition for a sixinch equatorial telescope.[8]
This was the highest prize awarded. A few years later he was invited to Osborne by the late Prince Albert, to
discuss with his Royal Highness the particulars of an equatorial mounting with a clock movement, for which
he subsequently received the order. On its completion he superintended the erection of the telescope, and had
the honour of directing it to several of the celestial objects for the Queen and the Princess Alice, and
answered their many interesting questions as to the stars and planets within sight.
Mr. Cooke was put to his mettle towards the close of his life. A contest had long prevailed among telescope
makers as to who should turn out the largest refracting instrument. The two telescopes of fifteen inches
aperture, prepared by Merz and Mahler, of Munich, were the largest then in existence. Their size was thought
quite extraordinary. But in 1846, Mr. Alvan Clark, of Cambridgeport, Massachusetts, U.S., spent his leisure
hour's in constructing small telescopes.[9] He was not an optician, nor a mathematician, but a portrait painter.
He possessed, however, enough knowledge of optics and of mechanics, to enable him to make and judge a
telescope. He spent some ten years in grinding lenses, and was at length enabled to produce objectives equal
in quality to any ever made.
In 1853, the Rev. W. E. Dawesone of Mr. Cooke's customers purchased an objectglass from Mr.
Clark. It was so satisfactory that he ordered several others, and finally an entire telescope. The American
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artist then began to be appreciated in his own country. In 1860 he received an order for a refractor of eighteen
inches aperture, three inches greater than the largest which had up to that time been made. This telescope was
intended for the Observatory of Mississippi; but the Civil War prevented its being removed to the South; and
the telescope was sold to the Astronomical Society of Chicago and mounted in the Observatory of that city.
And now comes in the rivalry of Mr. Cooke of York, or rather of his patron, Mr. Newall of Gateshead. At the
Great Exhibition of London, in 1862, two large circular blocks of glass, about two inches thick and
twentysix inches in diameter, were shown by the manufacturers, Messrs. Chance of Birmingham. These
discs were found to be of perfect quality, and suitable for objectglasses of the best kind. At the close of the
Exhibition, they were purchased by Mr. Newall, and transferred to the workshops of Messrs. Cooke and Sons
at York. To grind and polish and mount these discs was found a work of great labour and difficulty. Mr.
Lockyer says, "such an achievement marks an epoch in telescopic astronomy, and the skill of Mr. Cooke and
the munificence of Mr. Newall will long be remembered."
When finished, the objectglass had an aperture of nearly twentyfive inches, and was of much greater
power than the eighteeninch Chicago instrument. The length of the tube was about thirtytwo feet. The
castiron pillar supporting the whole was nineteen feet in height from the ground, and the weight of the
whole instrument was about six tons. In preparing this telescope, nearly everything, from its extraordinary
size, had to be specially arranged.[10] The great anxiety involved in these arrangements, and the constant
study and application told heavily upon Mr. Cooke, and though the instrument wanted only a few touches to
make it complete, his health broke down, and he died on the l9th of October, 1868, at the comparatively early
age of sixtytwo.
Mr. Cooke's death was felt, in a measure, to be a national loss. His science and skill had restored to England
the prominent position she had held in the time of Dollond; and, had he lived, even more might have been
expected from him. We believe that the Gold Medal and Fellowship of the Royal Society were waiting for
him; but, as one of his friends said to his widow, "neither worth nor talent avails when the great ordeal is
presented to us." In a letter from Professor Pritchard, he said: "Your husband has left his mark upon his age.
No optician of modern times has gained a higher reputation; and I for one do not hesitate to call his loss
national; for he cannot be replaced at present by any one else in his own peculiar line. I shall carry the
recollection of the affectionate esteem in which I held Thomas Cooke with me to my grave. Alas! that he
should be cut off just at the moment when he was about to reap the rewards due to his unrivalled excellence. I
have said that F.R.S. and medals were to be his. But he is, we fondly trust, in a better and higher state than
that of earthly distinction. Best assured, your husband's name must ever be associated with the really great
men of his day. Those who knew him will ever cherish his memory."
Mr. Cooke left behind him the great works which he founded in Buckingham Street, York. They still give
employment to a large number of skilled and intelligent artizans. There I found many important works in
progress,the manufacture of theodolites, of prismatic compasses (for surveying), of Bolton's range finder,
and of telescopes above all. In the factory yard was the commencement of the Observatory for Greenwich, to
contain the late Mr. Lassell's splendid two feet Newtonian reflecting telescope, which has been presented to
the nation. Mr. Cooke's spirit still haunts the works, which are carried on with the skill, the vigour, and the
perseverance, transmitted by him to his sons.
While at York, I was informed by Mr. Wigglesworth, the partner of Messrs. Cooke, of an energetic young
astronomer at Bainbridge, in the mountaindistrict of Yorkshire, who had not only been able to make a
telescope of his own, but was an excellent photographer. He was not yet thirty years of age, but had
encountered and conquered many difficulties. This is a sort of character which is more often to be met with in
remote country places than in thicklypeopled cities. In the country a man is more of an individual; in a city
he is only one of a multitude. The country boy has to rely upon himself, and has to work in comparative
solitude, while the city boy is distracted by excitements. Life in the country is full of practical teachings;
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whereas life in the city may be degraded by frivolities and pleasures, which are too often the foes of work.
Hence we have usually to go to outoftheway corners of the country for our hardest brainworkers.
Contact with the earth is a great restorer of power; and it is to the country folks that we must ever look for the
recuperative power of the nation as regards health, vigour, and manliness.
Bainbridge is a remote country village, situated among the high lands or Fells on the northwestern border of
Yorkshire. The mountains there send out great projecting buttresses into the dales; and the waters rush down
from the hills, and form waterfalls or Forces, which Turner has done so much to illustrate. The river Bain
runs into the Yore at Bainbridge, which is supposed to be the site of an old Roman station. Over the door of
the Grammar School is a mermaid, said to have been found in a camp on the top of Addleborough, a
remarkable limestone hill which rises to the southeast of Bainbridge. It is in this grammarschool that we
find the subject of this little autobiography. He must be allowed to tell the story of his lifewhich he
describes as ' Work: Good, Bad, and Indifferent' in his own words:
"I was born on November 20th, 1853. In my childhood I suffered from illhealth. My parents let me play
about in the open air, and did not put me to school until I had turned my sixth year. One day, playing in the
shoemaker's shop, William Farrel asked me if I knew my letters. I answered 'No.' He then took down a primer
from a shelf, and began to teach me the alphabet, at the same time amusing me by likening the letters to
familiar objects in his shop. I soon learned to read, and in about six weeks I surprised my father by reading
from an easy book which the shoemaker had given me.
"My father then took me into the school, of which he was master, and my education may be said fairly to
have begun. My progress, however, was very slow partly owing to illhealth, but more, I must acknowledge,
to carelessness and inattention. In fact, during the first four years I was at school, I learnt very little of
anything, with the exception of reciting verses, which I seemed to learn without any mental effort. My
memory became very retentive. I found that by attentively reading half a page of print, or more, from any of
the schoolbooks, I could repeat the whole of it without missing a word. I can scarcely explain how I did it;
but I think it was by paying strict attention to the words as words, and forming a mental picture of the
paragraphs as they were grouped in the book. Certain, I am, that their sense never made much impression on
me, for, when questioned by the teacher, I was always sent to the bottom of the class, though apparently I had
learned my exercise to perfection.
"When I was twelve years old, I made the acquaintance of a very ingenious boy, who came to our school.
Samuel Bridge was a born mechanic. Though only a year older than myself, such was his ability in the use of
tools, that he could construct a model of any machine that he saw. He awakened in me a love of mechanical
construction, and together we made models of colliery windingframes, ironrolling mills, triphammers,
and waterwheels. Some of them were not mere toys, but constructed to scale, and were really good working
models. This love of mechanical construction has never left me, and I shall always remember with affection
Samuel Bridge, who first taught me to use the hammer and file. The last I heard of him was in 1875, when he
passed his examination as a schoolmaster, in honours, and was at the head of his list.
"During the next two years, when between twelve and fourteen, I made comparatively slow progress at
school. I remember having to write out the fourth commandment from memory. The teacher counted
twentythree mistakes in ten lines of my writing. It will be seen from this, that, as regards learning, I
continued heedless and backward. About this time, my father, who was a good violinist, took me under his
tuition. He made me practice on the violin about an hour and a half a day. I continued this for a long time.
But the result was failure. I hated the violin, and would never play unless compelled to do so. I suppose the
secret was that I had no 'ear.'
"It was different with subjects more to my mind. Looking over my father's books one day, I came upon
Gregory's 'Handbook of Inorganic Chemistry,' and began reading it. I was fascinated with the book, and
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studied it morning, noon, and nightin fact, every time when I could snatch a few minutes. I really believe
that at one time I could have repeated the whole of the book from memory. Now I found the value of
arithmetic, and set to work in earnest on proportion, vulgar and decimal fractions, and, in fact, everything in
school work that I could turn to account in the science of chemistry. The result of this sudden application was
that I was seized with an illness. For some months I had incessant headache; my hair became dried up, then
turned grey, and finally came off. Weighing myself shortly after my recovery, at the age of fifteen, I found
that I just balanced fiftysix pounds. I took up mensuration, then astronomy, working at them slowly, but
giving the bulk of my spare time to chemistry.
"In the year 1869, when I was sixteen years old, I came across Cuthbert Bede's book, entitled 'Photographic
Pleasures.' It is an amusing book, giving an account of the rise and progress of photography, and at the same
time having a goodnatured laugh at it. I read the book carefully, and took up photography as an amusement,
using some apparatus which belonged to my father, who had at one time dabbled in the art. I was soon able to
take fair photographs. I then decided to try photography as a business. I was apprenticed to a photographer,
and spent four years with himone year at Northallerton, and three at Darlington. When my employer
removed to Darlington, I joined the School of Art there.
"Having read an account of the experiments of M. E. Becquerel, a French savant, on photographing in the
colours of nature, my curiosity was awakened. I carefully repeated his experiments, and convinced myself
that he was correct. I continued my experiments in heliochromy for a period of about two years, during which
time I made many photographs in colours, and discovered a method of developing the coloured image, which
enabled me to shorten the exposure to onefortieth of the previouslyrequired time. During these
experiments, I came upon some curious results, which, I think, might puzzle our scientific men to account
for. For instance, I proved the existence of black light, or rays of such a nature as to turn the rosecoloured
surface of the sensitiveplate blackthat is, rays reflected from the black paint of drapery, produced black in
the picture, and not the effect of darkness. I was, like Becquerel, unable to fix the coloured image without
destroying the colours; though the plates would keep a long while in the dark, and could be examined in a
subdued, though not in a strong light. The coloured image was faint, but the colours came out with great truth
and delicacy.
"I began to attend the School of Art at Darlington on the 6th of March, 1872. I found, on attempting to draw,
that I had naturally a correct eye and hand; and I made such progress, that when the students' drawings were
examined, previously to sending them up to South Kensington, all my work was approved. I was then set to
draw from the cast in chalk, although I had only been at the school for a month. I tried for all the four subjects
at the May examination, and was fortunate enough to pass three of them, and obtained as a prize Packett's
'Sciography.' I worked hard during the next year, and sent up seventeen works; for one of these, the 'Venus de
Milo,' I gained a studentship.
"I then commenced the study of human anatomy, and began watercolour painting, reading all the works
upon art on which I could lay my hand. At the May examination of 1873, I completed my secondgrade
certificate, and at the end of the year of my studentship, I accepted the office of teacher in the School of Art.
This arttraining created in me a sort of disgust for photography, as I saw that the science of photography had
really very little genuine art in it, and was more allied to a mechanical pursuit than to an artistic one. Now,
when I look back on my past ideas, I clearly see that a great deal of this disgust was due to my ignorance and
selfconceit.
"In 1874, I commenced painting in tempora, and then in oil, copying the pictures lent to the school from the
South Kensington Art Library. I worked also from still life, and began sketching from nature in oil and
watercolours, sometimes selling my work to help me to buy materials for artwork and scientific
experiments. I was, however, able to do very little in the following year, as I was at home suffering from
sciatica. For nine months I could not stand erect, but had to hobble about with a stick. This illness caused me
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to give up my teachership.
"Early in 1876 I returned to Darlington. I went on with my art studies and the science of chemistry; though I
went no further in heliochromy. I pushed forward with anatomy. I sent about fifteen works to South
Kensington, and gained as my thirdgrade prize in list A the 'Dictionary of Terms used in Art' by Thomas
Fairholt, which I found a very useful work. Towards the end of the year, my father, whose health was
declining, sent for me home to assist him in the school. I now commenced the study of Algebra and Euclid in
good earnest, but found it tough work. My father, though a fair mathematician, was unable to give me any
instruction; for he had been seized with paralysis, from which he never recovered. Before he died, he
recommended me to try for a schoolmaster's certificate; and I promised him that I would. I obtained a
situation as master of a small village school, not under Government inspection; and I studied during the year,
and obtained a second class certificate at the Durham Diocesan College at Christmas, 1877. Early in the
following year, the school was placed under Government inspection, and became a little more remunerative.
"I now went on with chemical analysis, making my own apparatus. Requiring an intense heat on a small
scale, I invented a furnace that burnt petroleum oil. It was blown by compressed air. After many failures, I
eventually succeeded in bringing it to such perfection that in 7 1/2 minutes it would bring four ounces of steel
into a perfectly liquefied state. I next commenced the study of electricity and magnetism; and then acoustics,
light, and heat. I constructed all my apparatus myself, and acquired the art of glassblowing, in order to make
my own chemical apparatus, and thus save expense.
"I then went on with Algebra and Euclid, and took up plane trigonometry; but I devoted most of my time to
electricity and magnetism. I constructed various scientific apparatusa syren, telephones, microphones, an
Edison's megaphone, as well as an electrometer, and a machine for covering electric wire with cotton or silk.
A friend having lent me a work on artificial memory, I began to study it; but the work led me into nothing but
confusion, and I soon found that if I did not give it up, I should be left with no memory at all. I still went an
sketching from Nature, not so much as a study, but as a means of recruiting my health, which was far from
being good. At the beginning of 1881 I obtained my present situation as assistant master at the Yorebridge
Grammar School, of which the Rev. W. Balderston, M.A., is principal.
"Soon after I became settled here, I spent some of my leisure time in reading Emerson's 'Optics,' a work I
bought at an old bookstall. I was not very successful with it, owing to my deficient mathematical knowledge.
On the May Science Examinations of 1881 taking place at NewcastleonTyne, applied for permission to sit,
and obtained four tickets for the following subjects: Mathematics, Electricity and Magnetism, Acoustics,
Light and Heat, and Physiography. During the preceding month I had read up the first three subjects, but,
being pressed for time, I gave up the idea of taking physiography. However, on the last night of the
examinations, I had some conversation with one of the students as to the subjects required for physiography.
He said, 'You want a little knowledge of everything in a scientific way, and nothing much of anything.' I
determined to try, for 'nothing much of anything' suited me exactly. I rose early next morning, and as soon as
the shops were open I went and bought a book on the subject, 'Outlines of Physiography,' by W. Lawson,
F.R.G.S. I read it all day, and at night sat for the examination. The results of my examinations were, failure in
mathematics, but second class advanced grade certificates in all the others. I do not attach any credit to
passing in physiography, but merely relate the circumstance as curiously showing what can be done by a
good 'cram.'
"The failure in mathematics caused me to take the subject 'by the horns,' to see what I could do with it. I
began by going over quadratic equations, and I gradually solved the whole of those given in Todhunter's
larger 'Algebra.' Then I reread the progressions, permutations, combinations; the binomial theorem, with
indices and surds; the logarithmic theorem and series, converging and diverging. I got Todhunter's larger
'Plane Trigonometry,' and read it, with the theorems contained in it; then his 'Spherical Trigonometry;' his
'Analytical Geometry, of Two Dimensions,' and 'Conics.' I next obtained De Morgan's 'Differential and
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Integral Calculus,' then Woolhouse's, and lastly, Todhunter's. I found this department of mathematics difficult
and perplexing to the last degree; but I mastered it sufficiently to turn it to some account. This last
mathematical course represents eighteen months of hard work, and I often sat up the whole night through.
One result of the application was a permanent injury to my sight.
"Wanting some object on which to apply my newlyacquired mathematical knowledge, I determined to
construct an astronomical telescope. I got Airy's 'Geometrical Optics,' and read it through. Then I searched
through all my English Mechanic (a scientific paper that I take), and prepared for my work by reading all the
literature on the subject that I could obtain. I bought two discs of glass, of 6 1/2 inches diameter, and began to
grind them to a spherical curve 12 feet radius. I got them hollowed out, but failed in fining them through lack
of skill. This occurred six times in succession; but at the seventh time the polish came up beautifully, with
scarcely a scratch upon the surface. Stopping my work one night, and it being starlight, I thought I would try
the mirror on a star. I had a wooden frame ready for the purpose, which the carpenter had made for me. Judge
of my surprise and delight when I found that the star disc enlarged nearly in the same manner from each side
of the focal point, thus making it extremely probable that I had accidentally hit on a near approach to the
parabola in the curve of my mirror.
And such proved to be the case. I have the mirror still, and its performance is very good indeed.
"I went no further with this mirror, for fear or spoiling it. It is very slightly grey in the centre, but not
sufficiently so as to materially injure its performance. I mounted it in a wooden tube, placed it on a wooden
stand, and used it for a time thus mounted; but getting disgusted with the tremor and inconvenience I had to
put up with, I resolved to construct for it an iron equatorial stand. I made my patterns, got them cast, turned
and fitted them myself, grinding all the working parts together with emery and oil, and fitted a tangentscrew
motion to drive the instrument in right ascension. Now I found the instrument a pleasure to use; and I
determined to add to it divided circles, and to accurately adjust it to the meridian. I made my circles of
wellseasoned mahogany, with slips of paper on their edges, dividing them with my drawing instruments,
and varnishing them to keep out the wet. I shall never forget that sunny afternoon upon which I computed the
hourangle for Jupiter, and set the instrument so that by calculation Jupiter should pass through the field of
the instrument at 1h. 25m. 15s. With my watch in my hand, and my eye to the eyepiece, I waited for the orb.
When his glorious face appeared, almost in a direct line for the centre of the field, I could not contain my joy,
but shouted out as loudly as I could,greatly to the astonishment of old George Johnson, the miller, who
happened to be in the field where I had planted my stand!
"Now, though I had obtained what I wanteda fairly good instrument,still I was not quite satisfied; as I
had produced it by a fortunate chance, and not by skill alone. I therefore set to work again on the other disc of
glass, to try if I could finish it in such a way as to excel the first one. After nearly a year's work I found that I
could only succeed in equalling it. But then, during this time, I had removed the working of mirrors from
mere chance to a fair amount of certainty. By bringing my mathematical knowledge to bear on the subject, I
had devised a method of testing and measuring my work which, I am happy to say, has been fairly successful,
and has enabled me to produce the spherical, elliptic, parabolic, or hyperbolic curve in my mirrors, with
almost unvarying success. The study of the practical working of specula and lenses has also absorbed a good
deal of my spare time during the last two years, and the work involved has been scarcely less difficult.
Altogether, I consider this last year (18823) to mark the busiest period of my life.
"It will be observed that I have only given an account of those branches of study in which I have put to
practical test the deductions from theoretical reasoning. I am at present engaged on the theory of the
achromatic objectglass, with regard to spherical chromatisma subject upon which, I believe, nearly all
our textbooks are silent, but one nevertheless of vital importance to the optician. I can only proceed very
slowly with it, on account of having to grind and figure lenses for every step of the theory, to keep myself in
the right track; as mere theorizing is apt to lead one very much astray, unless it be checked by constant
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experiment. For this particular subject, lenses must be ground firstly to spherical, and then to curves of conic
sections, so as to eliminate spherical aberration from each lens; so that it will be observed that this subject is
not without its difficulties.
"About a month ago (September, 1883), I determined to put to the test the statement of some of our theorists,
that the surface of a rotating fluid is either a parabola or a hyperbola. I found by experiment that it is neither,
but an approximation to the tractrix (a modification of the catenary), if anything definite; as indeed one, on
thinking over the matter, might feel certain it would bethe tractrix being the curve of least friction.
"In astronomy, I have really done very little beyond mere algebraical working of the fundamental theorems,
and a little casual observation of the telescope. So far, I must own, I have taken more pleasure in the theory
and construction of the telescope, than in its use."
Such is Samuel Lancaster's history of the growth and development of his mind. I do not think there is
anything more interesting in the 'Pursuit of Knowledge under Difficulties.' His life has been a gallant
endeavour to win further knowledge, though too much at the expense of a constitution originally delicate. He
pursues science with patience and determination, and wooes truth with the ardour of a lover. Eulogy of his
character would here be unnecessary; but, if he takes due care of his health, we shall hear more of him.[11]
More astronomers in humble life! There seems to to be no end of them. There must be a great fascination in
looking up to the heavens, and seeing those wondrous worlds careering in the faroff infinite. Let me look
back to the names I have introduced in this chapter of autobiography. First, there was my worthy porter friend
at Coupar Angus station, enjoying himself with his threeinch objectglass. Then there was the shoemaker
and teacher, and eventually the firstrate maker of achromatic instruments. Look also at the persons whom he
supplied with his best telescopes. Among them we find princes, baronets, clergymen, professors, doctors,
solicitors, manufacturers, and inventors. Then we come to the portrait painter, who acquired the highest
supremacy in the art of telescope making; then to Mr. Lassell, the retired brewer, whose daughters presented
his instrument to the nation; and, lastly, to the extraordinary young schoolmaster of Bainbridge, in Yorkshire.
And now before I conclude this last chapter, I have to relate perhaps the most extraordinary story of allthat
of another astronomer in humble life, in the person of a slate counter at Port Penrhyn, Bangor, North Wales.
While at Birnam, I received a letter from my old friend the Rev. Charles Wicksteed, formerly of Leeds,
calling my attention to this case, and inclosing an extract from the letter of a young lady, one of his
correspondents at Bangor. In that letter she said: "What you write of Mr. Christmas Evans reminds me very
much of a visit I paid a few evenings ago to an old man in Upper Bangor. He works on the Quay, but has a
very decided taste for astronomy, his leisure time being spent in its study, with a great part of his earnings. I
went there with some friends to see an immense telescope, which he has made almost entirely without aid,
preparing the glasses as far as possible himself, and sending them away merely to have their concavity
changed. He showed us all his treasures with the greatest delight, explaining in English, but substituting
Welsh when at a loss. He has scarcely ever been at school, but has learnt English entirely from books. Among
other things he showed us were a Greek Testament and a Hebrew Bible, both of which he can read. His
largest telescope, which is several yards long, he has named 'Jumbo,' and through it he told us he saw the
snowcap on the pole of Mars. He had another smaller telescope, made by himself, and had a spectroscope in
process of making. He is now quite old, but his delight in his studies is still unbounded and unabated. It
seems so sad that he has had no right opportunity for developing his talent."
Mr. Wicksteed was very much interested in the case, and called my attention to it, that I might add the story
to my repertory of selfhelping men. While at York I received a communication from Miss Grace Ellis, the
young lady in question, informing me of the name of the astronomerJohn Jones, Albert Street, Upper
Bangorand intimating that he would be glad to see me any evening after six. As railways have had the
effect of bringing places very close together in point of timemaking of Britain, as it were, one great
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townand as the autumn was brilliant, and the holiday season not at an end, I had no difficulty in diverging
from my journey, and taking Bangor on my way homeward. Starting from York in the morning, and passing
through Leeds, Manchester, and Chester, I reached Bangor in the afternoon, and had my first interview with
Mr. Jones that very evening.
I found him, as Miss Grace Ellis had described, active, vigorous, and intelligent; his stature short, his face
wellformed, his eyes keen and bright. I was first shown into his little parlour downstairs, furnished with his
books and some of his instruments; I was then taken to his tiny room upstairs, where he had his big reflecting
telescope, by means of which he had seen, through the chamber window, the snowcap of Mars. He is so fond
of philology that I found he had no fewer than twentysix dictionaries, all bought out of his own earnings. "I
am fond of all knowledge," he said"of Reuben, Dan, and Issachar; but I have a favourite, a Benjamin, and
that is Astronomy. I would sell all of them into Egypt, but preserve my Benjamin." His story is briefly as
follows:
"I was born at Bryngwyn Bach, Anglesey, in 1818, and I am sixtyfive years old. I got the little education I
have, when a boy. Owen Owen, who was a cousin of my mother's, kept a school at a chapel in the village of
Dwyrain, in Anglesey. It was said of Owen that he never had more than a quarter of a year's schooling, so
that he could not teach me much. I went to his school at seven, and remained with him about a year. Then he
left; and some time afterwards I went for a short period to an old preacher's school, at Brynsieneyn chapel.
There I learnt but little, the teacher being negligent. He allowed the children to play together too much, and
he punished them for slight offences, making them obstinate and disheartened. But I remember his once
saying to the other children, that I ran through my little lesson 'like a coach.' However, when I was about
twelve years old, my father died, and in losing him I lost almost all the little I had learnt during the short
periods I had been at school. Then I went to work for the farmers.
"In this state of ignorance I remained for years, until the time came when on Sunday I used to saddle the old
black mare for Cadwalladr Williams, the Calvinist Methodist preacher, at Pen Ceint, Anglesey; and after he
had ridden away, I used to hide in his library during the sermon, and there I learnt a little that I shall not soon
forget. In that way I had many a draught of knowledge, as it were, by stealth. Having a strong taste for music,
I was much attracted by choral singing; and on Sundays and in the evenings I tried to copy out airs from
different books, and accustomed my hand a little to writing. This tendency was, however, choked within me
by too much work with the cattle, and by other farm labour. In a word, I had but little fair weather in my
search for knowledge. One thing enticed me from another, to the detriment of my plans; some fair Eve often
standing with an apple in hand, tempting me to taste of that.
"The old preacher's books at Pen Ceint were in Welsh. I had not yet learned English, but tried to learn it by
comparing one line in the English New Testament with the same line in the Welsh. This was the Hamiltonian
method, and the way in which I learnt most languages. I first got an idea of astronomy from reading 'The
Solar System,' by Dr. Dick, translated into Welsh by Eleazar Roberts of Liverpool. That book I found on
Sundays in the preacher's library; and many a sublime thought it gave me. It was comparatively easy to
understand.
"When I was about thirty I was taken very ill, and could no longer work. I then went to Bangor to consult Dr.
Humphrys. After I got better I found work at the Port at 12s. a week. I was employed in counting the slates,
or loading the ships in the harbour from the railway trucks. I lodged in Fwn Deg, near where Hugh Williams,
Gatehouse, then kept a navigation school for young sailors. I learnt navigation, and soon made considerable
progress. I also learnt a little arithmetic. At first nearly all the young men were more advanced than myself;
but before I left matters were different, and the Scripture words became verified "the last shall be first." I
remained with Hugh Williams six months and a half. During that time I went twice through the 'Tutor's
Assistant,' and a month before I left I was taught mensuration. That is all the education I received, and the
greater part of it was during my byhours.
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"I got to know English pretty well, though Welsh was the language of those about me. From easy books I
went to those more difficult. I was helped in my pronunciation of English by comparing the words with the
phonetic alphabet, as published by Thomas Gee of Denbigh, in 1853. With my spare earnings I bought books,
especially when my wages began to rise. Mr. Wyatt, the steward, was very kind, and raised my pay from time
to time at his pleasure. I suppose I was willing, correct, and faithful. I improved my knowledge by reading
books on astronomy. I got, amongst others, 'The Mechanism of the Heavens,' by Denison Olmstead, an
American; a very understandable book. Learning English, which was a foreign language to me, led me to
learn other languages. I took pleasure in finding out the roots or radixes of words, and from time to time I
added foreign dictionaries to my little library. But I took most pleasure in astronomy.
"The perusal of Sir John Herschel's 'Outlines of Astronomy,' and of his 'Treatise on the Telescope,' set my
mind on fire. I conceived the idea of making a telescope of my own, for I could not buy one. While reading
the Mechanics' Magazine I observed the accounts of men who made telescopes. Why should not I do the
same? Of course it was a matter of great difficulty to one who knew comparatively little of the use of tools.
But I had a willing mind and willing hands. So I set to work. I think I made my first telescope about twenty
years ago. It was thirtysix inches long, and the tube was made of pasteboard. I got the glasses from
Liverpool for 4s. 6d. Captain Owens, of the ship Talacra, bought them. He also bought for me, at a bookstall,
the Greek Lexicon and the Greek New Testament, for which he paid 7s. 6d. With my new telescope I could
see Jupiter's four satellites, the craters on the moon, and some of the double stars. It was a wonderful pleasure
to me.
"But I was not satisfied with the instrument. I wanted a bigger and a more perfect one. I sold it and got new
glasses from Solomon of London, who was always ready to trust me. I think it was about the year 1868 that I
began to make a reflecting telescope. I got a rough disc of glass, from St. Helens, of ten inches diameter. It
took me from nine to ten days to grind and polish it ready for parabolising and silvering. I did this by hand
labour with the aid of emery, but without a lathe. I finally used rouge instead of emery in grinding down the
glass, until I could see my face in the mirror quite plain. I then sent the 8 3/16 inch disc to Mr. George Calver,
of Chelmsford, to turn my spherical curve to a parabolic curve, and to silver the mirror, for which I paid him
5L. I mounted this in my timber tube; the focus was ten feet. When everything was complete I tried my
instrument on the sky, and found it to have good defining power. The diameter of the other glass I have made
is a little under six inches.
"You ask me if their performance satisfies me? Well; I have compared my sixinch reflector with a 4 1/4
inch refractor, through my window, with a power of 100 and 140. I can't say which was the best. But if out on
a clear night I think my reflector would take more power than the refractor. However that may be, I saw the
snowcap on the planet Mars quite plain; and it is satisfactory to me so far. With respect to the 8 3/16 inch
glass, I am not quite satisfied with it yet; but I am making improvements, and I believe it will reward my
labour in the end."
Besides these instruments John Jones has an equatorial which is mounted on a tripod stand, made by himself.
It contains the right ascension, declination, and azimuth index, all neatly carved upon slate. In his
spectroscope he makes his prisms out of the skylights used in vessels. These he grinds down to suit his
purpose. I have not been able to go into the complete detail of the manner in which he effects the grinding of
his glasses. It is perhaps too technical to be illustrated in words, which are full of focuses, parabolas, and
convexities. But enough may be gathered from the above account to give an idea of the wonderful tenacity of
this aged student, who counts his slates into the ships by day, and devotes his evenings to the perfecting of his
astronomical instruments. But not only is he an astronomer and a philologist; he is also a bard, and his poetry
is much admired in the district. He writes in Welsh, not in English, and signs himself "Ioan, of Bryngwyn
Bach," the place where he was born. Indeed, he is still at a loss for words when he speaks in English. He
usually interlards his conversation with passages in Welsh, which is his mothertongue. A friend has,
however, done me the favour to translate two of John Jones's poems into English. The first is 'The
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Telescope':
"To Heaven it points, where rules the Sun In golden gall'ries bright; And the pale Moon in silver rays Makes
dalliance in the night.
"It sweeps with eagle glances The sky, its myriad throng, That myriad throng to marshal And bring to us their
song.
"Orb upon orb it follows As oft they intertwine, And worlds in vast processions As if in battle line.
"It loves all things created, To follow and to trace; And never fears to penetrate The dark abyss of space."
The next is to 'The Comet':
"A maiden fair, with light of stars bedecked, Starts out of space at Jove's command; With visage wild, and
long dishevelled hair, Speeds she along her starry course; The hosts of heaven regards she not, Fain would
she scorn them all except her father Sol, Whose mighty influence her headlong course doth all control."
The following translation may also be given: it shows that the bard is not without a spice of wit. A
fellowworkman teased him to write some lines; when John Jones, in a seemingly innocent manner, put some
questions, and ascertained that he had once been a tailor. Accordingly this epigram was written, and appeared
in the local paper the week after: "To a quondam Tailor, now a Slateteller":
"To thread and needle now goodbye, With slates I aim at riches; The scissors will I ne'er more ply, Nor
make, but order, breeches."[12]
The bilingual speech is the great educational difficulty of Wales. To get an entrance into literature and
science requires a knowledge of English; or, if not of English, then of French or German. But the Welsh
language stands in the way. Few literary or scientific works are translated into Welsh. Hence the great
educational difficulty continues, and is maintained from year to year by patriotism and Eisteddfods.
Possibly the difficulties to be encountered may occasionally evoke unusual powers of study; but this can only
occur in exceptional cases. While at Bangor Mr. Cadwalladr Davies read to me the letter of a student and
professor, whose passion for knowledge is of an extraordinary character. While examined before the
Parliamentary Committee appointed to inquire into the condition of intermediate and higher education in
Wales and Monmouthshire, Mr. Davies gave evidence relating to this and other remarkable cases, of which
the following is an abstract, condensed by himself:
"The night schools in the quarry districts have been doing a very great work; and, if the Committee will allow
me, I will read an extract from a letter which I received from Mr. Bradley Jones, master of the Board Schools
at Llanarmon, near Mold, Flintshire, who some years ago kept a very flourishing night school in the
neighbourhood. He says: 'During the whole of the time (fourteen years) that I was at Carneddi, I carried on
these schools, and I believe I have had more experience of such institutions than any teacher in North Wales.
For several years about 120 scholars used to attend the Carneddi night school in the winter months, four
evenings a week. Nearly all were quarrymen, from fourteen to twentyone years of age, and engaged at work
from 7 A.M. to 5.30 P.M. So intense was their desire for education that some of them had to walk a distance
of two or even three miles to school.
These, besides working hard all day, had to walk six miles in the one case and nine in the other before
schooltime, in addition to the walk home afterwards. Several of them used to attend all the year round, even
coming to me for lessons in summer before going to work, as well as in the evening. Indeed, so anxious were
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some of them, that they would often come for lessons as early as five o'clock in the morning. This may
appear almost incredible, but any of the managers of the Carneddi School could corroborate the statement.'
"I have now in my mind's eye," continues Mr. Bradley, "several of these young men, who, by dint of
indefatigable labour and selfdenial, ultimately qualified themselves for posts in which a good education is a
sine qua non. Some of them are today quarry managers, professional men, certificated teachers, and
ministers of the Gospel. Five of them are at the present time students at Bala College. One got a situation in
the Glasgow Post Office as lettercarrier. During his leisure hours he attended the lectures at one of the
medical schools of that city, and in course of time gained his diploma. He is now practising as a surgeon, and
I understand with signal success. This gentleman worked in the Penrhyn Quarry until he was twenty years
old. I could give many more instances of the resolute and selfdenying spirit with which the young
quarrymen of Bethesda sought to educate themselves. The teachers of the other schools in that
neighbourhood could give similar examples, for during the winter months there used to be no less than 300
evening scholars under instruction in the different schools. The Bethesda booksellers could tell a tale that
would surprise our English friends. I have been informed by one of them that he has sold to young quarrymen
an immense number of such works as Lord Macaulay's, Stuart Mill's, and Professor Fawcett's; and it is no
uncommon sight to find these and similar works read and studied by the young quarrymen during the dinner
hour."
"I can give," proceeds Mr. Cadwalladr Davies, "one remarkable instance to show the struggles which young
Welshmen have to undertake in order to get education. The boy in question, the son of 'poor but honest
parents,' left the small national school of his native village when he was 12 1/2 years of age, and then
followed his father's occupation of shoemaking until he was 16 1/2 years of age. After working hard at his
trade for four years, he, his brother, and two fellow apprentices, formed themselves into a sort of club to learn
shorthand, the whole matter being kept a profound secret. They had no teachers, and they met at the
gasworks, sitting opposite the retorts on a bench supported at each end with bricks. They did not penetrate
far into the mysteries of Welsh shorthand; they soon abandoned the attempt, and induced the village
schoolmaster to open a night school.
This, however, did not last long. The young Crispin was returning late one night from Llanrwst in company
with a lad of the same age, and both having heard much of the blessings of education from a Scotch lady who
took a kindly interest in them, their ambition was inflamed, and they entered into a solemn compact that they
would thenceforward devote themselves body and soul to the attainment of an academical degree. Yet they
were both poor. One was but a shoemaker's apprentice, while the other was a pupil teacher earning but a
miserable weekly pittance. One could do the parts of speech; the other could not. One had struggled with the
pans asinorum; the other had never seen it. I may mention that the young pupil teacher is now a curate in the
Church of England. He is a graduate of Cambridge University and a prizeman of Clare College. But to return
to the little shoemaker.
"After returning home from Llanrwst, he disburthened his heart to his mother, and told her that shoemaking,
which until now he had pursued with extraordinary zest, could no longer interest him. His mother, who was
equal to the emergency, sent the boy to a teacher of the old school, who had himself worked his way from the
plough. After the exercise of considerable diplomacy, an arrangement was arrived at whereby the youth was
to go to school on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, and make shoes during the remaining days of the
week. This suited him admirably. That very night he seized upon a geography, and began to learn the
counties of England and Wales. The fear of failure never left him for two hours together, except when he
slept. The plan of work was faithfully kept; though by this time shoemaking had lost its charms. He shortened
his sleeping hours, and rose at any moment that he awokeat two, three, or four in the morning. He got his
brother, who had been plodding with him over shorthand, to study horticulture, and fruit and vegetable
culture; and that brother shortly after took a high place in an examination held by the Royal Horticultural
Society. For a time, however, they worked together; and often did their mother get up at four o'clock in the
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depth of winter, light their fire, and return to bed after calling them up to the work of selfculture. Even this
did not satisfy their devouring ambition. There was a bed in the workshop, and they obtained permission to
sleep there. Then they followed their own plans. The young gardener would sit up till one or two in the
morning, and wake his brother, who had gone to bed as soon as he had given up work the night before.
Now he got up and studied through the small hours of the morning until the time came when he had to
transfer his industry to shoemaking, or go to school on the appointed days after the distant eight o'clock had
come. His brother had got worn out. Early sleep seemed to be the best. They then both went to bed about
eight o'clock, and got the policeman to call them up before retiring himself.
"So the struggle went on, until the faithful old schoolmaster thought that his young pupil might try the
examination at the Bangor Normal College. He was now eighteen years of age; and it was eighteen months
since the time when he began to learn the counties of England and Wales. He went to Bangor, rigged out in
his brother's coat and waistcoat, which were better than his own; and with his brother's watch in his pocket to
time himself in his examinations. He went through his examination, but returned home thinking he had failed.
Nevertheless, he had in the meantime, on the strength of a certificate which he had obtained six months
before, in an examination held by the Society of Arts and Sciences in Liverpool, applied for a situation as
teacher in a grammarschool at Ormskirk in Lancashire. He succeeded in his application, and had been there
for only eight days when he received a letter from Mr. Rowlands, Principal of the Bangor Normal College,
informing him that he had passed at the head of the list, and was the highest nonpupil teacher examined by
the British and Foreign Society. Having obtained permission from his master to leave, he packed his clothes
and his few books. He had not enough money to carry him home; but, unasked, the master of the school gave
him 10s. He arrived home about three o'clock on a Sunday morning, after a walk of eleven miles over a
lonely road from the place where the train had stopped. He reeled on the way, and found the country reeling
too. He had been sleeping eight nights in a damp bed. Six weeks of the Bangor Session passed, and during
that time he had been delirious, and was too weak to sit up in bed. But the second time he crossed the
threshold of his home he made for Bangor and got back his "position," which was all important to him, and
he kept it all through.
"Having finished his course at Bangor he went to keep a school at Brynaman; he endeavoured to study but
could not. After two years he gave up the school, and with 60L. saved he faced the world once more. There
was a scholarship of the value of 40L. a year, for three years, attached to one of the Scotch Universities, to be
competed for. He knew the Latin Grammar, and had, with help, translated one of the books of Caesar. Of
Greek he knew nothing, save the letters and the first declension of nouns; but in May he began to read in
earnest at a farmhouse. He worked every day from 6 A.M. to 12 P.M. with only an hour's intermission. He
studied the six Latin and two Greek books prescribed; he did some Latin composition unaided; brushed up
his mathematics; and learnt something of the history of Greece and Rome. In October, after five months of
hard work, he underwent an examination for the scholarship, and obtained it; beating his opponent by
twentyeight marks in a thousand. He then went up to the Scotch University and passed all the examinations
for his ordinary M.A. degree in two years and a half. On his first arrival at the University he found that he
could not sleep; but he wearily yet victoriously plodded on; took a prize in Greek, then the first prize in
philosophy, the second prize in logic, the medal in English literature, and a few other prizes.
"He had 40L. when he first arrived in Scotland; and he carried away with him a similar sum to Germany,
whither he went to study for honours in philosophy. He returned home with little in his pocket, borrowing
money to go to Scotland, where he sat for honours and for the scholarship. He got his first honours, and what
was more important at the time, money to go on with. He now lives on the scholarship which he took at that
time; is an assistant professor; and, in a fortnight, will begin a course of lectures for ladies in connection with
his university. Writing to me a few days ago,[13] he says, 'My health, broken down with my last struggle, is
quite restored, and I live with the hope of working on. Many have worked more constantly, but few have
worked more intensely. I found kindness on every hand always, but had I failed in a single instance I should
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have met with entire bankruptcy. The failure would have been ruinous.... I thank God for the struggle, but
would not like to see a dog try it again. There are droves of lads in Wales that would creep up but they
cannot. Poverty has too heavy a hand for them.'"
The gentleman whose brief history is thus summarily given by Mr. Davies, is now well known as a professor
of philosophy; and, if his health be spared, he will become still better known. He is the author of several
important works on 'Moral Philosophy,' published by a leading London firm; and more works are announced
from his pen. The victorious struggle for knowledge which we have recounted might possibly be equalled,
but it could not possibly be surpassed. There are, however, as Mr. Davies related to the Parliamentary
Committee, many instances of Welsh students most of them originally quarrymenwho keep themselves
at school by means of the savings effected from manual labour, "in frequent cases eked out and helped by the
kindness of friends and neighbours," who struggle up through many difficulties, and eventually achieve
success in the best sense of the term. "One young man"as the teacher of a grammarschool, within two
miles of Bangor, related to Mr. Davies "who came to me from the quarry some time ago, was a gold
medallist at Edinburgh last winter;" and contributions are readily made by the quarrymen to help forward any
young man who displays an earnest desire for knowledge in science and literature.
It is a remarkable fact that the quarrymen of Carnarvonshire have voluntarily contributed large sums of
money towards the establishment of the University College in North Walesthe quarry districts in that
county having contributed to that fund, in the course of three years, mostly in halfcrown subscriptions, not
less than 508L. 4s. 4d. "a fact," says Mr. Davies, "without its parallel in the history of the education of any
country;" the most striking feature being, that these collections were made in support of an institution from
which the quarrymen could only very remotely derive any benefit.
While I was at Bangor, on the 24th of August, 1883, the news arrived that the Committee of Selection had
determined that Bangor should be the site for the intended North Wales University College. The news rapidly
spread, and great rejoicings prevailed throughout the borough, which had just been incorporated. The
volunteer band played through the streets; the church bells rang merry peals; and gay flags were displayed
from nearly every window. There never was such a triumphant display before in the cause of University
education.
As Mr. Cadwalladr Davies observed at the banquet, which took place on the following day: "The
establishment of the new institution will mark the dawn of a new era in the history of the Welsh people. He
looked to it, not only as a means of imparting academical knowledge to the students within its walls, but also
as a means of raising the intellectual and moral tone of the whole people. They were fond of quoting the
saying of a great English writer, that there was something Grecian in the Celtic race, and that the Celtic was
the refining element in the British character; but such remarks, often accompanied as they were with
offensive comparisons from Eisteddfod platforms, would in future be put to the test, for they would, with
their new educational machinery, be placed on a footing of perfect equality with the Scotch and the Irish
people."
And here must come to an end the character history of my autumn tour in Ireland, Scotland, Yorkshire, and
Wales. I had not the remotest intention when setting out of collecting information and writing down my
recollections of the journey. But the persons I met, and the information I received, were of no small
interestat least to myself; and I trust that the reader will derive as much pleasure from perusing my
observations as I have had in collecting and writing them down. I do think that the remarkable persons whose
history and characters I have endeavoured, however briefly, to sketch, will be found to afford many valuable
and important lessons of SelfHelp; and to illustrate how the moral and industrial foundations of a country
may be built up and established.
Footnotes for Chapter XII.
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[1] A "poet," who dates from "New York, March 1883," has published seven stanzas, entitled "Change here
for Blairgowrie," from which we take the following:
"From early morn till late at e'en, John's honest face is to be seen, Bustling about the trains between, Be 't
sunshine or be 't showery; And as each one stops at his door, He greets it with the wellknown roar Of
'Change here for Blairgowrie.' Even when the still and drowsy night Has drawn the curtains of our sight,
John's watchful eyes become more bright, And take another glow'r aye Thro' yon blue dome of sparkling
stars Where Venus bright and ruddy Mars Shine down upon Blairgowrie. He kens each jinkin' comet's track,
And when it's likely to come back, When they have tails, and when they lack In heaven the waggish power
aye; When Jupiter's belt buckle hings, And the Pyx mark on Saturn's rings, He sees from near Blairgowrie."
[2] The Observatory, No. 61, p. 146; and No. 68, p. 371.
[3] In an article on the subject in the Dundee Evening Telegraph, Mr. Robertson observes: "If our finite
minds were more capable of comprehension, what a glorious view of the grandeur of the Deity would be
displayed to us in the contemplation of the centre and source of light and heat to the solar system. The force
requisite to pour such continuous floods to the remotest parts of the system must ever baffle the mind of man
to grasp. But we are not to sit down in indolence: our duty is to inquire into Nature's works, though we can
never exhaust the field. Our minds cannot imagine motion without some Power moving through the medium
of some subordinate agency, ever acting on the sun, to send such floods of light and heat to our otherwise
cold and dark terrestrial ball; but it is the overwhelming magnitude of such power that we are incapable of
comprehending. The agency necessary to throw out the floods of flame seen during the few moments of a
total eclipse of the sun, and the power requisite to burst open a cavity in its surface, such as could entirely
engulph our earth, will ever set all the thinking capacity of man at nought."
[4] The Observatory, Nos. 34, 42, 45, 49, and 58.
[5] We regret to say that Sheriff Barclay died a few months ago, greatly respected by all who knew him.
[6] Sir E. Denison Beckett, in his Rudimentary Treatise on clocks and Watches and Bells, has given an
instance or the telescopedriving clock, invented by Mr. Cooke (p. 213).
[7] J. Norman Lockyer, F.R.S.Stargazing, Past and Present, p. 302.
[8] This excellent instrument is now in the possession of my soninlaw, Dr. Hartree, of Leigh, near
Tunbridge.
[9] An interesting account of Mr. Alvan Clark is given in Professor Newcomb's 'Popular Astronomy,' p. 137.
[10] A photographic representation of this remarkable telescope is given as the frontispiece to Mr. Lockyer's
Stargazing, Past and Present; and a full description of the instrument is given in the text of the same work.
This refracting telescope did not long remain the largest. Mr. Alvan Clark was commissioned to erect a larger
equatorial for Washington Observatory; the objectglass (the rough disks of which were also furnished by
Messrs. Chance of Birmingham) exceeding in aperture that of Mr. Cooke's by only one inch. This was
finished and mounted in November, 1873. Another instrument of similar size and power was manufactured
by Mr. Clark for the University of Virginia. But these instruments did not long maintain their supremacy. In
1881, Mr. Howard Grubb, of Dublin, manufactured a still larger instrument for the Austrian
Governmentthe objectglass being of twentyseven inches aperture. But Mr. Alvan Clark was not to be
beaten. In 1882, he supplied the Russian Government with the largest refracting telescope in existence the
objectglass being of thirty inches diameter. Even this, however, is to be surpassed by the lens which Mr.
Clark has in hand for the Lick Observatory (California), which is to have a clear aperture of three feet in
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diameter.
[11] Since the above passage was written and in type, I have seen (in September 1884) the reflecting
telescope referred to at pp. 3578. It was mounted on its castiron equatorial stand, and at work in the field
adjoining the village green at Bainbridge, Yorkshire. The mirror of the telescope is 8 inches in diameter; its
focal length, 5 feet; and the tube in which it is mounted, about 6 feet long. The instrument seemed to me to
have an excellent defining power.
But Mr. Lancaster, like every eager astronomer, is anxious for further improvements. He considers the
achromatic telescope the king of instruments, and is now engaged in testing convex optical surfaces, with a
view to achieving a telescope of that description. The chief difficulty is the heavy charge for the circular
blocks of flint glass requisite for the work which he meditates. "That," he says, "is the great difficulty with
amateurs of my class." He has, however, already contrived and constructed a machine for grinding and
polishing the lenses in an accurate convex form, and it works quite satisfactorily. Mr. Lancaster makes his
own tools. From the raw material, whether of glass or steel, he produces the work required. As to tools, all
that he requires is a bar of steel and fire; his fertile brain and busy hands do the rest. I looked into the little
workshop behind his sittingroom, and found it full of ingenious adaptations. The turning lathe occupies a
considerable part of it; but when he requires more space, the village smith with his stithy, and the miller with
his waterpower, are always ready to help him. His tools, though not showy, are effective. His best lenses are
made by himself: those which he buys are not to be depended upon. The best flint glass is obtained from
Paris in blocks, which he divides, grinds, and polishes to perfect form.
I was attracted by a newly made machine, placed on a table in the sittingroom; and on inquiry found that its
object was to grind and polish lenses. Mr. Lancaster explained that the difficulty to be overcome in a good
machine, is to make the emery cut the surface equally from centre to edge of the lens, so that the lens will
neither lengthen nor shorten the curve during its production. To quote his words: "This really involves the
problem of the 'three bodies,' or disturbing forces so celebrated in dynamical mathematics, and it is further
complicated by another quantity, the 'coefficient of attrition,' or work done by the grinding material, as well
as the mischief done by capillary attractionand nodal points of superimposed curves in the path of the tool.
These complications tend to cause rings or waves of unequal wear in the surface of the glass, and ruin the
defining power of the lens, which depends upon the uniformity of its curve. As the outcome of much practical
experiment, combined with mathematical research, I settled upon the ratio of speed between the sheave of the
lenstool guide and the turntable; between whose limits the practical equalization of wear (or cut of the
emery) might with the greater facility be adjusted, by means of varying the stroke and eccentricity of the tool.
As the result of these considerations in the construction of the machine, the surface of the glass 'comes up'
regularly all over the lens; and the polishing only takes a few minutes' workthus keeping the truth of
surface gained by using a rigid tool."
The machine in question consists of a revolving sheave or ring, with a sliding strip across its diameter; the
said strip having a slot and clamping screw at one end, and a hole towards the other, through which passes the
axis of the tool used in forming the lens,the slot in the strip allowing the tool to give any stroke from 0 to
1.25 inch. The lens is carried on a revolving turntable, with an arrangement to allow the axis of the lens to
coincide with the axis of the table. The ratio of speed between the sheave and turntable is arranged by belt
and properly sized pulleys, and the whole can be driven either by hand or by power. The sheave merely
serves as a guide to the tool in its path, and the lens may either be worked on the turntable or upon a chuck
attached to the tool rod. The work upon the lens is thus to a great extent independent of the error of the
machine through shaking, or bad fitting, or wear; and the only part of the machine which requires really
firstclass work is the axis of the turntable, which (in this machine) is a conical bearing at top, with steel
centre below,the bearing turned, hardened, and then ground up true, and run in antifriction metal. Other
details might be given, but these are probably enough for present purposes. We hope, at some future time, for
a special detail of Mr. Lancaster's interesting investigations, from his own mind and pen.
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[12] The translations are made by W. Cadwalladr Davies, Esq.
[13] This evidence was given by Mr. W. Cadwalladr Davies on the 28th October, 1880.
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Bookmarks
1. Table of Contents, page = 3
2. Men of Invention and Industry, page = 4
3. Samuel Smiles, page = 4
4. PREFACE, page = 4
5. CHAPTER I. PHINEAS PETT: BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH SHIP-BUILDING., page = 5
6. CHAPTER II. FRANCIS PETTIT SMITH: PRACTICAL INTRODUCER OF THE SCREW PROPELLER., page = 25
7. CHAPTER III.[1] JOHN HARRISON: INVENTOR OF THE MARINE CHRONOMETER., page = 34
8. CHAPTER IV. JOHN LOMBE: INTRODUCER OF THE SILK INDUSTRY INTO ENGLAND., page = 48
9. CHAPTER V. WILLIAM MURDOCK: HIS LIFE AND INVENTIONS., page = 54
10. CHAPTER VI. FREDERICK KOENIG: INVENTOR OF THE STEAM-PRINTING MACHINE., page = 68
11. CHAPTER VII. THE WALTERS OF THE TIMES: INVENTION OF THE WALTER PRESS., page = 79
12. CHAPTER VIII. WILLIAM CLOWES: INTRODUCER OF BOOK-PRINTING BY STEAM., page = 89
13. CHAPTER IX. CHARLES BIANCONI: A LESSON OF SELF-HELP IN IRELAND., page = 94
14. CHAPTER X. INDUSTRY IN IRELAND: THROUGH CONNAUGHT AND ULSTER, TO BELFAST., page = 108
15. CHAPTER XI. SHIPBUILDING IN BELFAST--ITS ORIGIN AND PROGRESS., page = 122
16. CHAPTER XII. ASTRONOMERS AND STUDENTS IN HUMBLE LIFE:, page = 135