The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, V1.......................................................................................................................1

Charles Hose and William McDougall ....................................................................................................1

Preface ......................................................................................................................................................1

Supplementary Preface by one of the Authors........................................................................................3

CHAPTER 1. Geography of Borneo.......................................................................................................3

CHAPTER 2. History of Borneo.............................................................................................................6

CHAPTER 3. General Sketch of the Peoples of Borneo .......................................................................12

CHAPTER 4. Material Conditions of the Pagan Tribes of Borneo .......................................................18

CHAPTER 5. The Social System..........................................................................................................25

CHAPTER 6. Agriculture ......................................................................................................................37

CHAPTER 7. The Daily Life of a Kayan Long House.........................................................................43

CHAPTER 8. Life on the Rivers...........................................................................................................48

CHAPTER 9. Life in the Jungle............................................................................................................53

CHAPTER 10. War...............................................................................................................................58

CHAPTER 11. Handicrafts ....................................................................................................................70

CHAPTER 12. Decorative Art..............................................................................................................80

CHAPTER 13. Ideas of Spiritual Existences and the Practices Arising From Them .........................107

CHAPTER 14. Ideas of the Soul Illustrated by Burial Customs, SoulCatching, and Exorcism .....117

CHAPTER 15. Animistic Beliefs Connected with Animals and Plants[126]....................................126

CHAPTER 16. Magic, Spells, and Charms.........................................................................................151

CHAPTER 17. Myths, Legends, and Stories .......................................................................................160

CHAPTER 18. Childhood and Youth of a Kayan...............................................................................166

CHAPTER 19. The Nomad Hunters ....................................................................................................175

CHAPTER 20. Moral and Intellectual Peculiarities ............................................................................182

CHAPTER 21. Ethnology of Borneo..................................................................................................192

CHAPTER 22. Government................................................................................................................205

CHAPTER 14. Ideas of the Soul Illustrated by Burial Customs, SoulCatching, and Exorcism

In writing this book we have aimed at presenting a clear picture of the pagan tribes of Borneo as they existed

at the close of the nineteenth century. We have not attempted to embody in it the observations recorded by

other writers, although we have profited by them and have been guided and aided by them in making our own

observations. We have rather been content to put on record as much information as we have been able to

obtain at first hand, both by direct observation of the people and of their possessions, customs, and manners,

The reader has a right to be informed as to the nature of the opportunities we have enjoyed for collecting our

material, and we therefore make the following personal statement. One of us (C. H.) has spent twentyfour

years as a Civil Officer in the service of the Rajah of Sarawak; and of this time twentyone years were spent

actually in Sarawak, while periods of some months were spent from time to time in visiting neighbouring

lands Celebes, Sulu Islands, Ternate, Malay Peninsula, British North Borneo, and Dutch Borneo. Of the

twentyone years spent in Sarawak, about eighteen were passed in the Baram district, and the remainder

mostly in the Rejang district. In both these districts, but especially in the Baram, settlements and

representatives of nearly all the principal peoples are to be found; and the nature of his duties as Resident

Magistrate necessitated a constant and intimate intercourse with all the tribes of the districts, and many long

and leisurely journeys into the far interior, often into regions which had not previously been explored. Such

journeys, during which the tribesmen are the magistrate's only companions for many weeks or months, and

during which his nights and many of his days are spent in the houses of the people, afford unequalled

opportunities for obtaining intimate knowledge of them and their ways. These opportunities have not been

neglected; notes have been written, special questions followed up, photographs taken, and sketches made,

In the years 1898 9 the second collaborator (W. McD.) spent the greater part of a year in the Baram

district as a member of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition, which, under the leadership of Dr. A. C.

Haddon, went out to the Torres Straits in the year 1897. During this visit we cooperated in collecting

material for a joint paper on the animal cults of Sarawak;[1] and this cooperation, having proved itself

profitable, suggested to us an extension of our joint program to the form of a book embodying all the

information already to hand and whatever additional information might be obtainable during the years that

one of us was still to spend in Borneo. The book therefore may be said to have been begun in the year 1898

and to have been in progress since that time; but it has been put into shape only during the last few years,

During the year 1899 Dr. A. C. Haddon spent some months in the Baram district, together with other

members of the Cambridge Expedition (Drs. C. G. Seligmann, C. S. Myers, and Mr. S. Ray); and we wish to

express our obligation to him for the friendly encouragement in, and stimulating example of, anthropological

field work which he afforded us during that time, as well as for later encouragement and help which he has

given us, especially in reading the proofs of the book and in making many helpful suggestions. We are

indebted to him also for the Appendix to this book, in which he has stated and discussed the results of the

extensive series of physical measurements of the natives that he made, with our assistance, during his visit to

We have pleasure in expressing here our thanks to several other gentlemen to whom we are indebted for help

of various kinds for permission to reproduce several photographs, to Dr. A. W. Nieuwenhuis, the intrepid

explorer of the interior of Dutch Borneo, who in his two fine volumes (QUER DURCH BORNEO) has

embodied the observations recorded during two long journeys in the interior; to Mr. H. Ling Roth for the gift

of the blocks used in the preparation of his wellknown work, THE NATIVES OF SARAWAK AND

BRITISH NORTH BORNEO, many of which we have made use of; to Dr. W. H. Furness, author of THE

HOME LIFE OF BORNEO HEADHUNTERS (1902), for several photographic plates made by him during

his visits to the Baram in the years 1897 and 1898; to Drs. C. G. Seligmann and C. S. Myers for permission to

reproduce several photographs; to Mr. R. Shelford, formerly Curator of the Sarawak Museum, for his

permission to incorporate a large part of a paper published jointly with one of us (C. H.) on tatu in Borneo,

and for measurements of Land Dayaks made by him; to Mr. R. S. Douglas, formerly Assistant Officer in the

Baram district and now Resident of the Fourth Division of Sarawak, for practical help genially afforded on

Finally, it is our agreeable duty to acknowledge our obligation to H.H. the Rajah of Sarawak, who welcomed

to his country the members of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition, and without whose enlightened

encouragement of scientific work on the part of his officers this book would never have been written.

I feel that it is necessary to supplement our jointpreface with some few words of apology for, and

explanation of, the appearance of my name on the titlepage of this book. For the book is essentially an

attempt to set forth in condensed form the mass of knowledge of the tribes of Borneo acquired by Dr. Hose in

the course of a quarter of a century's intimate study of, and sympathetic companionship with, the people of

the interior. My own part in its production has been merely that of a midwife, though I may perhaps claim to

have helped in the washing and dressing of the infant as well as in its delivery, and even to have offered some

useful advice during the long years of pregnancy. And, since it is more difficult to present a brief and popular

account of any complex subject the more intimate is one's knowledge of it, I may fairly hope that my

superficial acquaintance with the pagan tribes of Borneo has been a useful ally to Dr. Hose's profound and

extensive knowledge of them; I have therefore gladly accepted my friend's generous invitation to place my

Borneo is one of the largest islands of the world. Its area is roughly 290,000 square miles, or about five times

that of England and Wales. Its greatest length from northeast to southwest is 830 miles, and its greatest

breadth is about 600 miles. It is crossed by the equator a little below its centre, so that about twothirds of its

area lie in the northern and onethird lies in the southern hemisphere. Although surrounded on all sides by

islands of volcanic origin, Borneo differs from them in presenting but small traces of volcanic activity, and in

The highest mountain is Kinabalu, an isolated mass of granite in the extreme north, nearly 14,000 feet in

height. With this exception the principal mountains are grouped in several massive chains, which rise here

and there to peaks about 10,000 feet above the sea. The principal of these chains, the TibangIran range, runs

southwestward through the midst of the northern half of the island and is prolonged south of the equator by

the Schwaner chain. This median southwesterly trending range forms the backbone of the island. A second

muchbroken chain runs across the island from east to west about 1[degree] north of the equator. Besides

these two principal mountain chains which determine the main features of the riversystem, there are several

isolated peaks of considerable height, and a minor ridge of hills runs from the centre towards the southcast

corner. With the exception of the northern extremity, which geographically as well as politically stands apart

from the rest of the island, the whole of Borneo may be described as divided by the two principal mountain

chains into four large watersheds. Of these, the northwestern basin, the territory of Sarawak, is drained by

the Rejang and Baram, as well as by numerous smaller rivers. Of the other three, which constitute Dutch

Borneo, the northeastern is drained by the Batang Kayan or Balungan river; the southeastern by the Kotei

and Banjermasin rivers; and the southwestern by the Kapuas, the largest of all the rivers, whose course from

the centre of the island to its southwest corner is estimated at 700 miles. Although the point of intersection

of the two principal mountain chains lies almost exactly midway between the northern and southern and the

eastern and western extremities of the island, the greater width of the southern half of the island gives a

longer course to the rivers of that part, in spite of the fact that all the six principal rivers mentioned above

have their sources not far from this central point. The principal rivers thus radiate from a common centre, the

Batang Kayan flowing eastnortheast, the Kotei southeast by east, the Banjermasin south, the Kapuas a

little south of west, the Rejang west, and the Baram northwest. This radiation of the rivers from a common

centre is a fact of great importance for the understanding of the ethnography of the island, since the rivers are

In almost all parts of the island, the land adjoining the coast is a lowlying swampy belt consisting of the

alluvium brought down by the many rivers from the central highlands. This belt of alluvium extends inland in

many parts for fifty miles or more, and is especially extensive in the south and southeast of the island.

Between the swampy coast belt and the mountains intervenes a zone of very irregular hill country, of which

the average height above the sealevel is about one thousand feet, with occasional peaks rising to five or six

There seems good reason to believe that at a comparatively recent date Borneo was continuous with the

mainland of Asia, forming its southeastern extremity. Together with Sumatra and Java it stands upon a

submarine bank, which is nowhere more than one hundred fathoms below the surface, but which plunges

down to a much greater depth along a line a little east of Borneo (Wallace's line). The abundance of volcanic

activity in the archipelago marks it as a part of the earth's crust liable to changes of elevation, and the

accumulation of volcanic matter would tend to make it an area of subsidence; while the northeast monsoon,

which blows with considerable violence down the China Sea for about four months of each year, may have

hastened the separation of Borneo from the mainland. That this separation was effected in a very recent

geological period is shown by the presence in Borneo of many species of Asiatic mammals both large and

small, notably the rhinoceros (R. BORNIENSIS, closely allied to R. SUMATRANUS); the elephant (E.

INDICUS, which, however, may have been imported by man); the wild cattle (BOS SONDIACUS, which

occurs also in Sumatra); several species of deer and pig (some of which are found in Sumatra and the

mainland); several species of the cat tribe, of which the tigercat (FELIS NEBULOSA) is the largest; the

civetcat (VIVERRA) and its congeners HEMIGALE, PARADOXURUS, and ARCTOGALE; the small

black bear (URSUS MALAYANUS); the clawless otter (LUTRA CINEREA); the bearcat (ARCTICTIS

BINTURONG); the scaly anteater (MANIS JAVANICUS); the lemurs (TARSIUS SPECTRUM and

(HYSTRIX CRASSISPINIS); numerous bats, squirrels, rats and mice; the big shrew (GYMNURA); several

species of monkeys, and two of the anthropoid apes. The last are of peculiar significance, since they are

incapable of crossing even narrow channels of water, and must be regarded as products of a very late stage of

biological evolution. Of these two anthropoid species, the gibbon (HYLOBATES MULLERI) is closely

allied to species found in the mainland and in Sumatra, while the MAIAS or orangutan (SIMIA SALYRUS)

is found also in Sumatra and, though not now surviving on the continent, must be regarded as related to

The zoological evidence thus indicates a recent separation of Borneo and Sumatra from the continent, and a

The climate of the whole island is warm and moist and very equable. The rainfall is copious at all times of the

year, but is rather heavier during the prevalence of the northeast monsoon in the months from October to

February, and least during the months of April and May. At Kuching, during the last thirty years, the average

yearly rainfall has been 160 inches, the maximum 225, and the minimum 102 inches; the maximum monthly

fall recorded was 69 inches, and the minimum .66, and the greatest rainfall recorded in one day was 15

inches. The temperature hardly, if ever, reaches 100[degree] F.; it ranges normally between 70[degree] and

90[degree] F.; the highest reading of one year (1906) at Kuching was 94[degree], the lowest 69[degree].

Snow and frost are unknown, except occasionally on the summits of the highest mountains. Thunderstorms

The abundant rainfall maintains a copious flow of water down the many rivers at all times of the year; but the

rivers are liable to rise rapidly many feet above their normal level during days of exceptionally heavy rain. In

their lower reaches, where they traverse the alluvial plains and swamps, the rivers wind slowly to the sea with

many great bends, and all the larger ones are navigable by small steamers for many miles above their mouths:

thus a large steam launch can ascend the Rejang for 160 miles, the Baram for 120, and some of the rivers on

the Dutch side for still greater distances. The limit of such navigation is set by beds of rock over which the

rivers run shallow, and which mark the beginnings of the middle reaches. In these middle reaches, where the

rivers wind between the feet of the hills, long stretches of deep smooth water alternate with others in which

the water runs with greater violence between confining walls of rock, or spreads out in wide rapids over stony

bottoms. The upper reaches of the rivers, where they descend rapidly from the slopes of the mountains, are

composed of long series of shallow rapids and low waterfalls, alternating at short intervals with still pools

and calm shallows, bounded by rock walls and great beds of waterworn stones, which during the frequent

freshets are submerged by a boiling flood. The whole river in these upper reaches is for the most part roofed

Practically the whole of Borneo, from the seacoast to the summits of the highest mountains, is covered with a

dense forest. On the summits this consists of comparatively stunted trees, of which every part is thickly

coated with moss. In all other parts the forest consists of great trees rising to a height of 150 feet, and even

200 feet, and of a dense undergrowth of younger and smaller trees, and of a great variety of creepers, palms,

and ferns. Trees of many species (nearly 500) yield excellent timber, ranging from the hardest ironwood or

BILIAN, and other hard woods (many of them so closegrained that they will not float in water), to soft,

easily worked kinds. A considerable number bear edible fruits, notably the mango (from which the island

derives its Malay name, PULU KLEMANTAN), the durian, mangosteen, rambutan, jack fruit, trap, lansat,

banana of many varieties, both wild and cultivated, and numerous sour less nutritious kinds. Wild sago is

abundant in some localities. Various palms supply in their unfolding leaves a cabbagelike edible. Among

edible roots the caladium is the chief. Rubber is obtained as the sap of a wild creeper; guttapercha from trees

of several varieties; camphor from pockets in the stem of the camphor tree (DRYOBALANOPS

AROMATICA). But of all the jungle plants those which play the most important parts in the life of the

people are the many species of the rattan and the bamboo; without them more than half the crafts and most of

the more important material possessions of the natives would be impossible, and their lives would perhaps

nearly conform to the conventional notion of savage existence as something 'nasty, dull, and brutish.' The

jungle of Borneo is, of course, famous for its wealth of orchids, and can claim the distinction of producing the

largest flower of the world (RAFFLESIA), and many beautiful varieties of the pitcher plant.

The forests of Borneo harbour more than 450 species of birds, many of them being of gorgeous colouring or

strange and beautiful forms; especially noteworthy are many hawks, owls, and eagles, flycatchers,

spiderhunters, sunbirds, broadbills, nightjars, orioles, miners, pigeons, kingfishers, hornbills, trojans,

magpies, jays, crows, partridges, pheasants, herons, bitterns, snipes, plovers, Curlews, and sandpipers.

Amongst these are many species peculiar to Borneo; while on the mountains above the 4000feet level are

Besides the mammals mentioned above, Borneo claims several species of mammal peculiar to itself, notably

the longnosed monkey (NASALIS LARVATUS); two species of ape (SEMNOPITHECUS HOSEI and S.

CRUCIGER); many shrews and squirrels, including several flying species; a civetcat (HEMIGALE

HOSEI); a deer (CERVUS BROOKII); the bearded pig (SUS HARBATUS); the curious feathertailed shrew

Reptiles are well represented by the crocodile, which abounds in all the rivers, a longsnouted gavial,

numerous tortoises and lizards with several flying species, and more than seventy species of snakes, of which

some are poisonous, while the biggest, the python, attains a length of thirty feet. The rivers abound in edible

fish of many species; insects are of course numerous and varied, and, aided by the multitude of frogs, they fill

The Pagan tribes of Borneo have no written records of their history and only very vague traditions concerning

events in the lives of their ancestors of more than five or six generations ago. But the written records of more

cultured peoples of the Far East contain references to Borneo which throw some small rays of light upon the

past history and present condition of its population. It has seemed to us worth while to bring together in these

pages these few historical notes. The later history of Borneo, which is in the main the story of its occupation

by and division between the Dutch and English, and especially the romantic history of the acquisition of the

raj of Sarawak by its first English rajah, Sir James Brooke, has often been told,[3] and for this reason may be

The coasts of Borneo have long been occupied by a Mohammedan population of Malay culture; this

population is partly descended from Malay and Arab immigrants, and partly from indigenous individuals and

communities that have adopted the Malay faith and culture in recent centuries. When Europeans first visited

the island, this population, dwelling for the most part, as it still does, in villages and small towns upon the

coast and in or near the mouths of the rivers, owed allegiance to several Malay sultans and a number of

subordinate rulers, the local rajahs and pangirans. The principal sultans had as their capitals, from which they

took their titles, Bruni on the northwest, Sambas in the west, Pontianak at the mouth of the Kapuas river,

Banjermasin in the south at the mouth of the river of the same name, Pasir at the southeast corner, Kotei and

Balungan on the east at the mouths of the rivers of those names; while the Sultan of Jolo, the capital of the

Sulu islands, which lie off the north coast, claimed sovereignty over the northern end of Borneo. But these

Malay sultans were not the first representatives in the island of culture and of civilised or semicivilised rule;

for history preserves some faint records of still earlier times, of which some slight confirmation is afforded by

In spite of all the work done on the history of the East Indies, most of what occurred before and much that

followed the arrival of Europeans remains obscure. There are several Asiatic nations whose records might be

expected to contain valuable information, but all are disappointing. The Klings, still the principal Hindu

traders in the Far East, visited the Malay Archipelago in the first or at any rate the second century after

Christ,[4] and introduced their writing[5] and chronology. But their early histories are meagre and

unsatisfactory in the extreme. The Arab culture of the Malays, which took root in Sumatra in the twelfth

century, is of course of no assistance in regard to events of earlier date, and does not give trustworthy and

detailed accounts until the fifteenth century. The Chinese, on the other hand, always a literary people,

carefully preserved in their archives all that could be gathered with regard to the "southern seas." But China

was far away, and many local events would possess no interest for her subjects. Under the circumstances, the

official historians deserve our gratitude for their geographical descriptions and for the particulars of

tributebearing missions to the Son of Heaven, though they have little else to tell.

The first account we have been able to find referring to Borneo is a description of the kingdom of Poli from

the Chinese annals of the sixth century. Poli was said to be on an island in the sea southeast of Camboja,

and two months southeast of Canton. The journey thither was made by way of the Malay Peninsula, a

devious route still followed by Chinese junks. Envoys were sent to the Imperial court in A.D. 518, 523, and

616. "The people of this country," our authority says, "are skilled in throwing a discusknife, and the edge is

like a saw; when they throw it at a man, they never fail to hit him. Their other arms are about the same as in

China. Their customs resemble those of Camboja, and the productions of the country are the same as of Siam.

When one commits a murder or theft they cut off his hands,[6] and when adultery has been committed, the

culprit has his legs chained for the period of a year. For their sacrifice they choose the time when there is no

moon; they fill a bowl with wine and eatables and let it float away on the surface of the water; in the eleventh

month they have a great sacrifice. They get corals from the sea, and they have a bird called s'ari, which can

talk." A later reference to the same place says: "They carry the teeth of wild beasts in their ears, and wrap a

piece of cotton round their loins; cotton is a plant of which they collect the flowers to make cloth of them; the

coarser kind is called KUPA, and the finer cloth T'IEH. They hold their markets at night, and cover their

faces.... At the east of this country is situated the land of the Rakshas, which has the same customs as

This is an interesting account in many ways, and tallies very closely with what other evidence would lead one

to suspect. For there is reason to think that Bruni, before it became Mohammedan, was a Bisaya kingdom

under Buddhist sovereigns and Hindu influence; and nearly all the particulars given with regard to the people

of Borneo are true of one or other of the races allied to Bisayas and living near Bruni today. The

discusknife, a wooden weapon, is not now in use, but is known to have been used formerly. The wild

Kadayans sacrifice after every new moon, and are forbidden to eat a number of things until they have done

so. The Malanaus set laden rafts afloat on the rivers to propitiate the spirits of the sea. The very names of the

two kinds of cotton, then evidently a novelty to the Chinese, are found in Borneo: KAPOK is a wellknown

Malay word; but TAYA is the common name for cotton among the Sea Dayaks, though it is doubtful whether

it is found in Sumatra at all, and is not given in Marsden's great Dictionary. The use of teeth as

earornaments may refer to Kenyahs. If these identities are sufficient to show that Poli was old Bruni, we

have an almost unique illustration here of the antiquity of savage customs. That an experience of fourteen

hundred years should have failed to convince people of the futility of feeding salt waves is a striking

Poli had already attained a certain measure of civilisation, and even of luxury. The kingly dignity was

hereditary, and the Buddhist monarch was served with much ceremony. He was clad in flowered silk or

cotton, adorned with pearls, and sat on a golden throne attended by servants with white dusters and fans of

peacock feathers. When he went out of his palace, his chariot, canopied with feathers and embroidered

curtains, was drawn by elephants, whilst gongs, drums, and conches made inspiriting music. As Hindu

ornaments have been found at Santubong together with Chinese coins of great antiquity, as the names of

many offices of state in Bruni are derived from Sanskrit, and the people of Sarawak have only lately ceased

to speak of "the days of the Hindus,"[8] there is nothing startling in the statement that the kings of Poli were

Whatever Poli may or may not have been, there is little question that Puni, 45 days from Java, 40 from

Palembang, 30 from Champa, in each case taking the wind to be fair, was Bruni. The Chinese, who have

neither B nor double consonants in their impoverished language, still call the Bornean capital Puni.

Groeneveldt says that the Chinese consider Puni to have been on the west coast of Borneo. This state is

mentioned several times in the annals of the Sung dynasty, which, though only ruling over Southern China,

had a complete monopoly[9] of the ocean trade for three centuries (960 to 1279 A.D.). Puni was at that time a

town of some 10,000 inhabitants, protected by a stockade of timber. The king's palace, like the houses of

modern Bruni, was thatched with palm leaves, the cottages of the people with grass. Warriors carried spears

and protected themselves with copper armour. When any native died, his corpse was exposed in the jungle,

and once a year for seven years sacrifices were made to the departed spirit. Bamboos and palm leaves, thrown

away after every meal, sufficed for crockery. The products of the country, or at least such as were sent as

In the year 977, we are told, Hianzta, king of Puni, sent envoys to China, who presented tribute with the

following words: "May the emperor live thousands and tens of thousands of years, and may he not disapprove

of the poor civilities of my little country." The envoys presented a letter from the king. This was written on'

what looked like the very thin bark of a tree; it was glossy, slightly green, several feet long, and somewhat

broader than one inch; the characters in which it was written were small, and had to be read horizontally. In

all these particulars the letter resembled the books of magic which are still written by the Battas of inland

Sumatra.[11] The message ran: "The king of Puni, called Hianzta, prostrates himself before the most august

emperor, and hopes that the emperor may live ten thousands of years. I have now sent envoys to carry tribute;

I knew before that there was an emperor, but I had no means of communication. Recently there was a

merchant called Pu Lu, whose ship arrived at the mouth of my river; I sent a man to invite him to my place,

and he told me that he came from China. The people of my country were much delighted at this, and

preparing a ship, asked this stranger to guide them to the court. The envoys I have sent only wish to see Your

Majesty in peace, and I intend to send people with tribute every year. But when I do so I fear that my ships

may occasionally be blown to Champa, and I therefore hope Your Majesty will send an edict to that country

with orders that, if a ship of Hianzta arrives there, it must not be detained. My country has no other

articles,[12] and I pray Your Majesty not to be angry with me." The envoys were entertained and sent home

with presents. In 1082 A.D., a hundred years later, Sri Maja, king of Puni, sent tribute again, but the promise

of yearly homage was not kept. Gradually the Sung dynasty declined in power, and East Indian potentates

In the thirteenth and the early part of the fourteenth centuries Bruni owed allegiance alternately to two powers

much younger than herself, Majapahit in Java, and Malacca on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula. Both

these states were founded in the thirteenth century.[13] Majapahit, originally only one of several Javan

kingdoms, rapidly acquired strength and subjugated her neighbours and the nearest portions of the islands

around. Malacca, formed when the Malay colony of Singapore was overwhelmed by Javanese, became the

great commercial depot of the Straits and the chief centre of Mohammedanism in the Archipelago. The two

powers therefore stood for two faiths and two cultures: Majapahit for Brahminism and Hindu influence,

In the earliest years of the fourteenth century Bruni was a dependency of Majapahit, but seems to have

recovered its independence during the minority of the Javan king. It is to this time that the tradition of the

Kapuas Malays ascribes the arrival of the Kayans in Borneo.[14] Then Angka Wijaya extended the power of

Majapahit over Palembang in Sumatra, Timor, Ternate, Luzon, and the coasts of Borneo. Over Banjermasin

he set his natural son. In 1368 Javanese soldiers drove from Bruni the Sulu marauders who had sacked the

town. A few years later the ungrateful king transferred his allegiance to China, and not long afterwards, with

calculating humility, paid tribute[15] to Mansur Shah, who had succeeded to the throne of Malacca in 1374

An extraordinary incident occurred at the beginning of the fifteenth century, which again and for the last

time draws our attention to the Chinese court. The great Mongol conquerors, Genghis and Kublai Khan,

had little to do with the Malay Archipelago, though the latter sent an unsuccessful expedition against Java in

1292. But the Ming emperors, who were of Chinese blood, came to power in 1368 and soon developed the

maritime influence of the empire. For a few years there was a continual stream of East Indian embassies.

During the last twenty years of the century, however, these became more rare, and in 1405 the Chinese

emperor found it necessary to send a trusted eunuch, by name Cheng Ho, to visit the vassal states in the

south. This man made several journeys, travelling as far as the shores of Africa, and his mission bore

immediate fruit. Among others, Maraja Kali, king of Puni, although Cheng Ho does not appear to have called

on him in person, sent tribute in 1405; and so pleased was he with the embroidered silk presented to him and

his wife in return, that he visited the Son of Heaven three years later. Landing in Fukien, he was escorted by a

eunuch to the Chinese capital amid scenes of great rejoicing. The emperor received him in audience, allowing

him the honours of a noble of the first rank, and loaded him with gifts. The same year, having accomplished

his one great ambition of "seeing the face of the Son of Heaven," this humbled monarch died in the imperial

city, leaving his son Hiawang to succeed to the throne of Puni. Having induced the emperor to stop the yearly

tribute of forty katties of camphor paid by Puni to Java, and having agreed to send tribute to China every

three years, Hiawang returned home to take up the reins of government. Between 1410 and 1425 he paid

tribute six times, besides revisiting the Chinese Court; but afterwards little Puni seems to have again ignored

It is probable that the Chinese colony in North Borneo which gave its name to the lofty mountain Kina Balu

(Chinese widow) and to the Kina Batangan, the chief river which flows from it, was founded about this time.

Several old writers seem to refer to this event, and local traditions of the settlement still survive. The Brunis

and Idaans (a people in the north not unlike the Bisayas) have legends differing in detail to the effect that the

Chinese came to seize the great jewel of the Kina Balu dragon, but afterwards quarrelled about the booty and

separated, some remaining behind. The Idaans consider themselves the descendants of these settlers, but that

can only be true in a very limited sense. Both country and people, however, show traces of Chinese influence.

There is good evidence that the Chinese influence and immigration were not confined to Bruni and the

northern end of the island. In southwest Borneo there are traces of very extensive washings of alluvial

gravels for gold and diamonds. These operations were being conducted by Chinese when Europeans first

came to the country; and the extent of the old workings implies that they had been continued through many

centuries. HinduJavan influence also was not confined to the court of Bruni, for in many parts of the

southern half of Borneo traces of it survive in the custom of burning the dead, in low relief carvings of bulls

The faith of Islam and the arrival of Europeans have profoundly affected the manners and politics of the East

Indies, and now it is difficult to picture the state of affairs when King Hiawang revisited China to pay

homage to the Emperor. In 1521, within a hundred years of that event, Pigafetta, the chronicler of Magellan's

great exploit, was calling on the "Moorish" king of Bruni, in the course of the first voyage round the world.

The change had come. Of the two new influences, so potent for good and evil, Mohammedanism made its

appearance first. The struggle for religious supremacy ended in the complete victory of the Prophet's

followers in 1478, when Majapahit was utterly destroyed, thirty years before the capture of Malacca by the

How early the Arab doctrines were taught in Bruni is impossible to state with any precision. Local tradition

ascribes their introduction to the renowned Alak ber Tata, afterwards known as Sultan Mohammed. Like

most of his subjects this warrior was a Bisaya, and in early life he was not a Mohammedan, not indeed a

civilised potentate at all, to judge by conventional standards; for the chief mark of his royal dignity was an

immense chawat, or loincloth, carried as he walked by eighty men, forty in front and forty behind. He is the

earliest monarch of whom the present Brunis have any knowledge, a fact to be accounted for partly by the

brilliance of his exploits, partly by the introduction about that time of Arabic writing. After much fighting he

subdued the people of Igan,[16] Kalaka, Seribas, Sadong, Semarahan, and Sarawak,[17] and compelled them

to pay tribute. He stopped the annual payment to Majapahit of one jar of pinang juice, a useless commodity

though troublesome to collect. During his reign the Muruts were brought under Bruni rule by peaceful

measures,[18] and the Chinese colony was kept in good humour by the marriage of the Bruni king's brother

Alak ber Tata is said to have gone to Johore,[19] where he was converted[20] to Islam, given[21] the

daughter of Sultan Bakhei and the title of Sultan, and was confirmed in his claim to rule over Sarawak and his

Sultan Mohammed was succeeded by his brother Akhmad, soninlaw of the Chinese chief, and he was in

turn succeeded by an Arab from Taif who had married his daughter. Thus the present royal house of Bruni is

derived from three sources Arab, Bisaya, and Chinese. The coronation ceremony as still maintained

affords an interesting confirmation of this account. On that occasion the principal minister wears a turban and

Haji outfit, the two next in rank are dressed in Chinese and Hindu fashion, while the fourth wears a chawat

over his trousers to represent the Bisayas; and each of these ministers declares the Sultan to be divinely

appointed. Then after the demonstration of loyalty the two gongs one from Menangkabau, the other from

Johore are beaten, and the Moslem high priest proclaims the Sultan and preaches a sermon, declaring him

to be a descendant of Sri Turi Buana, the Palembang chief who founded the early kingdom of Singapore in

1160 A.D., who reigned in that island for fortyeight years, and whose descendants became the royal family

The Arab Sultan who succeeded Akhmed assumed the name Berkat and ruled the country with vigour. He

built a mosque and converted many of his subjects, so that from his reign Bruni may be considered a

Mohammedan town. To defend the capital he sank forty junks filled with stone in the river, and thus formed

the breakwater which still bars the entrance to large ships. This work rose above the water level, and in

former times bristled with cannon. Sultan Berkat was succeeded by his son Suleiman, whose reign was of

Neglecting Suleiman, we come now to the most heroic figure in Bruni history, Sultan Bulkiah, better known

by his earlier name, Nakoda Ragam. The prowess of this prince has been celebrated in prose and verse. He

journeyed to distant lands, and conquered the Sulu islands and eastern Borneo. Over the throne of Sambas he

set a weakminded brother of his own. He even sent an expedition to Manila, and on the second attempt

seized that place. Tribute poured into his coffers from all sides. His wife was a Javanese princess, who

brought many people to Bruni. These intermarried with the Bisayas, and from them it is said are sprung the

Kadayans, a quiet agricultural folk, skilled in various arts, but rendered timid by continual oppression. Some

have settled recently in the British colony of Labuan, and others in Sarawak round the river Sibuti, where

Nakoda Ragam's capital at Buang Tawa was on dry land, but when he died, killed accidentally by his wife's

bodkin, the nobles quarrelled among themselves, and some of them founded the present pilebuilt town of

Bruni. It was to this Malay capital and court that Pigafetta paid his visit in 1521 with the surviving

companions of Magellan. His is the first good account from European sources of the place which he called

Bornei, and whose latitude he estimated with an error of less than ten miles.[23]

It is easy to see from Pigafetta's narrative[24] that at the date of his visit the effects of Nakoda Ragam's

exploits had not evaporated. The splendour of the Court and the large population the city is said to have

contained were presumably the result of the conquests he had made in neighbouring islands. The king, like

the princes of Malacca before the conquest, had his elephants, and he and his courtiers were clothed in

Chinese satins and Indian brocades. He was in possession of artillery, and the appearance and ceremonial of

From this time onwards the power of Bruni has continuously declined. Recurrent civil wars invited the

occasional interventions of the Portuguese and of the Spanish governors of the Philippines, which, although

they did not result in the subjugation of the Malay power, nevertheless sapped its strength.

The interest of the later history of Borneo lies in the successive attempts,[25] many of them fruitless, made by

Dutch and English to gain a footing on the island. The Dutch arrived off Bruni in the year 1600, and ten days

afterwards were glad to leave with what pepper they had obtained in the interval, the commander judging the

place nothing better than a nest of rogues. The Dutch did not press the acquaintance, but started factories at

Sambas, where they monopolised the trade. In 1685 an English captain named Cowley arrived in Bruni; but

the English showed as little inclination as the Dutch to take up the commerce which the Portuguese had

At Banjermasin, on the southern coast, more progress was made. The Dutch arrived there before their English

rivals, but were soon compelled by intrigues to withdraw. In 1704[26] the English factors on the Chinese

island of Chusan, expelled by the imperial authorities and subsequently driven from Pulo Condar off the

Cochin China coast by a mutiny, arrived at Banjermasin. They had every reason to be gratified with the

prospects at that port; for they could sell the native pepper to the Chinese at three times the cost price. But

their bitter experiences in the China seas had not taught them wisdom; they soon fell out with the Javanese

Sultan, whose hospitality they were enjoying, and after some bloody struggles were obliged to withdraw from

In 1747 the Dutch East India Company, which in 1705 had obtained a firm footing in Java, and in 1745 had

established its authority over all the northeastern coast of that island, extorted a monopoly of trade at

Banjermasin and set up a factory. Nearly forty years later[27] (1785), the reigning prince having rendered

himself odious to his subjects, the country was invaded by 3000 natives of Celebes. These were expelled by

the Dutch, who dethroned the Sultan, placing his younger brother on the throne; and he, in reward for their

services, ceded to them his entire dominions, consenting to hold them as a vassal. This is the treaty under

which the Dutch claim the sovereignty of Banjermasin and whatever was once dependent on it. In this way

the Dutch got a hold on the country which they have never relaxed; and, after the interval during which their

possessions in the East Indies were administered by England,[28] they strengthened that hold gradually, year

by year, till now twothirds or more of the island is under their flag and feels the benefits of their rule. If

there are still any districts of this large area where Dutch influence has even now barely made itself felt, they

will not long remain in their isolation; for the Controleurs are extending their influence even into the most

To turn again to the northwestern coast and the doings of Englishmen, in 1763 the Sultan of Sulu ceded to

the East India Company the territory in Borneo which had been given him when he killed the usurper Abdul

Mubin in Bruni. In 1773 a small settlement was formed on the island of Balambangan, north of Bruni; and in

the following year the Sultan of Bruni agreed to give this settlement a monopoly of the pepper trade in return

for protection from piracy. In the next year, however, Balambangan was surprised and captured by the Sulus.

Towards the end of the eighteenth century the Malays of Bruni, Sulu, and Mindanao, with native followers

and allies, inspired we may suppose by the example of their European visitors, took to piracy not that they

had not engaged in such business before, but that they now prosecuted an old trade with renewed vigour.

English traders still tried to pay occasional visits, but after the loss of the MAY in 1788, the SUSANNA in

1803, and the COMMERCE in 1806, with the murder of the crews, the Admiralty warned merchants that it

was CERTAIN DESTRUCTION to go up river to Bruni. For forty years this intimation was left on British

charts, and British seamen followed the humiliating counsel. Not until the early forties was peace restored,

after an event of the most romantic and improbable kind, the accession of an English gentleman to the throne

Of this incident, so fateful for the future of the western side of Borneo, it must suffice to say here that James

Brooke, a young Englishman, having resigned his commission in the army of the British East India

Company, invested his fortune in a yacht of 140 tons, with which he set sail in 1838 for the eastern

Archipelago. His bold but vague design was to establish peace, prosperity, and just government in some part

of that troubled area, whose beauties he had admired and whose misfortunes he had deplored on the occasion

of an earlier voyage to the China seas. When at Singapore, he heard that the Malays of Sarawak, a district

forming the southern extremity of the Sultanate of Bruni, had rebelled against the Bruni nobles, and had in

vain appealed to the Dutch Governorgeneral at Batavia for deliverance from their oppressors. Under the

nominal authority of the Sultan, these Bruni nobles, many of whom were of Arab descent, had brought all the

northwestern part of Borneo to a state of chronic rebellion. They had taught the Sea Dayaks of the Batang

Lupar and neighbouring rivers to join them in their piratical excursions, and, being to some extent dependent

upon their aid, were compelled to treat them with some consideration; but all other communities were treated

by them with a rapacity and cruelty which was causing a rapid depopulation and the return to jungle of much

Brooke sailed for Sarawak in August 1839, and found the country torn by internal conflicts. The Sultan had

recently sent Muda Hasim, his uncle and heirpresumptive to the throne of Bruni, to restore order; but this

weak though amiable noble had found himself quite incapable of coping with the situation. Brooke spent

some time surveying the coast and studying the people and country, and gained the confidence of Muda

Hasim. After an excursion to Celebes, Brooke sailed for a second visit to Sarawak just a year after the first,

and found the state of the country going from bad to worse. Muda Hasim besought him to take command of

his forces and to suppress the rebellion. Brooke consented, and soon secured the submission of the rebel

leaders on the condition that he (Brooke), and not any Bruni noble, should be the governor and Rajah of

Sarawak. Muda Hasim had offered to secure his appointment to this office as an inducement to him to

undertake the operations against the rebels; Brooke therefore felt himself justified in granting these terms.

And when later Muda Hasim, no longer threatened with disgrace and failure, showed himself disinclined to

carry out this arrangement, Brooke, feeling himself bound by his agreement with the rebel leaders, whose

lives he had with difficulty preserved from the vengeance of the Bruni nobles, insisted upon it with some

show of force; and on September 24, 1841, he was proclaimed Rajah and governor of Sarawak amid the

rejoicings of the populace. Muda Hasim, as representative of the Sultan, signed the document which

conferred this title and authority; but since he was not in any proper sense Rajah of Sarawak, which in fact

was not a raj, but a district hitherto ruled or misruled by Bruni governors not bearing the title of Rajah, this

transaction cannot properly be described as an abdication by Muda Hasim in favour of Brooke. Brooke

accordingly felt that it was desirable to secure from the Sultan himself a formal recognition of his authority

and title. To this end he visited the Sultan in the year 1842, and obtained from him the desired confirmation

of the action of his agent Muda Hasim. The way in which the raj of Sarawak has since been extended, until it

now comprises a territory of nearly 60,000 square miles (approximately equal to the area of England and

The northern end of Borneo had long been a huntingground for slaves for the nobles of Bruni and Sulu,

whose Sultans claimed but did not exercise the right to rule over it. In 1877 Mr. Alfred Dent, a Shanghai

merchant, induced the two Sultans to resign to him their sovereign rights over this territory in return for a

money payment. The British North Borneo Company, which was formed for the commercial development of

it, necessarily undertook the task of pacification and administration. In 1881 the company was granted a royal

charter by the British Government; and it now administers with success and a fair prospect of continued

commercial profit a territory which, with the exception of a small area about the town of Bruni, includes all

of the island that had not been brought under the Dutch or Sarawak flag. In 1888 Sarawak and British North

Borneo were formally brought under the protection of the British Government; but the territories remained

under the rule of the Rajah and of the company respectively, except in regard to their foreign relations. In the

year 1906 the Sultan of Bruni placed himself and his capital, together with the small territory over which he

still retained undivided authority, under the protection of the British Government; and thus was completed the

It is not improbable that at one time Borneo was inhabited by people of the negrito race, small remnants of

which race are still to be found in islands adjacent to all the coasts of Borneo as well as in the Malay

Peninsula. No communities of this race exist in the island at the present time; but among the people of the

northern districts individuals may be occasionally met with whose hair and facial characters strongly suggest

It is probable that the mixed race of HinduJavanese invaders, who occupied the southern coasts of Borneo

some centuries ago, became blended with the indigenous population, and that a considerable proportion of

their blood still runs in the veins of some of the tribes of the southern districts (E.G. the Land Dayaks and

There can be no doubt that of the Chinese traders who have been attracted to Borneo by its camphor, edible

birds' nests, and spices, some have settled in the island and have become blended with and absorbed by the

tribes of the northwest (E.G. the Dusuns); and it seems probable that some of the elements of their culture

have spread widely and been adopted throughout a large part of Borneo. For several centuries also Chinese

settlers have been attracted to the southwestern district by the gold which they found in the river gravel and

alluvium. These also have intermarried with the people of the country; but they have retained their national

characteristics, and have been continually recruited by considerable numbers of their fellow countrymen.

Since the establishment of peace and order and security for life and property by the European administrations,

and with the consequent development of trade during the last halfcentury, the influx of Chinese has been

very rapid; until at the present time they form large communities in and about all the chief centres of trade. A

certain number of Chinese traders continue to penetrate far into the interior, and some of these take wives of

the people of the country; in many cases their children become members of their mothers' tribes and so are

Among the Mohammedans, who are found in all the coast regions of Borneo, there is a considerable number

of persons who claim Arab forefathers; and there can be no doubt that the introduction of the Mohammedan

religion was largely due to Arab traders, and that many Arabs and their halfbred descendants have held

During the last halfcentury, natives of India, most of whom are Klings from Madras, have established

themselves in the small trades of the towns; and of others who came as coolies, some have settled in the

towns with their wives and families. These people do not penetrate into the interior or intermarry with the

With the exception of the abovementioned immigrants and their descendants, the population of Borneo may

be described as falling naturally into two great classes; namely, on the one hand those who have accepted,

nominally at least, the Mohammedan religion and civilisation, and on the other hand the pagan peoples. In

Bruni and in all the coast regions the majority of the people are Mohammedan, have no tribal organisation,

and call themselves Malays (Orang Malayu). This name has usually been accorded them by European

authors; but when so used the name denotes a social, political, and religious status rather than membership in

an ethnic group. With the exception of these partially civilised "Malays" of the coast regions and the

imported elements mentioned above, all the natives of Borneo live under tribal organisation, their cultures

ranging from the extreme simplicity of the nomadic Punans to a moderately developed barbarism. All these

pagan tribes have often been classed together indiscriminately under the name Dyaks or Dayaks, though

many groups may be clearly distinguished from one another by differences of culture, belief, and custom, and

The Mohammedan population, being of very heterogeneous ethnic composition, and having adopted a culture

of foreign origin, which may be better studied in other regions of the earth where the Malay type and culture

is more truly indigenous, seems to us to be of secondary interest to the anthropologist as compared with the

less cultured pagan tribes. We shall therefore confine our attention to the less known pagan tribes of the

interior; and when we speak of the people of Borneo in general terms it is to the latter only that we refer

(except where the "Malays" are specifically mentioned). Of these we distinguish six principal groups: (1) Sea

Dayaks or Ibans, (2) the Kayans, (3) Kenyahs, (4) Klemantans, (5) Muruts, (6) Punans.

A census of the population has been made in most of the principal districts of Sarawak and of Dutch Borneo;

but as no census of the whole country has hitherto been made, it is impossible to state with any pretence to

accuracy the number of the inhabitants of the island. Basing our estimate on such partial and local

enumerations as have been made, we believe the total population to be about 3,000,000. Of these the Chinese

immigrants and their descendants, who are rapidly increasing in number, probably exceed 100,000. The

Malays and the native converts to Islam, who constitute with the Chinese the population of the towns and

settled villages of the coast districts, probably number between three and four hundred thousand; the Indian

immigrants are probably not more than 10,000; the Europeans number perhaps 3000; the rest of the

population is made up of the six groups of barbarians named in the foregoing paragraph.

Any estimate of the numbers of the people of each of these six divisions is necessarily a very rough one, but

it is perhaps worth while to state our opinion on this question as follows: Klemantans, rather more than

1,000,000; Kenyahs, about 300,000; Muruts, 250,000; Sea Dayaks, 200,000; Kayans, 150,000; Punans and

(1) Of all these six peoples the Sea Dayaks have become best known to Europeans, largely owing to their

restless truculent disposition, and to the fact that they are more numerous in Sarawak than any of the others.

They have spread northwards over Sarawak during the latter half of the last century, chiefly from the region

of the Batang Lupar, where they are still numerous. They are still spreading northward, encroaching upon the

more peaceful Klemantan tribes. They are most densely distributed in the lower reaches of the main rivers of

Sarawak, especially the Batang Lupar and Saribas rivers, which are now exclusively occupied by them; but

they are found also in scattered communities throughout almost all parts of Sarawak, and even in British

North Borneo, and they extend from their centre in Sarawak into the adjacent regions of Dutch Borneo, which

The Sea Dayak is of a wellmarked and fairly uniform physical type. His skin is distinctly darker than that of

the other peoples of the interior, though not quite so dark as that of most of the true Malays. The hair of his

head is more abundant and longer than that of other peoples. His figure is well proportioned, neat, and

generally somewhat boyish. His expression is bright and mobile, his lips and teeth are generally distorted and

discoloured by the constant chewing of betel nut. They are a vain, dressy, boastful, excitable, not to say

frivolous people cheerful, talkative, sociable, fond of fun and jokes and lively stories; though given to

exaggeration, their statements can generally be accepted as founded on fact; they are industrious and

energetic, and are great wanderers; to the last peculiarity they owe the name of Iban, which has been given

them by the Kayans, and which has now been generally adopted even by the Sea Dayaks themselves.

The good qualities enumerated above render the Iban an agreeable companion and a useful servant. But there

is another side to the picture: they have little respect for their chiefs, a peculiarity which renders their social

organisation very defective and chaotic; they are quarrelsome, treacherous, and litigious, and the most

inveterate headhunters of the country; unlike most of the other peoples, they will take heads for the sake of

the glory the act brings them and for the enjoyment of the killing; in the pursuit of human victims they

become possessed by a furious excitement that drives them on to acts of the most heartless treachery and the

All the Sea Dayaks speak one language, with but slight local diversities of dialect. It is extremely simple,

being almost devoid of inflections, and of very simple grammatical structure, relying largely on intonation. It

(2) The Kayans are widely distributed throughout central Borneo, and are to be found in large villages

situated on the middle reaches of all the principal rivers with the exception of those that run to the north

coast. They occupy in the main a zone dividing the districts of the lower reaches of the rivers from the central

They are a warlike people, but less truculent than the Sea Dayaks, more staid and conservative and religious,

and less sociable. They do not wantonly enter into quarrels; they respect and obey their chiefs. They are

equally industrious with the Sea Dayaks, and though somewhat slow and heavy in both mind and body, they

are more skilled in the handicrafts than any of the other peoples. They also speak one language, which

(3) The Kenyahs predominate greatly in the highlands a little north of the centre of Borneo where all the large

rivers have their sources; but they are found also in widely scattered villages throughout the Kayan areas. In

all respects they show closer affinities with the Kayans than with the Sea Dayaks; as regards custom and

mode of life they closely resemble the Kayans, with whom they are generally on friendly terms; but they are

easily distinguished from the Kayans by wellmarked differences of bodily and mental characters, as well as

by language. Physically they are without question the finest people of the country. Their skincolour is

decidedly fairer than that of Sea Dayaks or Kayans. They are of medium stature, with long backs and short,

muscular, wellrounded limbs; a little stumpy in build, but of graceful and vigorous bearing. They are

perhaps the most courageous and intelligent of the peoples; pugnacious, but less quarrelsome than the Sea

Dayak; more energetic and excitable than the Kayan; hospitable and somewhat improvident, sociable and of

pleasant manners; less reserved and of more buoyant temperament than the Kayan; very loyal and obedient to

their chiefs; more truthful and more to be depended upon under all circumstances than any of the other

The Kenyahs speak a number of dialects of the same language, and these differ so widely that Kenyahs of

widely separated districts cannot converse freely with one another; but, as with all the peoples, except the Sea

Dayaks, nearly every man has the command of several dialects as well as of the Kayan language.

(4) The Klemantans. Under this name we group together a number of tribes which, though in our opinion

closely allied, are widely scattered in all parts of Borneo, and present considerable diversities of language and

custom. In physical and mental characters they show affinities to the Kenyahs on the one hand and to the

Muruts on the other. They are less bellicose than the peoples mentioned above, and have suffered much at

their hands. They are careful, intelligent, and sociable, though somewhat timid, people; skilful in handicrafts,

but less energetic than the Kayans and Kenyahs, and inferior to them in metal work and the making of swords

and spears and boats. The blowpipe is their characteristic weapon, and they are more devoted to hunting

Klemantans are to be found in every part of the island, but most of their villages are situated on the lower

reaches of the rivers. They are most abundant in the south, constituting the greater part of the population of

Dutch Borneo; in the north they are few, their place being filled by their near relatives, the Muruts. The latter

constitute the principal part of the population of the northern end of the island, predominating over all the

other peoples in British North Borneo, and in the northern extremities of Sarawak and of Dutch Borneo.

(5) The Muruts are confined to the northern part of Borneo. They resemble the Klemantans more closely than

the other peoples. They are comparatively tall and slender, have less regular and pleasing features than the

Klemantans, and their skin is generally darker and more ruddy in colour. Their agriculture is superior to that

of the other peoples, but they are addicted to much drinking of ricespirit. Their social organisation is very

loose, their chiefs having but little authority. Besides those who call themselves Muruts, we class under the

same general name several tribes which we regard as closely allied to them; namely, the Adangs in the head

of the Limbang; the Kalabits about the head of the Baram; the Sabans and Kerayans at the head of the

Kerayan river; the Libuns; the Lepu Asings at the head of the Bahau; Tagals and Dusuns in the most

(6) The Punans, among whom we include, beside the Punans proper, the Ukits and a few other closely allied

but widely scattered small groups, are the only people who do not dwell in villages established on the banks

of the rivers. They live in small groups of twenty or thirty persons, which wander in the jungle. Each such

group is generally made up of a chief and his descendants. The group will spend a few weeks or months at a

time in one spot (to which generally they are attracted by the presence of wild sago), dwelling in rude shelters

of sticks and leaves, and then moving on, but generally remaining within some one area, such as the basin of

one of the upper tributaries of a large river. They are found throughout the interior of Borneo, but are difficult

to meet with, as they remain hidden in the depths of the forests. Unlike all the other peoples, they cultivate no

PADI (rice), and they do not make boats or travel on the rivers. They support themselves by hunting with the

blowpipe, by gathering the wild jungle fruits, and by collecting the jungle products and bartering them with

the more settled peoples. In physical characters they closely resemble the Kenyahs, being wellbuilt and

vigorous; their skin is of very light yellow colour, and their features are regular and well shaped. Mentally

they are characterised by extreme shyness and timidity and reserve. They are quite inoffensive and never

engage in open warfare; though they will avenge injuries by stealthy attacks on individuals with the

blowpipe and poisoned darts. Their only handicrafts are the making of baskets, mats, blowpipes, and the

implements used for working the wild sago; but in these and in the use of the blowpipe they are very expert.

All other manufactured articles used by them cloths, swords, spears are obtained by barter from the

other peoples. Unlike all the other peoples, they have no form of sepulture, but simply leave the corpse of a

comrade in the rude shelter in which he died. They sing and declaim rude melancholy songs or dirges with

peculiar skill and striking effect. Their language is distinctive, but is apparently allied to the Kenyah and

We propose to deal with the topics of each of our descriptive chapters by giving as full as possible an account

of the Kayans, and adding to this some observations as to the principal diversities of custom and culture

presented by the other peoples. For, if we should attempt to describe in detail each of these peoples with all

their local diversities, this book would attain an inordinate length. The Kayans are in most respects the most

homogeneous of these peoples, the most conservative and distinctive, and present perhaps the richest and

most interesting body of belief and custom and art; while many of their customs and arts have been adopted

We may conclude this chapter by describing briefly in general terms the physical characters, and the habits

These peoples present no very great differences of physical character. All are of medium height; their

skincolour ranges from a rich medium brown to a very pale CAFEAULAIT, hardly deeper than the

colour of cream. Their hair is nearly black or very dark brown, and generally quite lank, but in some cases

wavy or even almost curly. Their faces show in nearly all cases, though in very diverse degrees, some of the

wellknown mongoloid characters, the wide cheekbones, the small oblique eyes, the peculiar fold of the

upper eyelid at its nasal end, and the scanty beard. In some individuals these traces are very slight and in fact

not certainly perceptible. The nose varies greatly in shape, but is usually rather wide at the nostrils, and in

very many cases the plane of the nostrils is tilted a little upwards and forwards. On the other hand some

individuals, especially among the Kenyahs, have distinctly aquiline and wellformed noses. Amongst all

these peoples, especially the Kenyahs, Punans, and Klemantans, there are to be seen a few individuals of very

Although as regards physical characters all these peoples have much in common, yet each of them presents

peculiarities which are obvious to the eye of an experienced observer, and enable him without hesitation to

assign to their proper groups the majority of individuals; and such recognition on mere inspection is of course

rendered easier by the relatively slight peculiarities of dress and ornament proper to each group.

The purebred Kenyah presents, perhaps, the most clearly marked as well as the finest physical type. His

skin, is the colour of rich cream with a very small dash of coffee. The hair of his head varies from slightly

wavy to curly, and is never very abundant or long in the men. The rest of his body is almost free from hair,

and what little grows upon the face is carefully plucked out (not, leaving even the eyebrows and eyelashes).

This practice is common to all the peoples of the interior except the Sea Dayaks. His stature is about 1600

mm.; his weight about 136 pounds. His limbs are distinctly short in proportion to his body; his trunk is well

developed and square, and both limbs and trunk are well covered with rounded muscles. His movements are

quick and vigorous, and he is hardy and capable of sustaining prolonged toil and hardship. His head is

moderately round (Index 79), his face broad but well shaped. The expression of his face is bold and open.

The Kayan has a rather darker skin of a redder tone. His legs are not so disproportionately short, but in all

other respects his body is less well proportioned, graceful, and active than the Kenyah's. His features are less

regular and rather coarser and heavier; his expression is serious, reserved, and cautious.

The Murut is nearly as fair skinned as the Kenyah, perhaps a little ruddier in tone. His most characteristic

feature is the length of his leg and lack of calf, in both of which respects he contrasts strongly with the

Kenyah. The length of his leg raises his stature above the average. His intonation is characteristic, namely,

The Klemantans present a greater variety of physical types, being a less homogeneous group. Roughly they

may be said to present all transitions from the Kenyah to the Murut type. In the main they are less muscular

and active than the Kenyah. It is amongst them that the upward and forward direction of the plane of the

The Punan presents, again, a wellmarked type. His skin is even fairer than the Kenyah's, and is

distinguished by a distinctly greenish tinge. He is well proportioned, graceful, and muscular, and his features

are in many cases very regular and pleasing. His expression is habitually melancholy and strikingly wary and

timid. In spite of his homeless nomadic life he generally appears well nourished and clean, and he seems less

subject to sores and to the skin diseases which so often disfigure the other peoples, especially the Muruts,

All these peoples, with the exception of the Punans and similar nomads, live in village communities situated

with few exceptions on the banks of the rivers. The populations of these villages vary from 20 or 30 persons

only in the smallest, to 1500 or even more in a few of the largest; while the average village comprises about

30 families which, with a few slaves and dependants, make a community of some 200 to 300 persons. Each

such community is presided over by a chief. A number of villages of one people are commonly grouped

within easy reach of one another on the banks of a river. But no people exclusively occupies or claims

exclusive possession of any one territory or waterway. With the exception of the Sea Dayaks, all these

different peoples may here and there be found in closely adjoining villages; and in some rivers the villages of

the different peoples are freely intermingled over considerable areas. The segregation of the Sea Dayak

villages seems to be due to the truculent treacherous nature of the Sea Dayak, which renders him obnoxious

as a neighbour to the other peoples, and leads him to feel the need of the support of his own people in large

numbers. All find their principal support and occupation in the cultivation of PADI (rice), and all supplement

this with the breeding of a few pigs and fowls and, in the north of the island, buffalo, with hunting and

fishing, and with the collection of jungle produce guttapercha, rubber, rattan canes, camphor, sago.

These jungle products they barter or sell for cash to the Malay and Chinese traders.

They have no written records, and but vague traditions of their past history and migrations. There is no

political organisation beyond a loose coherence and alliance for defence and offence of the village

communities of any one people in neighbouring parts of the country a coherence which at times is greatly

strengthened by the personal ascendency of the chief of some one village over neighbouring chiefs. One of

the most notable examples of such personal ascendency exercised in recent times was that of Tama Bulan (Pl.

27), a Kenyah chief whose village was situated on one of the tributaries of the Baram river, and who by his

loyal cooperation with the government of the Rajah of Sarawak greatly facilitated the rapid establishment of

Except for these informal alliances obtaining between neighbouring villages of the people of any one stock,

each village forms an independent community, ruled by its chief, making war and peace and alliances, and

selecting patches of land for cultivation at its own pleasure. No village community remains on the same spot

for any long period; but after fifteen, ten, or even fewer years, a new site is sought, often at a considerable

distance, and a new village is built. The principal reasons for this habit of frequent migration, which has

produced the intimate mingling throughout large areas of the peoples of different stocks, are two: first, the

necessity of finding virgin soil for cultivation; secondly, the occurrence of epidemics or other calamities;

these lead them to believe that the place of their abode supplies in insufficient degree the favouring spiritual

influences which they regard as essential to their welfare. For among all these peoples animistic beliefs

abound; they hold themselves to be surrounded on every hand by spiritual forces both good and bad, some of

which are embodied in the wild creatures, especially the birds, while some are manifested in such natural

processes as the growth of the corn, the rising of the river in flood, the rolling of thunder, the incidence of

disease. And they are constantly concerned to keep at a distance, by the observance of many rigidly

prescribed customs, the evil influences, and, to a less degree, to secure by propitiatory acts the protection and

One of the most peculiar features of the people of Borneo is the great diversity of language obtaining among

them. The migratory habits of the people and the consequent mingling of communities of different stocks

within the same areas, far from having resulted in the genesis by fusion of a common language, have resulted

in the formation of a great number of very distinct dialects; so that in following the course of a river, one may

sometimes find in a day's journey of a score of miles half a dozen or more villages, the people of each of

which speak a dialect almost, or in some cases quite, unintelligible to their neighbours. A necessary

consequence of this state of affairs is that, with the exception of the Sea Dayaks, almost all adults speak or at

least understand two or more dialects or languages, while most of the chiefs and leading men speak several

dialects fluently and partially understand a larger number. The language most widely understood by those to

whom it is not native is the Kayan; but since the recent spread of trade through large areas under the

protection of the European governments, a simplified form of the Malay language has been rapidly

establishing itself as the LINGUA FRANCA of the whole country. In Sarawak, where, during the last fifty

years, the Sea Dayaks have spread from the Batang Lupar district and have established villages on all the

principal rivers, their language, which seems to be a bastard and very simple branch of the Malay tongue, is

Note on the use of the term KLEMANTAN. The Malay name for Borneo is Pulu Klemantan, and we have

adopted this name to denote the large group of allied tribes which in our opinion have the best claim to be

With few exceptions, the main features of the dress, adornment, and weapons of all the peoples are similar,

showing only minor differences from tribe to tribe and from place to place. The essential and universal article

of male attire is the waistcloth, a strip of cloth about one yard wide and four to eight yards in length (see

Frontispiece). Formerly this was made of barkcloth; but now the cottoncloth obtained from the Chinese

and Malay traders has largely superseded the native barkcloth, except in the remoter regions; and here and

there a welltodo man may be seen wearing a cloth of more expensive stuff, sometimes even of silk. One

end of such a cloth is passed between the legs from behind forwards, about eighteen inches being left

dependent; the rest of it is then passed several times round the waist, over the end brought up on to the belly,

and the other end is tucked in at the back. The man wears in addition when out of doors a coat of barkcloth

or white cotton stuff,[30] and a wide sunhat of palm leaves, in shape like a mushroomtop or an inverted

and very shallow basin, which shelters him from both sun and rain; many wear also a small oblong mat

plaited of rattanstrips hanging behind from a cord passed round the waist, and serving as a seat when the

wearer sits down. At home the man wears nothing more than the waistcloth, save some narrow plaited

bands of palm fibre below the knee, and, in most cases, some adornment in the ears or about the neck and on

the arms.[31] The man's hair is allowed to grow long on the crown of the scalp, and to hang freely over the

back of the neck, in some cases reaching as far as the middle of the back. This long hair is never plaited, but

is sometimes screwed up in a knot on the top of the head and fastened with a skewer. The latter mode of

wearing the hair is the rule among the Muruts, who use elaborately carved and decorated hairpins of bone

(the shin bone of the deer, Fig. 1). That part of the hair of the crown which naturally falls forwards is cut to

form a straight fringe across the forehead. All the rest of the head is kept shaven, except at times of mourning

When in the house the man commonly wears on his head a band of plaited rattan, which varies from a mere

band around the brows to a completed skullcap. The free ends of the rattan strips are generally allowed to

project, forming a dependent tassel or fringe (Pl. 21). A welltodo Kayan man usually wears a necklace

consisting of a single string of beads, which in many cases are old and of considerable value (Pls. 19 and 28).

Every Kayan has the shell of the ear perforated, and when fully dressed wears, thrust forward through the

hole in each shell, the big upper canine tooth of the tigercat; but he is not entitled to wear these until he has

been on the warpath. Those who have taken a head or otherwise distinguished themselves in war may wear,

instead of the teeth, pieces of similar shape carved from the solid beak of the helmeted hornbill. The youths

who have not qualified themselves for these adornments, and warriors during mourning, usually wear a disc

The lobe of the ear is perforated and distended to a loop some two inches in length, in which a brass ring is

worn. Just above this loop a small hole through the shell is usually made, and from this a small skein of beads

depends. Similar ear ornaments are worn by Kenyahs and some of the Klemantans, but not by Muruts, and by

few individuals only among Punans and Sea Dayaks. Many of the latter wear a row of small brass rings

Although the dress of the men is so uniform in essentials throughout the country, it gives considerable scope

for the display of personal tastes, and the Sea Dayak especially delights in winding many yards of brilliantly

coloured cloth about his waist, in brilliant coats and gorgeous turbans[32] and feathers, and other ornaments;

by means of these he manages to make himself appear as a very dressy person in comparison with the sober

Kayan and with most of the people of the remoter inland regions, who have little but scanty strips of

The universal weapons of the country are sword and spear, and no man travels far from home without these

and his oblong wooden shield. Some of the peoples are expert in the use of the blowpipe and poisoned dart.

The blowpipe and the recently introduced firearms are the only missile weapons; the bow is unknown save

as a plaything for children,[33] and possibly in a few localities in the extreme north.[34]

The dress of the women is less uniform than that of the men. The Sea Dayak woman (Pls. 29 and 30) wears a

short skirt of cotton thread woven in curious patterns of several colours, reaching from the waist almost to the

knee; a longsleeved jacket of the same material, and a corset consisting of many rings of rattan built up one

above another to enclose the body from breast to thigh. Each rattan ring is sheathed in small rings of beaten

brass. The corset is made to open partially or completely down the front, but is often worn continuously for

The principal garment of the women of all the other peoples is a skirt of bark or cotton cloth, which is tied by

a string a little below the level of the crest of the hip bone; it reaches almost to the ankle, but is open at the

left side along its whole depth. It is thus a large apron rather than a skirt. When the woman is at work in the

house or elsewhere, she tucks up the apron by drawing the front flap backwards between her legs, and

tucking it tightly into the band behind, thus reducing it to the proportions and appearance of a small pair of

bathingdrawers. Each woman possesses also a longsleeved, longbodied jacket of white cotton similar to

that worn by the men; this coat is generally worn by both sexes when working in the fields or travelling in

boats, chiefly as a protection against the rays of the sun. The women wear also a large mushroomshaped hat

similar to that worn by the men. With few exceptions all the women allow the hair to grow uncut and to fall

naturally from the ridge of the cranium, confined only by a circular band of rattan or beadwork passing over

The principal ornaments of the women are necklaces and girdles of beads, earrings, and bracelets. A

welltodo Kayan woman may wear a large number of valuable beads (see Pls. 28 and 31). The bracelets are

of ivory, and both forearms are sometimes completely sheathed in series of such bracelets. The earrings are

the most distinctive feature of the Kayan woman's adornment. The perforated lobes of the ears are gradually

drawn down during childhood and youth, until each lobe forms a slender loop which reaches to the

collarbone, or lower. Each loop bears several massive rings of copper (Pl. 20), whose combined weight is in

some cases as much as two pounds.[35] Most of the Kenyah women also wear similar earrings, but these are

usually lighter and more numerous, and the lobe is not so much distended. The women of many of the

Klemantan tribes wear a large wooden disc in the distended lobe of each ear, and those of other Klemantan

tribes wear a smaller wooden plug with a boss (Pl. 32). The children run naked up to the age of six or seven

On festive occasions both men and women put on as many of their ornaments as can be conveniently worn.

Some of the Malanaus, a partially Mohammedan tribe of Klemantans, seated about the mouths of the Muka,

Oya, and Bintulu rivers of Sarawak, have the curious custom of flattening the heads of the infants, chiefly the

females. The flattening is effected at an early age, the process beginning generally within the first month after

birth. It consists in applying pressure to the head by means of a simple apparatus for some fifteen minutes,

more or less, on successive days, or at rather longer intervals. The application of the pressure for this brief

space of time, on some ten to twenty occasions, seems to suffice to bring about the desired effect. The

pressure is applied while the child sleeps, and is at once relaxed if the child wakes or cries. The apparatus,

known as TADAL (see Fig. 3), consists of a stout flat bar of wood, some nine inches in length and three wide

in its middle part. This wider middle part bears on one surface a soft pad for application to the infant's

forehead. A [inverted T] strap of soft cloth is attached by its upper extremity to the middle of the upper edge

of the wooden bar; and each end of its horizontal strip is continued by a pair of strings which pass through

holes in the ends of the bar. The strings are brought together on the front of the bar at its middle and passed

through the centre of a copper coin[36] or other hard disc. The bar is applied transversely to the forehead of

the infant; the vertical strap runs back over the sagittal suture; the transverse strap is drawn tightly across the

occiput, and the required degree of pressure is gradually applied by twisting the coin round and round on the

front of the bar, and so pulling upon the strings which connect the ends of the bar on the forehead with the

The effect produced is of course a flattening of brow and occiput and a broadening of the whole head. The

motive seems to be the desire to enhance the beauty of the child by ensuring to it a moonlike face, which is

the most admired form. The Malanaus seem to be by nature peculiarly roundheaded; the question whether

this is due to the effects of headflattening practised for many generations, must be left to the investigations

of the NeoLamarckians. They are also a peculiarly handsome people, and it seems more likely that, taking a

pride in their good looks, they have, like so many other peoples, sought to enhance the beauty of their

All the tribes except the Punans build houses of one type; but the size and proportions, the strength of the

materials used, and the skill and care displayed in the work of construction, show wide differences. The

houses of the Kayans are perhaps better and more solidly built than any others and may be taken as the type.

Each house is built to accommodate many families; an average house may contain some forty to fifty, making

up with children and slaves some two or three hundred persons; while some of the larger houses are built for

as many as a hundred and twenty families, or some five to six hundred persons. The house is always close to

a river, and it usually stands on the bank at a distance of 20 to 50 yards from the water, its length lying

parallel to the course of the river. The plan of the house is a rectangle, of which the length generally much

Its roof is always a simple ridge extending the whole length of the house, and is made of shingles of BILIAN

(ironwood) or other hard and durable kind of wood. The framework of the roof is supported at a height of

some 25 to 30 feet from the ground on massive piles of ironwood, and the floor is supported by the same

piles at a level some 7 or 8 feet below the crossbeams of the roof. The floor consists of crossbeams

morticed to the piles, and of very large planks of hard wood laid upon them parallel to the length of the

house. The projecting eaves of the roof come down to a level midway between that of the roofbeams and

that of the floor, and the interval of some 4 to 5 feet between the eaves and the floor remains open along the

whole length of the front of the house (I.E. the side facing the river), save for a low parapet which bounds the

floor along its outer edge. This space serves to admit both light and air, and affords an easy view over the

river to those sitting in the house. The length of the house is in some cases as much as 400 yards, but the

average length is probably about 200 yards. The width of the floor varies from about 30 to 60 feet; the whole

space between roof and floor is divided into two parts by a longitudinal wall of vertical planks, which runs

the whole length of the house. This wall lies not quite in the middle line, but a little to the river side of it. Of

the two longitudinal divisions of the house, that which adjoins the river is thus somewhat narrower than the

other; it remains undivided in its whole length. The other and wider part is divided by transverse walls at

intervals of some 25 or 30 feet, so as to form a single row of spacious chambers of approximately equal size.

Each such chamber is the private apartment of one family; in it father, mother, daughters, young sons and

female slaves, sleep and eat (Pl. 37). Within each chamber are usually several sleepingplaces or alcoves

more or less completely screened or walled off from the central space. The chamber contains a fireplace,

generally merely a slab of clay in a wooden framework placed near the centre. The outside wall of this side of

the house is carried up to meet the roof. The entrance of light and air and the egress of smoke are provided for

by the elevation on a prop of one corner of a square section of the roof, marked out by a rightangled cut, of

which one limb runs parallel to the outer wall, the other upwards from one extremity of the former. This

aperture can be easily closed, E.G. during heavy rain, by removing the prop and allowing the flap to fall into

The front part of the house, which remains undivided, forms a single long gallery serving as a common

antechamber to all the private rooms, each of which opens to it by a wooden door (Pls. 36, 38). It is in a

sense, though roofed and raised some 20 feet above the ground, the village street, as well as a common living

and reception room. Along the outer border of the floor runs a low platform on which the inmates sit on mats.

One part of this, usually that opposite the chief's apartment in the middle of the house, is formed of several

large slabs of hardwood (TAPANG or Koompassia), and is specially reserved for the reception of guests and

for formal meetings. The platform is interrupted here and there by smaller platforms raised some 3 or 4 feet

from the floor, which are the sleeping quarters assigned to the bachelors and male visitors. At intervals of

some 30 or 40 feet throughout the gallery are fireplaces similar to those in the private chambers; on some of

Over one of these fireplaces, generally one near the middle of the great gallery, is hung a row of human heads

(Pl. 38), trophies obtained in war, together with a number of charms and objects used in various rites.[37]

Alongside the inner wall of the gallery stand the large wooden mortars used by the women in husking the

PADI. Above these hang the winnowing trays and mats, and on this wall hang also various implements of

The gallery is reached from the ground by several ladders, each of which consists of a notched beam sloping

at an angle of about 45[degree], and furnished with a slender handrail. The more carefully made ladder is

fashioned from a single log, but the wood is so cut as to leave a handrail projecting forwards a few inches

on either side of the notched gully or trough in which the feet are placed. From the foot of each ladder a row

of logs, notched and roughly squared, and laid end to end, forms a footway to the water's edge. In wet

weather such a footway is a necessity, because pigs, fowls, and dogs, and in some cases goats, run freely

beneath and around the house, and churn the surface of the ground into a thick layer of slippery mire.

Here and there along the front of the house are open platforms raised to the level of the floor, on which the

Under the house, among the piles on which it is raised, such boats as are not in daily use are stored. Round

about the house, and especially on the space between it and the brink of the river, are numerous PADI barns

(Pl. 40). Each of these, the storehouse of the grain harvested by one family, is a large wooden bin about 10

feet square, raised on piles some 7 feet from the ground. Each pile carries just below the level of the floor of

the bin a large disc of wood horizontally disposed, and perforated at its centre by the pile; this serves to

prevent rats and mice gaining access to the bin. The shingle roof of the bin is like that of the house, but the

two ends are filled by sloping surfaces running up under the gables. There are generally also a few fruit trees

and tobacco plants in the space cleared round about the house; and in the space between it and the river are

usually some rudely carved wooden figures, around which rites and ceremonies are performed from time to

Kayan villages generally consist of several, in some cases as many as seven or eight, such houses of various

lengths, grouped closely together. The favourite situation for such a village is a peninsula formed by a sharp

Of the houses built by the other peoples, those of the Kenyahs very closely resemble those of the Kayans. The

Kenyah village frequently consists of a single long house (and with the Sea Dayaks this is invariably the

case), and it is in many cases perched on a high steep bank immediately above the river. Some of the

Klemantans also build houses little if at all inferior to those of the Kayans, and very similar to them in

general plan. But in this as in all other respects the Klemantans exhibit great diversities, some of their houses

being built in a comparatively flimsy manner, light timber and even bamboos being used, and the roof being

made of leaves. The houses of the Muruts are small and low, and of poor construction.

The Sea Dayak's house differs from that of the Kayan more than any of the others. The general plan is the

same; but the place of the few massive piles is taken by a much larger number of slender piles, which pass up

to the roof through the gallery and chambers. Of the gallery only a narrow passageway alongside the main

partitionwall is kept clear of piles and other obstructions. The floor is of split bamboo covered with coarse

mats. An open platform at the level of the floor runs along the whole length of the open side of the house.

There are no PADI barns about the house, the PADI being kept in bins in the roofs. The roof itself is low,

giving little head space. The gallery of the house makes an impression of lack of space, very different to that

Although the more solidly built houses, such as those of the Kayans, would be habitable for many

generations, few of them are inhabited for more than fifteen or twenty years, and some are used for much

shorter periods only. For one reason or another the village community decides to build itself a new house on a

different and sometimes distant site, though the new site is usually in the same tributary river, or, if on the

main river, within a few miles of the old one. The most frequent causes of removal are, first, using up of the

soil in the immediate neighbourhood of the village, for they do not cultivate the same patch more than three

or four times at intervals of several years; secondly, the occurrence of a fatal epidemic; thirdly, any run of bad

luck or succession of evil omens; fourthly, the burning of the house, whether accidentally or in the course of

On removing to a new site the planks and the best of the timber of a wellbuilt house are usually towed along

After the houses the most important of the material possessions of the people are their boats. Each family

possesses at least one small boat capable of carrying seven or eight persons, and used chiefly for going to and

from the PADI fields, but also for fishing and short journeys of all kinds. In addition to these the community

possesses several larger boats used for longer journeys, and generally at least one long warboat, capable of

carrying 50 to 100 men. Each boat, even one of the largest size, is hollowed from a single log, the freeboard

being raised by lashing narrow planks to the edge of the hollowed log. In the middle of a large boat is a

section, the freeboard of which is raised still higher, and which is covered by an arched roof of palm leaves.

The boat is crossed at intervals of some three feet by seats formed of short planks, each supported at both

ends by projections of the main timber, to which they are lashed with rattan. In travelling on the lower

reaches of the rivers, the rowers sit two on each bench, side by side and facing the bow. On the upper reaches,

where rapids abound, a deck is made by laying split bamboos along the length of the boat upon the benches,

and the crew sits upon this deck in paddling, or stands upon it when poling the boat over rapids.

In addition to the clothes, houses, and boats, and the domestic animals mentioned above, and to the personal

ornaments and weapons to be described in later chapters, the material possessions of the Kayans consist

The baskets are of various shapes and sizes, adapted to a variety of uses. The largest size holds about two

bushels of PADI, and is chiefly used for transporting grain from the fields to the house (Fig. 4). It is almost

cylindrical in shape, but rather wider at the upper end. Four strips of wood running down from near the upper

edge project slightly below, forming short legs on which the basket stands. The upper end is closed by a

detachable cap, which fits inside the upper lip of the basket. It is provided with a pair of shoulder straps, and

a strap which is passed over the crown of the head. These straps are made of a single strip of tough beaten

bark. One end of it is attached to the foot of the basket; a second attachment is made at the middle of the

height, forming a loop for the one shoulder; the strip is then looped over to the corresponding point on the

other side, forming the loop for the head, and then carried down to the foot of the basket on that side to form

A smaller cylindrical basket, very neatly plaited of thin and very pliable strips of rattan, is used for carrying

the few articles which a man takes with him in travelling a little rice and tobacco, a spare waist cloth, a

sleeping mat, perhaps a second mat of palm leaves used as a protection against rain, a roll of dried banana

leaves for making cigarettes, perhaps a cap for wear in the house, and, not infrequently nowadays, a bright

coloured handkerchief of Chinese silk. The lip of the basket is surrounded by a close set row of eyes through

which a cord is passed. To this cord a net is attached, and is drawn together in the centre of the opening of the

basket by a second cord, in order to confine its contents. This basket is provided with shoulder straps only.

In addition to these two principal baskets, each family has a number of smaller baskets of various shapes for

storing their personal belongings, and for containing food in course of preparation (Fig. 5).

The mats are of many shapes and sizes. The largest are spread on the raised part of the floor, both of the

gallery and of the private chambers, when a party sits down to eat or converse. Each individual has his own

sleeping mat, and each family has a number of mats used for drying, husking, winnowing, and sieving the

The bamboo watervessel consists of a section of the stem of the bamboo, closed at the lower end by the

natural septum, the upper end having a lip or spout formed at the level of the succeeding septum. A short

length of a branch remains projecting downwards to form a handle, by means of which the vessel can be

conveniently suspended. These vessels are used also for carrying ricespirit or BORAK; but this is stored in

large jars of earthenware or china. The native jar of earthenware is ovoid in shape and holds about one gallon,

Each family possesses some dishes and platters of hardwood (Figs. 6 and 7), and generally a few china plates

Rice, the principal food, which forms the bulk of every meal, is boiled in an iron or brass pot with lip, handle,

and lid, not unlike the old English cauldron; it has no legs, and is placed on a tripod of stones or suspended

over the fire. This metal pot, which is obtained from the Chinese traders, has superseded the homemade pot

of clay (Fig. 8) and the bamboo vessels in which the rice was cooked in former times. A larger wide stewpan

is also used for cooking pork, vegetables, and fish. The Kayans smoke tobacco, which they cultivate in small

quantities. It is generally smoked in the form of large cigarettes, the finely cut leaf being rolled in sheets of

dried banana leaf. But it is also smoked in pipes, which are made in a variety of shapes, the bowl of

hardwood, the stem of slender bamboo (Fig. 9). Sea Dayaks chew tobacco, but smoke little, being devoted to

In every house is a number of large brass gongs (TAWAK), which are used in various ceremonies and for

signalling, and constitute also one of the best recognised standards of value and the most important form of

currency. Besides these largest gongs, smaller ones of various shapes and sizes are kept and used on festive

occasions (Pl. 45). All these gongs are obtained through traders from Bruni, China, and Java.

Beside the gongs a Kayan house generally contains, as the common property of the whole household, several

long narrow drums (Fig. 10). Each is a hollow cylinder of wood, constricted about its middle, open at one

end, and closed at the other with a sheet of deerskin. This is stretched by means of slips of rattan attached to

its edges, and carried back to a stout rattan ring woven about the constricted middle of the drum; the skin is

In most houses two or three small brass swivel guns may be seen in the gallery, and a small stock of powder

for their service is usually kept by the chief. They are sometimes discharged to salute a distinguished visitor,

and formerly played some small part in repelling attacks. The domestic animals of the Kayans are fowls,

goats, pigs, and dogs. The latter live in the house, the others run free beneath and around the house.

The material possessions of the other peoples differ little from those of the Kayans. Almost every Sea Dayak

possesses, and keeps stored at the back of his private chamber, one or more large vases. These were formerly

imported from China, but are now made by the Chinese of the towns in Borneo. The commonest of the highly

prized jars are of plain brown brightly glazed earthenware, standing about three feet in height on a flat bottom

(Pl. 48); each is ornamented with a Chinese dragon moulded in relief (BENAGA), or some scroll designs

which, though very varied, go by the name of RUSA (=deer) and NINGKA. A Dayak will give from 200 to

400 dollars for such a jar. Rarer and still more highly prized is a jar similar to these, but wider, very highly

glazed, and bare of all ornament save some obscure markings. Eight perforated "ears" project just below the

lip, and serve for the attachment of a wooden or cloth cover. This jar occurs in two varieties, a dark green and

a very dark brown, which are known respectively as GUSI and BERGIAU, the latter being the more valuable.

Other smaller and less valued jars are the PANTAR and the ALAS. The jars of the kinds mentioned above

are valued largely on account of their age; probably all of them were imported from China and Siam, some of

them no doubt centuries ago. Besides these old jars there are now to be found in most of the Sea Dayak

houses many jars of modern Chinese manufacture, some of which are very skilful imitations of the old types;

and though the Dayak is a connoisseur in these matters, and can usually distinguish the new from the old, he

purchases willingly the cheap modern imitations of the old, because they are readily mistaken by the casual

A few large vases of Chinese porcelain, usually covered with elaborate designs in colour, are to be found in

The Kayans constitute a welldefined and homogeneous tribe or people. Although their villages are scattered

over a wide area, the Kayan people everywhere speak the same language and follow the same customs, have

the same traditions, beliefs, rites, and ceremonies. Such small differences as they present from place to place

are hardly greater than those obtaining between the villagers of adjoining English counties. Although

communication between the widely separated branches of the people is very slight and infrequent, yet all are

bound together by a common sentiment for the tribal name, reputation, tradition, and customs. The chiefs

keep in mind and hand down from generation to generation the history of the migrations of the principal

branches of the tribe, the names and genealogies of the principal chiefs, and important incidents affecting any

one branch. At least fifteen subtribes of Kayans, each bearing a distinctive name, are recognised.[38] The

word UMA, which appears in the names of each group, means village or settlement, and it seems probable

that these fifteen subtribes represent fifteen original Kayan villages which at some remote period, before the

tribe became so widely scattered, may have contained the whole Kayan population. At the present time the

people of each subtribe occupy several villages, which in most cases, but not in all, are within the basin of

In spite of the community of tribal sentiment, which leads Kayans always to take the part of Kayans, and

prevents the outbreak of any serious quarrels between Kayan villages, there exist no formal bonds between

the various subtribes and villages. Each village is absolutely independent of all others, save in so far as

custom and caution prescribe that, before undertaking any important affair (such as a removal of the village

or a warlike expedition), the chief will seek the advice, and, if necessary, the cooperation of the chiefs of

neighbouring Kayan villages. The people of neighbouring villages, especially the families of the chiefs, are

As was said above, a Kayan village almost invariably consists of several long houses. Each house is ruled by

The minor and purely domestic affairs of each house are settled by the housechief, but all important matters

of general interest are brought before the villagechief. In the former category fall disputes as to ownership

of domestic animals and plants, questions of compensation for injury or loss of borrowed boats, nets, or other

articles, of marriage and divorce, and minor personal injuries, moral or physical. The matters to be settled by

the headchief sitting in council with the subordinate chiefs are those affecting the whole village, questions

of war and peace and of removal, disputes between houses, trials for murder or serious personal injuries.

The degree of authority of the chiefs and the nature and degree of the penalties imposed by them are

prescribed in a general way by custom, though as regards the former much depends upon the personal

qualities of each chief, and as regards the latter much is left to his discretion. The punishments imposed are

generally fines, so many TAWAKS (gongs), PARANGS (swords) or spears, or other articles of personal

property. On the whole the chief plays the part of an arbitrator and mediator, awarding compensation to the

injured party, rather than that of a judge. In the case of offences against the whole house, a fine is imposed;

and the articles of the required value are placed under the charge of the chief, who holds them on behalf of

the community, and uses them in the making of payments or presents in return for services rendered to the

The chief also is responsible for the proper observation of the omens and for the regulation of MALAN (tabu)

affecting the whole house; and, as we shall see, he takes the leading part in social ceremonies and in most of

the religious rites collectively performed by the village. He is regarded by other chiefs as responsible for the

behaviour of his people, and above all, in war he is responsible for both strategy and tactics and the general

For the maintenance of his authority and the enforcement of his commands the chief relies upon the force of

public opinion, which, so long as he is capable and just, will always support him, and will bring severe moral

In return for his labours on behalf of the household or village the Kayan chief gains little or nothing in the

shape of material reward. He may receive a little voluntary assistance in the cultivation of his field; in

travelling by boat he is accorded the place of honour and ease in the middle of the boat, and he is not

expected to help in its propulsion. His principal rewards are the social precedence and deference accorded

If the people of a house or village are gravely dissatisfied with the conduct of their chief, they will retire to

their PADIfields, building temporary houses there. If many take this course, a new long house will be built

and a new chief elected to rule over it, while the old chief remains in the old house with a reduced following,

The office of chief is rather elective than hereditary, but the operation of the elective principle is affected by a

strong bias in favour of the most capable son of the late chief; so in practice a chief is generally succeeded by

one of his sons. An elderly chief will sometimes voluntarily abdicate in favour of a son. If a chief dies,

leaving no son of mature age, some elderly man of good standing and capacity will be elected to the

chieftainship, generally by agreement arrived at by many informal discussions during the weeks following the

death. If thereafter a son of the old chief showed himself a capable man as he grew up, he would be held to

have a strong claim on the chieftainship at the next vacancy. If the new chief at his death left also a mature

and capable son, there might be two claimants, each supported by a strong party; the issue of such a state of

affairs would probably be the division of the house or village, by the departure of one claimant with his party

to build a new village. In such a case the seceding party would carry away with them their share of the

The Kenyahs form a less homogeneous and clearly defined tribe than the Kayans; yet in the main their social

organisation is very similar to that of the Kayans, although, as regards physical characters and language as

well as some customs, they present closer affinities with other peoples than with the Kayans, especially with

the Klemantans. The Kenyah tribe also comprises a number of named branches, though these are less clearly

defined than the subtribes of the Kayan people. Each branch is generally named after the river on the banks

of which its villages are situated, or were situated at some comparatively recent time of which the memory is

preserved. In many cases a single village adopts the name of some tributary stream near the mouth of which it

is situated, and the people speak of themselves by this name. Thus it seems clear that the named branches of

the Kenyah tribe are nothing more than local groups formed in the course of the periodical migrations, and

The foregoing description of the relations of a Kayan chief to his people applies in the main to the Kenyah

chief. But among the Kenyahs the position of the chief is one of greater authority and consideration than

among the Kayans. The people voluntarily work for their chief both in his private and public capacities,

obeying his commands cheerfully, and accepting his decisions with more deference than is accorded by the

Kayans. The chief in return shows himself more generous and paternal towards his people, interesting himself

more intimately in their individual affairs. Hence the Kenyah chief stands out more prominently as leader and

representative of his people, and the cohesion of the whole community is stronger. The chief owes his great

influence over his people in large measure to his training, for, while still a youth, the son or the nephew of a

chief is accustomed to responsibility by being sent in charge of small bodies of followers upon missions to

distant villages, to gather or convey information, or to investigate disturbing rumours. He is also frequently

called upon to speak on public occasions, and thus early becomes a practised orator.

Among Klemantans, Muruts, and Sea Dayaks each house recognises a headman or chief; but he has little

authority (more perhaps among the first of these peoples than among the other two). He acts as arbitrator in

household disputes, but in too many cases his impartiality is not above suspicion, save where custom rigidly

Among both Kayans and Kenyahs three social strata are clearly distinguishable and are recognised by the

people themselves in each village. The upper class is constituted by the family of the chief and his near

relatives, his aunts and uncles, brothers, sisters, and cousins, and their children. These upperclass families

are generally in easier circumstances than the others, thanks to the possession of property such as brass ware,

valuable beads, caves in which the swift builds its edible nest, slaves, and a supply of all the other material

possessions larger in quantity and superior in quality to those of the middle and lowerclass families.

The man of the upper class can generally be distinguished at a glance by his superior bearing and manners, by

the neatness and cleanliness of his person, his more valuable weapons, and personal ornaments, as well as by

greater regularity of features. The woman of the upper class also exhibits to the eye similar marks of her

superior birth and breeding. The tatuing of her skin is more finely executed, greater care is taken with the

elongation of the lobe of the ear, so that the social status of the woman is indicated by the length of the lobe.

Her dress and person are cleaner, and generally better cared for, and her skin is fairer than that of other

The men of the upper class work in the PADIfields and bear their share of all the labours of the village; but

they are able to cultivate larger areas than others owing to their possession of slaves, who, although they are

expected to grow a supply of PADI for their own use, assist in the cultivation of their master's fields. For the

upperclass women, also, the labours of the field and the house are rendered less severe by the assistance of

female slaves, although they bear a part both in the weeding of the fields, in the harvesting, and in the

The chief's room, which is usually about twice as long as others, is usually in the middle of the house; and

those of the other upperclass families, which also may be larger than the other rooms, adjoin it on either

In all social gatherings, and in the performance of public rites and ceremonies, the men of the upper class are

accorded leading parts, and they usually group themselves about the chief. Social intercourse is freer and

more intimate among the people of the upper class than between them and the rest of the household.

The upper class is relatively more numerous in the Kenyah than in the Kayan houses, and more clearly

The middle class comprises the majority of the people of a house in most cases. They may enjoy all the forms

of property, though generally their possessions are of smaller extent and value, and they seldom possess

slaves. Their voices carry less weight in public affairs; but among this class are generally a few men of

exceptional capacity or experience whose advice and cooperation are specially valued by the chief. Among

this class, too, are usually a few men in each house on whom devolve, often hereditarily, special duties

implying special skill or knowledge, E.G. the working of iron at the forge, the making of boats, the catching

of souls, the finding of camphor, the observation and determination of the seasons. All such special

occupations are sources of profit, though only the last of these enables a man to dispense with the cultivation

The lower class is made up of slaves captured in war and of their descendants, and for this reason its

members are of very varied physical type. An unmarried slave of either sex lives with, and is treated almost

as a member of, the family of his or her master, eating and in some cases sleeping in the family room. Slaves

are allowed to marry, their children becoming the property of their masters. Some slavefamilies are allowed

to acquire a room in the house, and they then begin to acquire a less dependent position; and though they still

retain the status of slaves, and are spoken of as "slavesoutsidetheroom," the master generally finds it

impossible to command their services beyond a very limited extent, and in some cases will voluntarily resign

his rights over the family. But in this case the family continues to belong to the lower class.

The members of each of these classes marry in nearly all cases within their own class. The marriages of the

young people of the upper class are carefully regulated. Although they are allowed to choose their partners

according to the inscrutable dictates of personal affinities, their choice is limited by their elders and the

authority of the chief. Many of them marry members of neighbouring villages, while the other classes marry

A youth of the upper class, becoming fond of some girl of the middle class, and not being allowed to marry

her (although this is occasionally permitted), will live with her for a year or two. Then, when the time for his

marriage arrives (it having perhaps been postponed for some years after being arranged, owing to evil omens,

or to lack of means or of house accommodation), he may separate from his mistress, leaving in her care any

children born of their union, and perhaps making over to her some property as public opinion demands in

such cases. She may and usually will marry subsequently a man of her own class, but the children born of her

irregular union may claim and may be accorded some of the privileges of their father's class. In this way there

is formed in most villages a class of persons of ambiguous status, debarred from full membership in the upper

class by the barsinister. Such persons tend to become wholly identified with the upper or middle class

Marriages are sometimes contracted between persons of the middle and slave classes. In the case of a young

man marrying a slave woman, the owners of the woman will endeavour to persuade him to live with her in

their room, when he becomes a subordinate member of their household. If they succeed in this they will claim

as their property half the children born to the couple. On the other hand, if the man insists on establishing

himself in possession of a room, he may succeed in practically emancipating his wife, perhaps making some

compensation to her owners in the shape of personal services or brass ware. In this case the children of the

couple would be regarded as freeborn. It is generally possible for an energetic slave to buy his freedom.

Less frequent is the marriage of a slave man with a free woman of the middle class. In this case the man will

generally manage to secure his emancipation and to establish himself as master of a room, and to merge

himself in the middle class. In the case of marriage between two slaves, they continue to live in the rooms of

their owners, spending by arrangement periods of two or three years alternately as members of the two

households. The children born of such a slavecouple are divided as they grow up between the owners of

On the whole the slaves are treated with so much kindness and consideration that they have little to complain

of, and most of them seem to have little desire to be freed. A capable slave may become the confidant and

companion of his master, and in this way may attain a position of considerable influence in the village. A

young slave is commonly addressed by his master and mistress as "My Child." A slave is seldom beaten or

subjected to any punishment save scolding, and he bears his part freely in the life of the family, sharing in its

labours and its recreations, its ill or its good fortunes. Nothing in the dress or appearance of the slave

Very few men have more than one wife. Occasionally a chief whose wife has borne him no children during

some years of married life, or has found the labours of entertaining his guests beyond her strength, will with

her consent, or even at her request, take a second younger wife. In such a case each wife has her own sleeping

apartment within the chief's large chamber, and the younger wife is expected to defer to the older one, and to

help her in the work of the house and of the field. The second wife would be chosen of rather lower social

standing than the first wife, who in virtue of this fact maintains her ascendancy more easily. A third wife is

probably unknown; public opinion does not easily condone a second wife, and would hardly tolerate a third.

In spite of the presence of slave women in the houses, concubinage is not recognised or tolerated.

The choice of a wife is not restricted by the existence of any law or custom prescribing marriage without or

within any defined group; that is to say, exogamous and endogamous groups do not exist. Incest is regarded

very seriously, and the forbidden degrees of kinship are clearly defined. They are very similar to those

recognised among ourselves. A man may under no circumstances marry or have sexual relations with his

sister, mother, daughter, father's or mother's sister or half sister, his brother's or sister's daughter; and in the

case of those women who stand to him in any of these relations in virtue of adoption, the prohibitions and

severe penalties are if possible even more strictly enforced. First cousins may marry, but such marriages are

not regarded with favour, and certain special ceremonies are necessitated; and it seems to be the general

opinion that such marriages are not likely to prove happy. Many young men of the upper class marry girls of

the same class belonging to neighbouring villages of their own people, aid in some cases this choice falls on a

girl of a village of some other tribe. A marriage of the latter kind is often encouraged by the chiefs and elder

people, in order to strengthen or to restore friendly relations between the villages.

The initiative is taken in nearly all cases by the youth. He begins by paying attentions somewhat furtively to

the girl who attracts his fancy. He will often be found passing the evening in her company in her parents'

room. There he will display his skill with the KELURI, or the Jew's harp, or sing the favourite lovesong of

the people, varying the words to suit the occasion. If the girl looks with favour on his advances, she manages

to make the fact known to him. Politeness demands that in any case he shall be supplied by the women with

lighted cigarettes. If the girl wishes him to stay, she gives him a cigarette tied in a peculiar manner, namely

by winding the strip which confines its sheath of dried banana leaf close to the narrow mouthpiece; whereas

on all other occasions this strip is wound about the middle of the cigarette. The young man thus encouraged

will repeat his visits. If his suit makes progress, he may hope that the fair one will draw out with a pair of

brass tweezers the hairs of his eyebrows and lashes, while he reclines on his back with his head in her lap. If

these hairs are very few, the girl will remark that some one else has been pulling them out, an imputation

which he repudiates. Or he complains of a headache, and she administers scalpmassage by winding tufts of

hair about her knuckles and sharply tugging them. When the courtship has advanced to this stage, the girl

may attract her suitor to the room by playing on the Jew's harp, with which she claims to be able to speak to

him presumably the language of the heart. The youth thus encouraged may presume to remain beside his

sweetheart till early morning, or to return to her side when the old people have retired. When the affair has

reached this stage, it becomes necessary to secure the public recognition which constitutes the relation a

formal betrothal. The man charges some elderly friend of either sex, in many cases his father or mother, to

inform the chief of his desire. The latter expresses a surprise which is not always genuine; and, if the match is

a suitable one, he contents himself with giving a little friendly advice. But if he is aware of any objections to

the match he will point them out, and though he will seldom forbid it in direct terms, he will know how to

If the chief and parents favour the match, the young man presents a brass gong or a valuable bead to the girl's

family as pledge of his sincerity. This is returned to him if for any reason beyond his control the match is

broken off. The marriage may take place with very little delay; but during the interval between betrothal and

marriage the omens are anxiously observed and consulted. All accidents affecting any members of the village

are regarded as of evil omen, the more so the more nearly the betrothed parties are concerned in them. The

cries of birds and deer are important; those heard about the house are likely to be bad omens, and it is sought

to compensate for these by sending a man skilled in augury to seek good omens in the jungle, such as the

whistle of the Trogan and of the spiderhunter, and the flight of the hawk from right to left high up in the

sky. If the omens are persistently and predominantly bad, the marriage is put off for a year, and after the next

harvest fresh omens are sought. The man is encouraged in the meantime to absent himself from the village, in

the hope that he may form some other attachment. But if he remains true and favourable omens are obtained,

the marriage is celebrated if possible at the close of the harvest. If the marriage takes place at any other time,

the feast will be postponed to the end of the following harvest.[40] After the marriage the man lives with his

wife in the room of his fatherinlaw for one, two, or at most three years. During this time he works in the

fields of his fatherinlaw and generally helps in the support of the household, showing great deference

towards his wife's parents. Before the end of the third year of marriage, the young couple will acquire for

themselves a room in the house and village of the husband, in which they set up housekeeping on their own

account. In addition to these personal services rendered to the parents of the bride, the man or his father and

other relatives give to the girl's parents at the time of the marriage various articles which are valuable in

proportion to the social standing of the parties, and which are generally appropriated by the girl's parents.[41]

Divorce is rare but not unknown among the Kayans. The principal grounds of divorce are misconduct,

desertion, incompatibility of temper and family quarrels; or a couple may terminate their state of wedlock by

mutual consent on payment of a moderate fine to the chief. Such separation by mutual consent is occasioned

not infrequently by the sterility of the marriage, especially if the couple fails to obtain a child for adoption;

the parties hope to procure offspring by taking new partners; for the desire for children and pride and joy in

the possession of them are strongly felt by all. The husband of a sterile wife may leave the house for a long

period, living in the jungle and visiting other houses, in the hope that his wife may divorce him on the ground

of desertion, or give him ground for divorcing her. On discovery of misconduct on the woman's part the

husband will usually divorce her; the man then retains all property accumulated since the marriage, and the

children are divided between the parents. The corespondent and respondent are fined by the chief, and half

the amount of the fine goes to the injured husband. Misconduct on the part of the man must be flagrant before

it constitutes a sufficient ground for his divorce by his wife. In this case the same rules are followed. Among

the Kayans the divorce is not infrequently followed by a reconciliation brought about by the intervention of

friends; the parties then come together again without further ceremony. There is little formality about the

divorce procedure. In the main it takes the form of separation by mutual consent and the condonation of the

Adoption is by no means uncommon. The desire for children, especially male children, is general and strong;

but sterile marriages seem to be known among all the peoples and are common among the Kenyahs. When a

woman has remained infertile for some years after her marriage, the couple usually seek to adopt one or more

children. They generally prefer the child of a relative, but may take any child, even a captive or a slave child,

whose parents are willing to resign all rights in it. A child is often taken over from parents oppressed by

poverty, in many cases some article of value or a supply of PADI being given in exchange. Not infrequently

the parents wish to have the child returned to them when their affairs take a turn for the better, owing to a

good harvest or some stroke of luck, and this is a frequent cause of dissensions. Usually the adopted child

Some of the Klemantans (Barawans and Lelaks in the Baram) practise a curious symbolic ceremony on the

adoption of a child. When a couple has arranged to adopt a child, both man and wife observe for some weeks

before the ceremony all the prohibitions usually observed during the later months of pregnancy. Many of

these prohibitions may be described in general terms by saying that they imply abstention from every action

that may suggest difficulty or delay in delivery; E.G. the hand must not be thrust into any narrow hole to pull

anything out of it; no fixing of things with wooden pegs must be done; there must be no lingering on the

threshold on entering or leaving a room. When the appointed day arrives, the woman sits in her room propped

up and with a cloth round her, in the attitude commonly adopted during delivery. The child is pushed forward

from behind between the woman's legs, and, if it is a young child, it is put to the breast and encouraged to

It is very difficult to obtain admission that a particular child has been adopted and is not the actual offspring

of the parents; and this seems to be due, not so much to any desire to conceal the facts as to the completeness

of the adoption, the parents coming to regard the child as so entirely their own that it is difficult to find words

which will express the difference between the adopted child and the offspring. This is especially the case if

The child remains nameless during the first few years, and is spoken of as UKAT if a boy, OWING if a girl,

both of which seem to be best translated as Thingumybob; among the Sea Dayaks ULAT (the little grub) is

the name commonly used. It is felt that to give the child a name while its hold of life is still feeble is

undesirable, because the name would tend to draw the attention of evil spirits to it. During its third or fourth

year it is given a name at the same time as a number of other children of the house.[42] The name is chosen

with much deliberation, the eldest son and daughter usually receiving the names of a grandfather and

grandmother respectively. Male and female names are distinct. The name first given to any person is rarely

carried through life; it is usually changed after any severe illness or serious accident, in order that the evil

influences that have pursued him may fail to recognise him under the new name; thus the first or infant name

of Tama Bulan was Lujah. After bearing it a few years he went through a serious illness, on account of which

his name was changed to Wang. Among the Klemantans it is usual under these circumstances to name the

child after some offensive object, E.G. TAI (dung), in order to render it inconspicuous, and thus withdraw it

from the attention of malign powers. After the naming of a couple's first child, the parents are always

addressed as father and mother of the child; E.G. if the child's name is OBONG, her father becomes known as

TAMA OBONG, her mother as INAI OBONG, and their original names are disused and almost

forgotten,[43] unless needed to distinguish the parents from other persons of the same name, when the old

names are appended to the new; thus, Tama Obong Jau, if Jau was the original name of Tama Obong; and

thus Tama Bulan received this name on the naming of his first child, Bulan (the moon), and when it is wished

to distinguish him in conversation from other fathers of the moon he is called Tama Bulan Wang. If the eldest

child OBONG dies, the father, Tama Obong Jau, becomes OYONG JAU; if one of his younger children dies,

he becomes AKAM JAU; if his wife dies, he becomes ABAN JAU; if his brother died, he would be called

YAT JAU; and if his sister, HAWAN JAU; and if two of these relatives are dead, these titles are used

indifferently; but the deaths of wife and children are predominant over other occasions for the change of

name. An elderly man who has no children receives the title LINGO, and a woman, the title APA prefixed to

his or her former name. A widow is called BALU. The names of father and mother are never assumed by the

children, and their deaths do not occasion any change of name, except the adoption of the title OYAU on the

loss of the father, and ILUN on the loss of the mother. These titles would be used only until the man became

a father. When a man becomes a grandfather his title is LAKI (E.G. LAKI JAU), and this title supersedes all

others. A child addresses, and speaks of, his father as TAMAN, and his mother as INAI or TINAN, and all

four grandparents as POI. The parent commonly addresses the child, even when adult, as ANAK, or uses his

proper name. A father's brother is addressed as AMAI, but this title is used also as a term of respect in

addressing any older man not related in any degree, even though he be of a different tribe or race. They use

the word INAI for aunt as well as for mother, and some have adopted the Malay term MA MANAKAN for

aunt proper. The same is true of the words for nephew and niece the Malay term ANAK MANAKAN

The terms used to denote degrees of kinship are few, and are used in a very elastic manner. The term of

widest connotation is PARIN IGAT, which is equivalent to our cousin used in the wider or Scotch sense; it is

applied to all blood relatives of the same generation, and is sometimes used in a metaphorical sense much as

we use the term brother. There are no words corresponding to our words son and daughter, ANAK meaning

merely child of either sex. There are no words corresponding to brother and sister; both are spoken of as

PARIN, but this word is often used as a title of endearment in addressing or speaking of a friend of either sex

of the same social standing and age as the speaker. The children of the same parents speak of themselves

collectively as PANAK; this term also is sometimes used loosely and metaphorically. A stepfather is

TAMAN DONG; fatherinlaw is TAMAN DIVAN; forefather is SIPUN, a term used of any male or female

ancestor more remote than the grandparents; but these are merely descriptive and not terms of address. A man

of the upper class not uncommonly has a favourite companion of the middle class, who accompanies him

everywhere and renders him assistance and service, and shares his fortunes (FIDUS ACHATES in short);

him he addresses as BAKIS, and the title is used reciprocally. A title reciprocally used by those who are very

dear friends, especially by those who have enjoyed the favours of the same fair one, is TOYONG (or among

This list includes all the important Kayan terms used to denote personal relations and kinship, so far as we

know; and we think it very improbable that any have escaped us. There seem to be no secret names, except in

so far as names discarded on account of misfortune are not willingly recalled or communicated; but a child's

name is seldom used, and adults also seem to avoid calling on one another by their proper names, especially

when in the jungle, the title alone, such as OYONG, or ABAN being commonly used; apparently owing to

some vaguely conceived risk of directing to the individual named the attentions of malevolent powers.[44]

The foregoing account of the social organisation of the Kayans applies equally well to the Kenyahs, except

that some of the titles used are different. The Klemantans and Muruts, too, present few important differences

except that the power of the chiefs is decidedly less, and the distinction of the social strata less clearly

marked, and slaves are less numerous. The Sea Dayak social organisation is also similar in most of its

features. The most important of the differences presented by it are the following: Polygamy is not

allowed, and occurs only illicitly. Both parties are fined when the facts are discovered. Divorce is very

common and easily obtained; the marriage relation, being surrounded with much less solemnity, is more

easily entered into and dissolved. Infidelity and mutual agreement are the common occasions of divorce.

Either party can readily secure his or her freedom by payment of a small fine. There are both men and women

who have married many times; a tenth husband or wife is not unknown; and a marriage may be dissolved

The Sea Dayak, like all the other peoples, regards incest very seriously, and the forbidden degrees of kinship

A Sea Dayak village consists in almost every case of a single house, but such houses are generally grouped

within easy reach of one another. Very few slaves are to be found in their houses, since the Ibans usually take

At a man's death his property is divided between his widow and children. But in order to prevent the disputes,

which often arise over the division of inheritance, an old man may divide his property before his death. The

widow becomes the head of the room, though a married son or daughter or several unmarried children may

share it with her. She inherits all or most of the household utensils. Such things as gongs and other brass

ware, weapons, warcoats, and boats, are divided equally among the sons, the eldest perhaps getting a little

more than the others. The girls divide the old beads, cloth, beadboxes, and various trifles. The male slaves

go to the sons, the female slaves to the daughters. Bird's nest caves and bee trees might be divided or shared

It happens not infrequently that one son or daughter, remaining unmarried, continues to live in the household

of the parents and to look after them in their old age. To such a one some valuable article, such as a string of

Among the Sea Dayaks the old jars, which constitute the chief part of a man's wealth, are distributed among

both sons and daughters; if the jars are too few for equal distribution, they are jointly owned until one can buy

The members of a Kayan household are bound together, not merely by their material circumstances, such as

their shelter under a common roof and their participation in common labours, and not merely by the moral

bonds such as kinship and their allegiance to one chief and loyalty to one another, but also by more subtle

ties, of which the most important is their sharing in the protection and warning afforded to the whole house

by the omenbirds or by the higher powers served by these. For omens are observed for the whole household,

and hold good only for those who live under the one roof, This spiritual unity of the household is jealously

guarded. Occasionally one family may wish for some reason, such as bad dreams or much sickness, to

withdraw from the house. If the rest of the household is unwilling to remove to a new house, they will oppose

such withdrawal, and, if the man insists on separating, a fine is imposed on him, and he is compelled to leave

undisturbed the roof and all the main structure of his section of the house; though the room would be left

unoccupied. Conversely Kayans are very unwilling to admit any family to become members of the

household. They never or seldom add sections to a house which has once been completed; and young married

couples must live in their parents' rooms, until the whole household removes and builds a new house.

Occasionally a remnant of a household which has been broken up by the attack of enemies is sheltered by a

friendly house; but the newcomers are lodged in the gallery only until the time comes for building a new

house, when they may be allowed to build rooms for themselves, and to become incorporated in the

household. Another plan sometimes adopted is to build a small house for the newcomers closely adjoining

Tables showing Kinship of the Kenyahs of Long Tikan (Tama Bulan's house) in the Baram District of

We have made out tables showing the kinship of the inhabitants of several Kenyah long houses and of one

Sea Dayak house, following the example and method of Dr. W. H. R. Rivers. These tables have not revealed

to us indications of any peculiar system of kinship; but we think it worth while to reproduce one of them as

an appendix to the foregoing chapter. The table includes all the inhabitants of the house living in the year

1899, as well as those deceased members of whom we are able to obtain trustworthy information. The

arrangement is by door or room, but since on marriage some shifting from one room to another takes place,

In these tables the names of males are printed in ordinary type, those of females in italics; and the following

implies that the individual below whose name it occurs reached adult life, but died without issue.

Mang = BORU TELLUN. Luat = ? Lim. o Ukang. o Lesun = BALU ULAN. Usun. Luyok = OYONG

Mawa Ontong (Long Belukun Kenyah) = ? (Long Belukun Kenyah woman). BALU LARA. Anjong =

Mawa Hungan (see Imoh's door) = MAWA UJONG. x x x x x x x Weakminded. Kading. [female]

Jilo = ? Imoh = TINA APING POYONG, (sister of NGINO, see Door 2) formerly = Tama Aping Lalo. (see

Tama Aping Lalo = (1st wife) TINA APING POYONG (see Door 4) = (2nd wife) USUN (Likan Kenyah).

BALU ATING = ? Laro Libo (Long Palutan Kenyah) = LARA ULAU. ASONG. Sapo. Lalo. LUNGA.

Lingan (a Likan Kenyah) = ? Tama Aping Mawa = BALU KRAN (see Door 8). LAUONG. Siggau. Oyu

Kamang. Aban Moun = TELUN. Tama Sook Bilong = TINA SOOK BUNGAN. Sook (weakminded). x

unnamed. x unnamed. Tama Aping Salo = ? (Long Belukun Kenyah). x unnamed. x unnamed. TINA APING

Mawa Liva = (1st wife) TINA WAN = (2nd wife) UTAN URING Lara Wan = LARA LANAN (Long Paku).

Batan = TINA LAHING. Tama an Lahing = TINA AN PIKA. ODING = Balari. x x ULAU. SILALANG. x

BALU TATAN = Wan Tula (son of Balaban). Tago. Ballan. x KENING. Tama Owing Laang = NOWING

Sorang (Long Tikan) = SINJAI (Long Tikan) (sister of Aban Magi, see Door 10; and Lara Libo, see Door 6).

BALU MENO (niece of Balu Usan) = Aban Meggang (Long Peku). Lirong. o ULAN. [female]

Tegging = BALU MUJAN. BALU BUAH = Lara Lalu (Long Belukun Kenyah). x x x x UTAN URING.

Oyong Kalang (Long Palutan Kenyah) = OYONG NONG (Long Palutan Kenyah). x x Sago = ? INO. Angin.

Tama Owing Lawai (Lepu Tau) = TINA OWING KLING (sister of Tama Bulan Wang). Sidi Jau = PAYAH

TINA APING UDING (Long Palutan) = Tama Aping Toloi (Long Tikan). POYONG. ULAU. LOGAN.

Aban Langat (Punan) = TINA OYU (Punan). Aban Tingan = BELVIUN (2nd wife). Kalang. Paran. MUJAN.

Brothers. Tama Lim Balari = ? Balari. Livang. Laki Ludop (see Door 19) = OAN BUNGAN (Long Belukun).

Tama Bulan (see Door 19). Aban Tingan = PAYA (1st wife, daughter of Paran Libut, his 1st cousin). Wan.

LAN = Balan (Long Belukun Kenyah) Aping. o JULAN. Madang. Tina Owing Kling (see Door 17).

Laki Ludop = BUNGAN (see Door 18). Tama Bulan Wang = (1st wife) PENG = (2nd wife) PAYAH WAN

(Uma Poh Kayan). BULAN = Luja (Uma Plian Kayan). Balari and Livang (1st cousins of Tama Bulan,

adopted by him as sons). OBONG = Wan (son of Aban Tingan her 1st cousin). LEVAN. Linjau.

For all the peoples of the interior of Borneo, the Punans and Malanaus excepted, the rice grown by

themselves is the principal foodstuff. Throughout the year, except during the few weeks when the jungle

fruit is most abundant, rice forms the bulk of every meal. In years of bad harvests, when the supply is

deficient, the place of rice has to be filled as well as may be with wild sago, cultivated maize, tapioca, and

sweet potatoes. All these are used, and the last three, as well as pumpkins, bananas, cucumbers, millet,

pineapples, chilis, are regularly grown in small quantities by most of the peoples. But all these together are

regarded as making but a poor substitute for rice. The cultivator has to contend with many difficulties, for in

the moist hot climate weeds grow apace, and the fields, being closely surrounded by virgin forest, are liable

to the attacks of pests of many kinds. Hence the processes by which the annual crop of PADI is obtained

demand the best efforts and care of all the people of each village. The plough is unknown save to the Dusuns,

a branch of the Murut people in North Borneo, who have learnt its use from Chinese immigrants. The

Kalabits and some of the coastwise Klemantans who live in alluvial areas have learnt, probably through

intercourse with the Philippine Islanders or the inhabitants of IndoChina, to prepare the land for the PADI

seed by leading buffaloes to and fro across it while it lies covered with water. The Kalabits lead the water into

With these exceptions the preparation of the land is everywhere very crude, consisting in the felling of the

timber and undergrowth, and in burning it as completely as possible, so that its ashes enrich the soil. After a

single crop has been grown and gathered on land so cleared, the weeds grow up very thickly, and there is, of

course, in the following year no possibility of repeating the dressing of wood ashes in the same way. Hence it

is the universal practice to allow the land to lie fallow for at least two years, after a single crop has been

raised, while crops are raised from other lands. During the fallow period the jungle grows up so rapidly and

thickly that by the third year the weeds have almost died out, choked by the larger growths. The same land is

then prepared again by felling the young jungle and burning it as before, and a crop is again raised from it.

When a piece of land has been prepared and cropped in this way some three or four times, at intervals of two,

three, or four years, the crop obtainable from it is so inferior in quantity that the people usually undertake the

severe labour of felling and burning a patch of virgin forest, rather than continue to make use of the old areas.

In this way a large village uses up in the course of some twelve or fifteen years all the land suitable for

cultivation within a convenient distance, I.E. within a radius of some three miles. When this state of affairs

results, the, village is moved to a new site, chosen chiefly with an eye to the abundance of land suitable for

the cultivation of the PADI crop. After ten or more years the villagers will return, and the house or houses

will be reconstructed on the old site or one adjacent to it, if no circumstances arise to tempt them to migrate

to a more distant country, and if the course of their life on the old site has run smoothly, without misfortunes

such as much sickness, conflagrations, or serious attacks by other villages. After this interval the land is

regarded as being almost as good as the virgin forest land, and has the advantage that the jungle on it can be

more easily felled. But since no crop equals that obtainable from virgin soil, it is customary to include at least

Each family cultivates its own patch of land, selecting it by arrangement with other families, and works as

large an area as the strength and number of the roomhold permits. A hillside sloping down to the bank of a

river or navigable stream is considered the choicest area for cultivation, partly because of the efficient

drainage, partly because the felling is easier on the slope, and because the stream affords easy access to the

When an area has been chosen, the men of the roomhold first cut down the undergrowth of a Vshaped area,

whose apex points up the hill, and whose base lies on the river bank. This done, they call in the help of other

men of the house, usually relatives who are engaged in preparing adjacent areas, and all set to work to fell the

large trees. In the clearing of virgin forest, when very large trees, many of which have at their bases immense

buttresses, have to be felled, a platform of light poles is built around each of these giants to the height of

about 15 feet. Two men standing upon this rude platform on opposite sides of the stem attack it with their

small springyhafted axes (Fig. 11) above the level of the buttresses (Pl. 55). One man cuts a deep notch on

the side facing up the hill, the other cuts a similar notch about a foot lower down on the opposite side, each

cutting almost to the centre of the stem. This operation is accomplished in a surprisingly short time, perhaps

thirty minutes in the case of a stem two to three feet in diameter. When all the large trees within the

Vshaped area have been cut in this way, all the workers and any women, children, or dogs who may be

present are called out of the patch, and one or two big trees, carefully selected to form the apex of the

phalanx, are then cut so as to fall down the hill.[45] In their fall these giants throw down the trees standing

immediately below them on the hillside; these, falling in turn against their neighbours, bring them down. And

so, like an avalanche of widening sweep, the huge disturbance propagates itself with a thunderous roar and

increasing momentum downwards over the whole of the prepared area; while puny man looks on at the awful

work of his hand and brain not unmoved, but dancing and shouting in wild triumphant delight.

The fallen timber must now lie some weeks before it can be burnt. This period is mainly devoted to making

and repairing the implements to be used in cultivating, harvesting, and storing the crop, and also in sowing at

the earliest possible moment small patches of early or rapidly growing PADI together with a little maize,

sugarcane, some Sweet potatoes, and tapioca. The patches thus sown generally lie adjacent to one another.

If the weather is fine, the fallen timber becomes dry enough to burn well after one month. If much rain falls it

is necessary to wait longer in the hope of drier weather. Choosing a windy day, they set fire to all the adjacent

patches after shouting out warnings to all persons in the fields. While the burning goes on, the men "whistle

for the wind," or rather blow for it, rattling their tongues in their mouths. Some of the older men make

lengthy orations shouted into the air, adjuring the wind to blow strongly and so fan the fire. The fire, if

successful, burns furiously for a few hours and then smoulders for some days, after which little of the timber

remains but ashes and the charred stumps of the bigger trees. If the burning is very incomplete, it is necessary

to make stacks of the lighter timbers that remain, and to fire these again. As soon as the ashes are cool,

sowing begins. Men and women work together; the men go in front making holes with wooden dibbles about

six inches apart; the women follow, carrying hung round the neck small baskets of PADI seed (Fig. 12),

which they throw into the holes, three or four seeds to each hole. No care is taken to fill in the holes with

earth. By this time the relatively dry season, which lasts only some two months, is at an end, and copious

rains cause the seed to shoot above the ground a few days after the sowing. Several varieties of PADI are in

common use, some more suitable for the hillsides, some for the marshy lands. On any one patch three or four

kinds are usually sown according to the elevation and slope of the part of the area. Since the rates of growth

of the several kinds are different, the sowings are so timed that the whole area ripens as nearly as possible at

the same moment, in order that the birds and other pests may not have the opportunity of turning their whole

force upon the several parts in turn. The men now build on each patch a small hut, which is occupied by most

of the ablebodied members of the roomhold until harvest is completed, some fourteen to twenty weeks after

the sowing of the PADI, according to the variety of grain sown. They erect contrivances for scaring away the

birds; they stick bamboos about eight feet in length upright in the ground every 20 to 30 yards. Between the

upper ends of these, rattans are tied, connecting together all the bamboos on each area of about one acre. The

field of one roomhold is generally about four acres in extent; there will thus be four groups of bamboos, each

of which can be agitated by pulling on a single rattan. From each such group a rattan passes to the hut, and

some person, generally a woman or child, is told off to tug at these rattans in turn at short intervals. Upon the

rattans between the bamboos are hung various articles calculated to make a noise or to flap to and fro when

the system is set in motion. Sometimes the rattan by which the system of poles is set in movement is tied to

the upper end of a tall sapling, one end of which is thrust deeply into the mud of the floor of the river. The

current then keeps the sapling and with it the system of bamboos swaying and jerking to and fro. The Kayans

admit that they have learnt this last "dodge" from the Klemantans. The watcher remains in the hut all day

long, while his companions are at work in the field; he varies the monotony of his task by shouting and

beating with a pair of mallets on a hollow wooden cylinder. The watcher is relieved from time to time, but the

watch is maintained continuously day and night from the time that the corn is about two feet above the

ground until it is all gathered in. In this way they strive with partial success to keep off the wild pigs,

When the hut and the pestscaring system have been erected, the men proceed to provide further protection

against wild pig and deer by running a rude fence round a number of closely adjacent patches of growing

corn. The fence, some three to four feet high, is made by lashing to poles thrust vertically into the ground and

to convenient trees and stumps, bamboos or saplings as horizontal bars, five or six in vertical row. When this

is completed the men take no further part until the harvest, except perhaps to lend a hand occasionally with

the weeding. This is the time generally chosen by them for long excursions into the jungle in search of

rattans, rubber, camphor, and for warlike expeditions or the paying of distant visits.

It is the duty of the women to prevent the PADI being choked by weeds. The women of each room will go

over each patch completely at least twice, at an interval of about one month, hoeing down the weeds with a

shorthandled hoe; the hoe consists of a flat blade projecting at right angles from the iron haft (Fig. 13). The

latter is bent downwards at a right angle just above the blade, in a plane perpendicular to that of the blade,

and its other end is prolonged by a short wooden handle, into the end of which it is thrust. The woman stoops

to the work, hoeing carefully round each PADI plant, by holding the hoe in the right hand and striking the

blade downwards and towards her toes with a dragging action. In working over the patch in this careful

fashion some three weeks are consumed. In the intervals the women gather the small crops of early PADI,

pumpkin, cucumbers, and so forth, spending several weeks together on the farm, sleeping in the hut. In a

good season this is the happiest time of the year; both men and women take the keenest interest and pleasure

During the time when the grain is formed but not yet ripe, the people live upon the green corn, which they

prepare by gathering the heads and beating them flat. These are not cooked, but merely dried in the sun, and

During the time of the ripening of the corn a spirit of gaiety and joyful anticipation prevails. It is a favourite

The harvest is the most important event of the year. Men, women, and children, all take part. The

ricesparrows congregate in thousands as the grain begins to ripen, and the noisy efforts of the people fail to

keep them at a distance. Therefore the people walk through the crop gathering all ripe ears. The operation is

performed with a small rude knifeblade mounted in a wooden handle along its whole length (Figs. 14, 15).

This is held in the hollow of the right hand, the ends of a short cross bar projecting between the first and

second fingers and between thumb and first finger. The thumb seizes and presses the head of each blade of

corn against the edge of the knife. The cars thus cropped are thrown into a basket slung round the neck. As

soon as a large basket has been filled by the reapers, its contents are spread out on mats on a platform before

the hut. After an exposure of two or three days, the grain is separated from the ears by stamping upon them

with bare feet. The separated grain passes through the meshes of the coarse mat on to a finer mat beneath.

The grain is then further dried by exposure to the sun. When the whole crop has been gathered, threshed, and

dried in this way, it is transported in the large shoulder baskets amid much rejoicing and merrymaking to the

The elaborate operations on the BADI FARM that we have described might seem to a materialist to be

sufficient to secure a good harvest; but this is not the view taken by the Kayans, or any other of the

cultivators of Borneo. In their opinion all these material labours would be of little avail if not supplemented at

every stage by the minute observance of a variety of rites. The PADI has life or soul, or vitality, and is

subject to sickness and to many vaguely conceived influences, both good and bad.

The determination of the time for sowing the seed is a matter of so great importance that in each village this

duty is entrusted to a man who makes it his profession to observe the signs of the seasons. This work is so

exacting that he is not expected to cultivate a crop of PADI for himself and family, but is furnished with all

It is essential to determine the approach of the short dry season, in order that in the course of it the timber

may be felled and burned. In Borneo, lying as it does upon the equator, the revolution of the year is marked

by no very striking changes of weather, temperature, or of vegetation. In fact, the only constant and striking

evidences of the passage of the months are the alternations of the northeast and the southwest monsoons.

The former blows from October to March, the latter from April to September, the transitions being marked by

variable winds. The relatively dry season sets in with the southwest monsoon, and lasts about two months;

but in some years the rainfall during this season is hardly less abundant than during the rest of the year.

The "clerk of the weather" (he has no official title, though the great importance of his function secures him

general respect) has no knowledge of the number of days in the year, and does not count their passage. He is

aware that the lunar month has twentyeight days, but he knows that the dry season does not recur after any

given number of completed months, and therefore keeps no record of the lunar months. He relies almost

entirely upon observation of the slight changes of the sun's altitude. His observations are made by the help of

an instrument closely resembling the ancient Greek gnomon, known as TUKAR DO or ASO DO (Pl. 60).

A straight cylindrical pole of hardwood is fixed vertically in the ground; it is carefully adjusted with the aid

of plumb lines, and the possibility of its sinking deeper into the earth is prevented by passing its lower end

through a hole in a board laid horizontally on the ground, its surface flush with the surface of the ground

which is carefully smoothed. The pole is provided with a shoulder which rests upon this board. The upper end

of the pole is generally carved in the form of a human figure. The carving may be very elaborate, or the figure

may be indicated only by a few notches. The length of the pole from the collar to its upper extremity is made

equal to the span from tip to tip of outstretched arms of its maker, plus the length of his span from tip of the

thumb to that of the first finger. This pole (ASO DO) stands on a cleared space before or behind the house,

and is surrounded by a strong fence; the area within the fence, some three or four yards in diameter, being

made as level and smooth as possible. The clerk of the weather has a neatly worked flat stick, on which

lengths are marked off by notches; these lengths are measured by laying the stick along the radial side of the

left arm, the butt end against the anterior fold of the armpit. A notch is then cut at each of the following

positions: one notch about one inch from the butt end, a second opposite the middle of the upper arm, one

opposite the elbow, one opposite the bend of the wrist, one at the first interphalangeal joint, one at the

fingertip. The other side of the rod bears a larger number of notches, of which the most distal marks the

greatest length of the midday shadow, the next one the length of the midday shadow three days after it has

begun to shorten, the next the length of the shadow after three more days' shortening, and so on. The midday

shadow is, of course, the minimal length reached in the course of the day, and the marks denoting the changes

in length of the shadow are arrived at, purely empirically, by marking off the length of the midday shadow

The clerk of the weather measures the shadow of the pole at midday whenever the sun is unclouded. As the

shadow grows shorter after reaching its maximal length, he observes it with special care, and announces to

the village that the time for preparing the land is near at hand. When the shadow reaches the notch made

opposite the middle of the arm, the best time for sowing the grain is considered to have arrived; the land is

therefore cleared, and made ready before this time arrives. Sowing at times when the shadow reaches other

notches is held to involve various disadvantages, such as liability to more than the usual number of pests

monkeys, insects, rats, or sparrows. In the case of each successful harvest, the date of the sowing is recorded

by driving a peg of ironwood into the ground at the point denoting the length of the midday shadow at that

date. The weather prophet has other marks and notches whose meaning is known only to himself; his

procedures are surrounded with mystery and kept something of a secret, even from the chief as well as from

The method of observing the sun described above is universal among the Kenyahs, but some of the Kayans

practise a different method. A hole is made in the roof of the weatherprophet's chamber in the longhouse,

and the altitude of the midday sun and its direction, north or south of the meridian, are observed by

measuring along a plank fixed on the floor the distance of the patch of sunlight (falling through the hole on to

the plank) from the point vertically below the hole. The horizontal position of the plank is secured by placing

upon it smooth spherical stones and noting any inclination to roll. The sunbeam which enters this hole is

Some of the Klemantans practise a third method to determine when the time for sowing is at hand, using a

bamboo some feet in length which bears a mark at a level which is empirically determined. The bamboo is

filled with water while in the vertical position. It is then tilted till it points towards a certain star, when of

course some water escapes. After it has been restored to the vertical, the level of the surface of the remaining

water is noted. The coincidence of this level with the mark mentioned above indicates that the time for

The appropriate season having been determined, it is necessary to secure good omens before the preparation

of the land can be begun. A pig and a fowl having been sacrificed in the usual way, and their blood sprinkled

upon the wooden figures before the house,[46] two men are sent out in a boat, and where they first see a

spiderhunter they land on the bank and go through the customary procedures. The calls and appearances of

various birds and of the MUNTJAC are of chief importance. Some of these are good, some bad in various

degrees. When a preponderance of favourable omens has been observed, the men return to the house to

announce their success. They will wait two whole days if necessary to secure a favourable result. During their

absence a strict MALAN or LALI (tabu) lies upon the house; no stranger may enter it, and the people sit

quietly in the house performing only the most necessary tasks. The announcement of the nature of the omens

observed is made to the chief in the presence of a deeply interested throng of both sexes. If the omens

observed are considered to be bad, or of doubtful import, the men go out for a second period; but if they are

favourable, the women of each room perform the private rites over their stores of seed PADI, which are kept

in their rooms. After the pros and cons have been fully discussed, the chief names the day for the beginning

At the beginning of the sowing the house is again subject to MALAN for one day. During the growth of the

PADI various charms and superstitious practices are brought into use to promote its growth and health, and to

keep the pests from it. The PADI charms are a miscellaneous collection or bundle of small articles, such as

curious pebbles and bits of wood, pigs' tusks of unusual size or shape, beads, feathers, crystals of quartz.

Kayans as a rule object to pebbles and stones as charms. Such charms are generally acquired in the first

instance through indications afforded by dreams, and are handed down from mother to daughter. Such charms

contained in a basket are usually kept in a PADI barn, from which they are taken to the field by the woman

and waved over it, usually with a live fowl in the hand, while she addresses the PADI seed in some such

terms as the following: "May you have a good stem and a good top, let all parts of you grow in harmony, etc.

etc." Then she rapidly repeats a long customary formula of exhortation to the pests, saying, "O rats, run away

down river, don't trouble us; O sparrows and noxious insects, go feed on the PADI of the people down river."

If the pests are very persistent, the woman may kill a fowl and scatter its blood over the growing PADI, while

she charges the pests to disappear, and calls upon LAKI IVONG (the god of harvests) to drive them out.

Women alone will gather the first ears of the crop. If they encounter on their way to the fields any one of the

following creatures, they must at once return home, and stay there a day and a night, on pain of illness or

early death: certain snakes, spiders, centipedes, millipedes, and birds of two species, JERUIT and BUBUT (a

cuckoo). Or again, if the shoulder straps of their large baskets should break on the way, if a stump should fall

against them, or the note of the spiderhunter be heard, or if a woman strikes her foot by accident against any

It will be clear from the foregoing account that the women play the principal part in the rites and actual

operations of the PADI culture; the men only being called in to clear the ground and to assist in some of the

later stages. The women select and keep the seed grain, and they are the repositories of most of the lore

connected with it. It seems to be felt that they have a natural affinity to the fruitful grain, which they speak of

as becoming pregnant. Women sometimes sleep out in the PADI fields while the crop is growing, probably

for the purpose of increasing their own fertility or that of the PADI; but they are very reticent on this matter.

When the crop is all gathered in, the house is MALAN to all outsiders for some ten days, during which the

grain is transported from the fields to the village and stored in the PADI barns. When this process is

completed or well advanced, the festival begins with the preparation of the seed grain for the following

season. Some of the best of the new grain is carefully selected by the women of each room, enough for the

sowing of the next season. This is mixed with a small quantity of the seed grain of the foregoing seasons

which has been carefully preserved for this purpose in a special basket. The basket contains grains of PADI

from good harvests of many previous years. This is supposed to have been done from the earliest time of

PADI planting, so that the basket contains some of the original stock of seed, or at least the virtue of it

leavening the whole. This basket is never emptied, but a pinch of the old PADI is mixed in with the new, and

then a handful of the mixture added to the old stock. The idea here seems to be that the old grain, preserving

continuity generation after generation with the original seed PADI of mythical origin,[47] ensures the

presence in the grain of the soul or spirit or vital principle of PADI. While mixing the old with the new seed

grain, the woman calls on the soul of the PADI to cause the seed to be fruitful and to grow vigorously, and to

favour her own fertility. For the whole festival is a celebration or cult of the principle of fertility and vitality

The women who have been delivered of children during the past year will make a number of toys, consisting

of plaited work, in the shapes of various animals filled with boiled rice (Fig. 16). These they throw to the

children of the house, who scramble for them in the gallery. This seems to be of the nature of a

At this time also another curious custom is observed. Four water beetles, of the kind that skates on the surface

of the still water, are caught on the river and placed on water in a large gong. Some old man specially wise in

this matter watches the beetles, calling to them to direct their movements. The people crowd round deeply

interested, while the old man interprets the movements of the beetles as forecasting good or ill luck with the

crops of the following season, and invokes the goodwill of Laki Ivong. Laki Ivong is asked to bring the soul

of the PADI to their homes. Juice from a sugarcane is poured upon the water, and the women drink the water,

while the beetles are carefully returned to the river. The beetles carry the messages to Laki Ivong.

When these observances have been duly honoured, there begins a scene of boisterous fun. The women make

pads of the boiled sticky new rice, and cover it with soot from their cooking vessels. With these they

approach the men and dab the pads upon their faces and bodies, leaving sooty marks that are not easily

removed. The men thus challenged give chase, and attempt to get possession of the rice pads and to return the

polite attention. For a short space of time a certain license prevails among the young people; and

irregularities, even on the part of married people, which would be gravely reprobated at all other times, are

looked upon very much less seriously. It is, in fact, the annual carnival. Each roomhold has prepared a stock

of BURAK from the new rice, and this now circulates freely among both men and women, and large meals of

rice and pork are usually eaten. All join in dancing, some of the women dressed like men, some carrying

PADIpestles; at one moment all form a long line marching up and down the gallery in step to the strains of

the KELURI; some young men dance in realistic imitation of monkeys (DOK), or hornbills, or other animals,

singly or in couples. Others mimic the peculiarities of their acquaintances. The women also dance together in

a long line, each resting her hands on the shoulders of the one going before her, and all keeping time to the

music of the KELURIES as they dance up and down the long gallery. All this is kept up with good humour

the whole day long. In the evening more BURAK is drunk and songs are sung, the women mingling with the

men, instead of remaining in their rooms as on other festive occasions. Before midnight a good many of the

men are more or less intoxicated, some deeply so; but most are able to find their way to bed about midnight,

and few or none become offensive or quarrelsome, even though the men indulge in wrestling and rough

horseplay with one another. After an exceptionally good harvest the boisterous merrymaking is renewed on

The harvest festival is the time at which dancing is most practised. The dances fall into two chief classes,

namely, solo dances and those in which many persons take part. Most of the solo dances take the form of

comic imitations of the movements of animals, especially the big macaque monkey (DOK), the hornbill, and

big fish. These dances .seem to have no connection with magic or religion, but to be purely aesthetic

entertainments. The animals that are regarded with most awe are never mimicked in this way. There are at

least four distinct group dances popular among the Kayans. Both men and women take part, the women often

dressing themselves as men for the occasion (Pl. 61). The movements and evolutions are very simple. The

LUPA resembles the dance on return from war described in Chap. X. In the KAYO, a similar dance, the

dancers are led by a woman holding one of the dried heads which is taken down for the purpose; the women,

dressed in warcoats, pretending to take the head from an enemy. The LAKEKUT Is a musical drill in which

the dancers stamp on the planks of the floor in time to the music. The LUPAK is a kind of slow polka. In

none of these do the dancers fall into couples. A fifth dance, the dance of the departure of the spirit, is a

dramatic representation by three persons of the death of one of them, and of his restoration to life by means of

the water of life (this is supposed to be brought from the country which is traversed on the journey to the land

of shades). This dance is sometimes given with so much dramatic effect as to move the onlookers to tears.

A little before dawn the cocks roosting beneath the house awaken the household by their crowing and the

flapping of their wings. The pigs begin to grunt and squeal, and the dogs begin to trot to and fro in the

gallery. Before the first streaks of daylight appear, the women light the fires in the private rooms or blow up

the smouldering embers; then most of them descend from the house, each carrying in a basket slung on her

back several bamboo watervessels to be filled from the river. Many of them bathe at this time in the shallow

water beside the bank, while the toilet of others consists in dashing water over their faces, washing their

mouths with water, and rubbing their teeth with the forefinger. Returning to the house with their loads of

water (Pl. 63), they boil rice for the household breakfasts and for the dinner of those who are to spend the day

in the PADI field or the jungle. The boiled rice intended for the latter use is made up in packets wrapped in

green leaves, each containing sufficient for a meal for one person. About halfpast six, when the daylight is

fully come, the pigs expectant of their meal are clamouring loudly for it. The women descend to them by

ladders leading from the private rooms, and each gives to the pigs of her household the leavings of the meals

of the previous day. About the same time the men begin to bestir themselves sluggishly; some descend to

bathe, while others smoke the fag ends of the cigarettes that were unfinished when they fell asleep. Then the

men breakfast in their rooms, and not until they are satisfied do the women and children sit down to their

meal. During all this time the chronically hungry dogs, attracted by the odours of food, make persistent

efforts to get into their owner's rooms. Success in this manoeuvre is almostly always followed by their sudden

and noisy reappearance in the gallery, caused by a smart blow with a stick. In the busy farming season parties

of men, women, and children will set off in boats for the PADI fields taking their breakfasts with them.

After breakfast the men disperse to their various tasks. During some three or four months of the year all

ablebodied persons repair daily to the PADI fields, but during the rest of the year their employments are

more varied. The old women and invalids remain all day long in the rooms; the old men lounge all day in the

gallery, smoking many homemade cigarettes, and perhaps doing a bit of carving or other light work and

keeping an eye on the children. The young children play in and out and about the house, chasing the animals,

A few of the ablebodied men employ themselves in or about the house, making boats, forging swords,

spearheads, iron hoes, and axes, repairing weapons or implements. Others go in small parties to the jungle

to hunt deer and pig, or to gather jungle produce fruits, rubber, rattans, or bamboos or spend the day in

fishing in the river. During the months of December and January the jungle fruits the durian, rambutan,

mangosteen, lansat, mango, and numerous small sour fruits (Pl. 65) are much more abundant than at other

times; and during these months all other work is neglected, while the people devote themselves to gathering

Except during the busy PADI season the work of the women is wholly within the house. The heaviest part of

their household labour is the preparation of the rice. After breakfast they proceed to spread out PADI on mats

on the open platforms adjoining the gallery. While the PADI is being dried by the exposure to sun and wind

on these platforms, it must be protected from the domestic fowls by a guardian who, sitting in the gallery,

drives them away by means of a long bamboo slung by a cord above the platform. Others fill the time

between breakfast and the noonday dinner by bathing themselves and the children in the river, making and

repairing clothing, mats, and baskets, fetching more water, cleaning the rooms and preparing dinner. This

meal consists of boiled rice with perhaps a piece of fish, pork, or fowl, and, like breakfast and supper, is eaten

As soon as dinner is over the pounding of the PADI begins (Frontispiece, Vol. II.). Each mortar usually

consists of a massive log of timber roughly shaped, and having sunk in its upper surface, which is a little

hollowed, a pit about five inches in diameter and nine inches in depth. Into this pit about a quarter of a bushel

of PADI is put. Two women stand on the mortar facing one another on either side of the pit, each holding by

the middle a large wooden pestle. This is a solid bar of hardwood about seven feet long, about two inches in

diameter in the middle third, and some three or four inches in diameter in the rest of its length. The two ends

are rounded and polished by use. Each woman raises her pestle to the full height of her reach, and brings it

smartly down upon the grain in the pit, the two women striking alternately with a regular rhythm. As each

one lifts her pestle, she deftly sweeps back into the pit with her foot the grain scattered by her stroke.

After pounding the PADI for some minutes without interruption, one woman takes a winnowing pan, a mat

made in the shape of an English housemaid's dustpan, but rather larger than this article, and receives in it the

Both women then kneel upon a large mat laid beside the mortar; the one holding the winnowing pan keeps

throwing the grain into the air with a movement which causes the heavier grain to fall to the back of the pan,

while the chaff and dust is thrown forward on to the mat. Her companion separates the rice dust from the

chaff by sifting it through a sieve. A considerable quantity of the dust or finely broken rice is formed by the

pounding in the mortar, and this is the principal food given to the pigs. The winnowed grain is usually

returned to the mortar to be put through the whole process a second time. The clean rice thus prepared is

The winnowing and sifting is often done by old women, while the younger women continue the severer task

of plying the pestle. In the Kayan houses the mortars are in many cases double, that is to say, there are two

pits in the one block of timber, and two pairs of women work simultaneously. In the middle of the afternoon

the whole house resounds with the vigorous blows of the pestles, for throughout the length of the gallery two

or more women are at work beside each room, husking the day's supply of rice for each family.

For the women of all the peoples, except the Punans, the husking of the PADI is a principal feature of the

day's work, and is performed in much the same fashion by all. The Kenyahs alone do their work out of doors

When this task is completed the women are covered with dust; they descend again to the river, and bathe

themselves and the children once more. They may gather some of the scanty vegetables grown in small

enclosures near most of the houses, and then proceed to prepare supper with their rice and whatever food the

men may have brought home from the jungle. For now, about an hour before sundown, the men return from

expeditions in the jungle, often bringing a wild pig, a monkey, a porcupine, or some jungle fruit, or young

shoots of bamboo, as their contribution to the supper table; others return from fishing or from the PADI

fields, and during the sunset hour at a large village a constant stream of boats arrives at the landingplace

before the house. Most of the homecomers bathe in the river before ascending to the house. This evening

bath is taken in more leisurely fashion than the morning dip. A man will strip off his waistcloth and rush

into the water, falling flat on his chest with a great splash. Then standing with the water up to his waist he

will souse his head and face, then perhaps swim a few double overhand strokes, his head going under at each

stroke. After rubbing himself down with a smooth pebble, he returns to the bank, and having resumed his

waistcloth, he squeezes the water from his hair, picks up his paddle, spear, hat, and other belongings, and

ascends to the gallery. There he hangs up his spear by jabbing its point into a roofbeam beside the door of

his chamber, and sits down to smoke a cigarette and to relate the events of his day while supper is preparing.

As darkness falls, he goes to his room to sup. By the time the women also have supped, the tropical night has

fallen, and the house is lit by the fires and by resin torches, and nowadays by a few kerosene lamps. The men

gather round the fireplaces in the gallery and discuss politics, the events of the day, the state of the crops and

weather, the news obtained by meetings with the people of neighbouring houses, and relate myths and

legends, folktales and animal stories. The women, having put the children to bed, visit one another's rooms

for friendly gossip; and young men drop in to join their parties, accept the proffered cigarette, and discourse

the sweet music of the KELURI,[49] the noseflute, and the Jew's harp (Figs. 17, 18, 19). Or Romeo first

strikes up his plaintive tune outside the room in which Juliet sits with the women folk. Juliet may respond

with a few notes of her guitar[50] (Fig. 20), thus encouraging Romeo to enter and to take his place in the

group beside her, where he joins in the conversation or renews his musical efforts. About nine o'clock all

retire to bed, save a few old men who sit smoking over the fires far into the night. The dogs, after some final

skirmishes and yelpings, subside among the warm ashes of the fireplaces; the pigs emit a final squeal and

grunt; and within the house quietness reigns. Now the rushing of the river makes itself heard in the house,

mingled with the chirping of innumerable insects and the croaking of a myriad frogs borne in from the

surrounding forest. The villagers sleep soundly till cockcrow; but the European guest, lying in the place of

honour almost beneath the row of human heads which adorns the gallery, is, if unused to sleeping in a

Bornean long house, apt to be wakened from time to time throughout the night by an outburst of dreadful

yelpings from the dogs squabbling for the best places among the ashes, by the prolonged fit of coughing of an

old man, by an old crone making up the fire, by the goats squealing and scampering over the boats beneath

In the old days the peace of the night was occasionally broken an hour before the dawn by the yells of an

attacking force, and by the flames roaring up from bundles of shavings thrown beneath the house. But happily

attacks of this kind are no longer made, save in some few remoter parts of the interior where the European

The even tenor of the life of a village is interrupted from time to time by certain festivals or other incidents

the harvest festival; the marriage or the naming of a chiefs son or daughter; the arrival of important guests

(one or more chiefs with bands of followers coming to make peace, or nowadays the resident magistrate of

the district); the funeral of a chief; the preparations for war or for a long journey to the distant bazaar of

Chinese traders in the lower part of the river; the necessity of removing to a new site; an epidemic of disease;

the rites of formally consulting the omens, or otherwise communicating with and propitiating the gods; the

operations of the soulcatcher. The more important of these incidents will be described in later chapters. Here

we need only give a brief account of the way in which some of them affect the daily round of life in the long

A visiting chief will remain seated in his boat, while a follower announces his arrival and ascertains that there

is no MALAN (TABU) upon the house which would make the presence of visitors unwelcome. Such

MALAN affecting the whole house or village obtains during the storing of the PADI for ten consecutive

days, during epidemics of sickness in neighbouring villages, and at the time when the preparation of the farm

land begins. If a favourable answer is returned, the visitor remains seated in his boat some few minutes

longer, and then makes his way into the gallery, followed by most of his men, who leave their spears and

shields in the boats. If the visitor is an intimate friend, the chief of the house will send a son or brother to

welcome him, or will even go himself. Arrived in the gallery, the visitor advances to the central platform

where the chief of the house awaits him, unstrings his sword from his waist, hangs it upon any convenient

hook, and sits down beside his host; while his men, following his example, seat themselves with the men of

the house in a semicircle facing the two chiefs. The followers may greet, and even embrace, or grasp by the

forearm, their personal friends; but the demeanour of the chief's is more formal. Neither one utters a word or

glances at the other for some few minutes; the host remains seated, fidgeting with a cigarette and gazing upon

the floor; the visitor sitting beside him looks stolidly over the heads of his followers, and perhaps clears his

throat or coughs. Presently a woman thrusts into the semicircle a tray of freshly made cigarettes. One of the

men of the house pushes it forward towards the principal visitor, who makes a sign of acceptance by lightly

touching the tray; the other, crouching on his heels, lights a cigarette with an ember from the fire, blowing it

into a glow as he waddles up to present it to the visiting chief. The latter takes it, but usually allows it to go

out. By this time the chief of the house is ready to open the conversation, and, after clearing his throat,

suddenly throws out a question, usually, "Where did you start from today?" The embarrassing silence thus

broken, question and answer are freely exchanged, the cigarette of the visitor is again lighted at the fire by a

member of the household, and conversation becomes general. Not infrequently the host, becoming more and

more friendly, throws an arm across his guest's shoulders or strokes him endearingly with the palm of his

In the meantime the women are busy preparing a meal, a pig having been killed and hastily cut up. When it is

ready, the visitors, if old friends, are invited to partake of it in the chief's room. But if they are not familiar

acquaintances, the meal is spread for them in the gallery on platters placed in a long row, one for each guest;

each platter containing many cubes of hot boiled pork and two packets of hot boiled rice wrapped in leaves.

The space is surrounded with a slight bamboo fence to keep away the dogs. In either case the visitors eat

alone, their hosts retiring until the meal is finished. As the chief's wife retires, she says, "Eat slowly, my

children, our food is poor stuff. There is no pork, no fish, nothing that is good." Before withdrawing, one of

the people of the house pours a little water from a bamboo vessel on the right hand of the visiting chief, who

then passes on the vessel to his followers. With the hand thus cleansed each guest conveys the food to his

mouth, dipping his pieces of pork in coarse salt placed in a leaf beside his platter; and when he has finished

eating, he drinks water from a bamboo vessel. The chief, and perhaps also one or more of his upperclass

companions, leaves a little of the pork and a little rice on the platter to show that he is not greedy or ravenous;

and his good breeding prompts him to prove his satisfaction with the meal by belching up a quantity of wind

with a loud and prolonged noise, which is echoed by his followers to the best of their ability. After thus

publicly expressing his appreciation of his host's hospitality, he rinses out his mouth, squirting out the water

towards the nearest gap between the floor boards, rubs his teeth with his forefinger, again rinses his mouth,

and washes his hand. Then relighting his cigarette, which he has kept behind his ear or thrust through the hole

On such an occasion, and in fact on any other occasion suggestive of festivity, the evening is enlivened with

oratory, song, and drink. After supper the men gather together about the chiefs, sitting in closeset ranks on

and before the dais. At a hint from the chief a jar of BURAK (ricespirit) is brought into the circle. This may

be the property of the chief or of any one of the principal men, who, by voluntarily contributing in this way

towards the entertainment of the guests, maintains the honour of the house and of its chief. A little is poured

into a cup and handed to the housechief, who first makes a libation to the omenbirds and to all the other

friendly spiritual powers, by pouring a little on to the ground through some crevice of the floor, or by

throwing a few drops out under the eaves, saying, as he does so, "Ho, all you friendly spirits." Then he drinks

a little and hands back the cup to the young man who has taken charge of the jar of spirit. The latter,

remaining crouched upon his heels, ladles out another cupful of spirit and offers it in both hands to the

principal guest, who drinks it off, and expresses by a grunt and a smack of the lips, and perhaps a shiver, his

appreciation of its quality. The cup is handed in similar formal fashion to each of the principal guests in turn;

and then more cups are brought into use, and the circulation of the drink becomes more rapid and informal.

As soon as each man has had a drink, the housechief rises to his feet and, addressing himself to his guest,

expatiates upon his admirable qualities, and expresses eloquently the pleasure felt by himself and his people

at this visit. Then speaking in parables and in indirect fashion, claiming perhaps indulgence on the ground

that he is merely talking in his sleep, he touches upon local politics at first delicately; then warming up he

speaks more directly and plainly. He may become much excited and gesticulate freely, even leaping into the

air and twirling round on one foot with outstretched right arm in a fashion that directs his remarks to each and

all of the listening circle; but, even though he may find occasion to admonish or reproach, or even hint at a

threat, his speech never transgresses the strictest bounds of courtesy. Having thus unburdened himself of

whatever thoughts and emotions are evoked by the occasion, he takes from the attendant Ganymede a bumper

cup of spirit and breaks into song. Standing before his guest and swinging the cup repeatedly almost to his

(the guest's) lips, he exhorts him in complimentary and rhyming phrases to accept his remarks in a friendly

spirit, and reminds him of the age and strength of their family and tribal relations, referring to their ancestral

glories and the proud position in the world of their common race. At the end of each sentence all the men of

both parties break out into a loud chorus, repeating the last word or two in deep longdrawnout musical

cadence. Then, with the last words of his extemporised song, the chief yields up the cup to the expectant

guest, who, having sat rigidly and with fixed gaze throughout the address, takes it in one long draught, while

the chorus swells to a deep, musical roar. At this moment the circle of auditors, if much excited, will spring to

their feet and swell the noise by stamping and jumping on the resounding planks. The housechief smilingly

strokes his guest from the shoulder downwards and resumes his seat. The chorus and commotion die away,

and are followed by a moment of silence, during which the guest prepares to make his reply in similar

fashion. He rises and begins by naming and lightly touching or pointing to his host and other of the principal

men present. Then he makes acknowledgment of the kind and flattering reception accorded him, and his

pleasure at finding this opportunity of improving the understanding between himself and his hosts. "The

views so eloquently expressed by my friend (naming him and using some complimentary title, E.G. brother

or father) are no doubt correct. Indeed, how could it be otherwise? But I have been told so and so, and

perhaps it may be, ..." and so he goes on to state his own views, taking care to shift the responsibility for any

remaining dissension on to the shoulders of some distant third party. He congratulates all parties on this free

discussion of matters of common interest, and with free gesticulation exhorts them to turn a deaf ear to vague

rumours and to maintain friendly relations. Then, dropping down beside his host, he says "Take no notice of

what I have said, I am drunk." Ganymede again approaches him with a bumper cup, and then rising to his feet

and calling on his men, he addresses his host in complimentary song and chorus, using the gestures and

expressions peculiar to his own people. The song culminates as before in a general chorus, long drawn out,

The cups then circulate freely, and the smoking of cigarettes is general; other shorter speeches may be made,

perhaps by the sons or brothers of the chiefs. As the evening wears away, both guests and hosts become

increasingly boisterous and affectionate; but few or none on an occasion of this sort become intoxicated or

quarrelsome. If a man becomes a little too boisterous, he is led away to one of the sleeping platforms in the

During an evening of this sort the women congregate in the adjacent rooms, where they can overhear the

proceedings; and if they find these exceptionally interesting, they will congregate about the doors, but will

strictly abstain from interfering with, them in any way. The flow of speech and song and conversation goes

on uninterruptedly, except when the occasional intrusion into the circle of some irrepressible dog necessitates

its violent expulsion; until, as midnight approaches, the men drop away from the circle by twos and threes,

the circle being finally broken up when the visiting chief expresses a desire to sleep. Each guest spreads his

own mat on the platform assigned to the party, and the men of the house retire to their rooms.

We will not conclude this chapter without stating that among the Kayans, Kenyahs, and most of the

Klemantans, alcoholic intoxication is by no means common. At great feasts, such as are made at the close of

the harvest or on the return of a successful warparty, much BORAK is drunk, the women joining in, and a

few of the men will usually become quite drunk; but most of them will hardly go further than a state of

Although in a year of good PADI harvest each family constantly renews its supply of BORAK, yet the spirit

is never drunk in private, but only on festive occasions of the kind described above, or when a man entertains

The account given above of the reception and entertainment of guests would apply with but little

modification to the houses of the Kenyahs and Klemantans. In the Sea Dayak house the reception and

entertainment of guests is less ceremonious, and is carried out by the unorganised efforts of individuals,

rather than by the household as a whole with the chief at its head. On the arrival of a party of visitors, the

people of each room clamorously invite the guests to sit down before their chamber. The guests thus become

scattered through the house. First they are offered betel nut and sirih leaf smeared with lime to chew, for

among the Sea Dayaks this chewing takes the place of the smoking of cigarettes which is common to all the

others; and they are then fed and entertained individually, or by twos and threes, in various rooms. No pig is

killed or ricespirit offered, though possibly a toasted bat or bit of salted wild pig will be served as a relish.

At great feasts the Sea Dayaks drink more freely than the other peoples, except the Muruts. Men and women

alike drink deeply, and many become intoxicated. The men take pride in drinking the largest possible

quantity; and when the stomach is filled, will vomit up large quantities, and then at once drink more, the

women pressing it upon them. The Dayaks and Muruts alone thus sink in the matter of drink to the level of

those highly cultured Europeans among whom a similar habit obtains: while among all the other tribes strong

drink is seldom or never abused, but rather is put only to its proper use, the promotion of good fellowship and

With the exception of the Punans and some of the Muruts who inhabit the few regions devoid of navigable

streams, all the peoples of Borneo make great use of the rivers. The main rivers and their principal branches

are their great highways, and even the smallest tributary streams are used for gaining access to their PADI

fields. It is only when hunting or gathering jungle produce that they leave the rivers. Occasionally PADI is

cultivated at a distance of a mile or more from the nearest navigable stream, and a rough pathway is then

made between the field and the nearest point of the river. Here and there also jungle paths are made

connecting points where neighbouring rivers or their navigable tributaries approach closely to one another. In

the flat country near the coast, where waterways are less abundant than in the interior, jungle tracks are more

used for communication between villages. Where a route crosses a jungle swamp, large trees are felled in

such a way that their stems lie as nearly as possible end to end. Their ends are connected if necessary by

laying smaller logs from one to the other. In this way is formed a rude slippery viaduct on which it is possible

for an agile and barefooted man to walk in safety across swamps many miles in extent.

But the jungle paths are only used when it is impossible to reach the desired point by boat, or if the waterway

is very circuitous. On the lower and deeper reaches of the rivers the paddle is the universal instrument of

propulsion. It is used without any kind of rowlock the one hand, grasping the handle a little above the

blade, draws the blade backwards through the water; the other hand, grasping the Tshaped upper end,

A small boat may be propelled by a single rower, who, sitting at the stern, uses the paddle on one side only,

and keeps the boat straight by turning the paddle as he finishes his stroke. In a boat of medium size one man

seated at the stern devotes himself to steering with his paddle, although here and there among the

coastpeople a fixed rudder is used. In a war boat of the largest size, the two men occupying the bowbench

and the four men on the two sternmost benches are responsible for the steering; the former pull the bow

During a day's journey the crew of a boat will from timetotime lighten their labour with song, one man

singing, the others joining in the chorus; and if several boats are travelling in company the crews will from

time to time spurt and strive to pass one another in goodhumoured rivalry. At such times each crew may

break out into a deeppitched and musical roar, the triumphal chorus of a victorious war party.

In the upper reaches of the rivers there are numerous rapids, and here and there actual falls. The boat is

usually propelled up a rapid by poling. Each member of the crew has beside him a stout pole some eight or

nine feet long; and when the boat approaches a rapid, the crew at a shout from the captain, usually the

steersman, spring to their feet, dropping their paddles and seizing their poles. Thrusting these against the

stony bottom in perfect unison, the crew swings the boat up through the rushing water with a very pleasant

motion. If the current proves too strong and the boat makes no progress, or if the water is too shallow, three

or four men, or, if necessary, the whole crew, spring into the water and, seizing the boat by the gunwale, drag

it upstream till quieter water is reached. It is necessary for a man or boy to bale out the water that constantly

enters over the gunwale while the boat makes the passage of a rapid. All through these exciting operations the

captain directs and admonishes his men unremittingly, hurling at them expressions of a strength that would

astonish a crew on the waters of the Cam or Isis: "Matei tadjin selin" (may you die the most awful death) is

one of the favourite phrases. These provoke no resentment, but merely stimulate the crew to greater exertions.

Sometimes, when much water is coming down after heavy rains, the current is so swift in deep places that

neither paddling, poling, nor wading is possible. Then three or four men are landed on the bank, or on the

boughs of the trees, and haul on the boat with long rattans, scrambling over rocks and through the jungle as

The passage down stream in the upper reaches of a river is even more exciting and pleasurable. The crew

paddles sufficiently to keep good steerage way on the boat, as it glides swiftly between the rocks and

shallows; as it shoots over the rapids, the steersman stands up to choose his path, the water splashes and

gurgles and leaps over the gunwale, and the men break out into song. The smaller waterfalls do not check its

onward rush; as the boat approaches a fall, several men near the bow stand up to see if there is sufficient

water; then, as they resume their seats, all paddle with might and main until the boat takes the leap.

Occasionally a boat is upset during such an attempt, and rarely one or two of the crew are lost through being

In making a long journey the nights are passed if possible in friendly villages. When no such village can be

reached, the night is passed either in the boats moored to the bank or on the riverbank. In the former case

the leaf mats, of which each man carries at least one in his basket, are used to roof the boat; in the latter case

a rude hut is quickly built, a framework of saplings lashed together, roofed with the mats, and floored at a

level of some feet above the ground with bamboos or slender saplings. On camping in the evening and before

starting in the morning, rice is cooked and eaten; and about midday the journey is interrupted for about an

hour while the party lands on the bank, or, if possible, on a bed of pebbles, to rest and to cook and eat the

Fish are caught in the rivers in several ways, and form an important part of the diet of most of the peoples.

Perhaps the cast net is most commonly used. This is a net which, when fully extended in the water, covers a

circular patch about six yards in diameter, while its central part rises in a steep cone, to the peak of which a

strong cord is tied. The main strands run radially from this central point, increasing in number towards the

periphery. They are crossed by concentric strands. The periphery is weighted with bits of metal or stone. This

net is used both in deep and in shallow water. In the former case one man steers and paddles a boat, while the

other stands at the prow with the cord of the net wound about the right hand. The bulk of the net is gathered

up on his right arm, the free end is held in the left hand. Choosing a still pool some two fathoms in depth, he

throws a stone into the water a little ahead of the boat, in the expectation that the fish will congregate about

the spot as they do when fruit falls from the trees on the banks. Then, as the boat approaches the spot he

deftly flings the net so that it falls spread out upon the surface; its weighted edge then sinks rapidly to the

bottom, enclosing any fish that may be beneath the net. If only small fish are enclosed, the net is twisted as it

is drawn up, the fish becoming entangled in its meshes, and in pockets formed about its lower border. If a

large fish is enclosed, the steersman will dive overboard and seize the lower part of the net so as to secure the

Or the boat is paddled to the foot of a small rapid; the fisherman springs out and runs to the head of the rapid,

and casts his net in the still water immediately above it where fish frequently congregate.

Or a party takes the same net to the mouth of a small tributary, and, while some hold the net so as to block the

mouth almost completely, others run through the jungle to a point some hundred yards up the stream, and

then drive down the fish by wading down stream splashing and shouting. As soon as a number of fish come

Another net, made quite flat and some fifteen yards long by four feet wide, is suspended by wooden floats

Another net is used only by the women. In shape it is like a deep basin; its wide mouth is attached to a stout

circle of rattan, and a wooden bar is tied across the mouth to serve as handle. With this the women catch the

sucker fish in the shallow rapids, one turning up stones, the other catching in the net the fish that dart from

Yet another mode of netting fish is to suspend a square of net attached by its corners to the ends of two

crossed and downward bending sticks. The net is suspended by cords from its corners to the end of a long

bamboo, which rests upon a post about its middle. The fisherman lowers the net into the water by raising the

landward end of the bamboo lever, and when he sees fish swimming above it, attracted by a bait, he suddenly

depresses his end of the bamboo, so as to bring the net quickly above the surface. On the coast drag nets are

The SELAMBO is used in small streams where fish are abundant. A fence of upright bamboos is built out

from either bank, starting at opposite points and converging down stream to two points near the middle of the

stream and about seven feet apart; where each terminates a stout pole is driven firmly into the bed of the

river. These two poles are connected by a stout crosspiece lashed to them a little above the level of the

water. The crosspiece forms a fulcrum for a pair of long poles joined together with crosspieces, in such a

way that their downstream ends almost meet, while up stream they diverge widely. They rest upon the

fulcrum at a point about onethird of their length from their downstream ends. Between the widely divergent

parts up stream from the fulcrum a net is loosely stretched. The net lies submerged until fish coming down

stream are directed on to the net by the convergent fences. The fisherman stands on a rude platform grasping

the handleend, and, feeling the contacts of the fishes with the net, throws his weight upon the handle, so

bringing the net quickly above the surface. Beside him he has a large cage of bamboo standing in the water,

A rod and line and baited hook are also in common use. The Kayans make a hook of stout brass wire, cutting

a single barb. The Kenyahs use a hook made of rattan thorns. A strip is cut from the surface of a rattan

bearing two thorns about an inch apart; this is bent at its middle so that the cut surfaces of the two halves are

brought into opposition, and the thorns, facing outward opposite one another, form the barbs. The line is tied

to the bend, and the bait is placed over the tip projecting beyond the thorns. When the fish takes the hook into

his mouth and swallows the bait, the barbs being released spring outward and secure the fish.

Fish are taken also in traps. The most generally used is the BUBU. This varies in length from eighteen inches

to eight feet or even more. The body of the trap is a conical cage of bamboo. From the wide mouth of the

cone a second smaller flatter cone passes upwards within the outer one; the slender bamboo strips of which it

is made come almost together in the centre, their inner ends being free and pliable. This is fixed beside the

bank, its mouth turned down stream, and a few stakes are driven into the bed of the river to guide the fish into

the mouth; or it may be laid in shallow water, two barriers of stones converging to its mouth. The fish

working up stream pass in at the mouth, and, when they have passed the inner lips, cannot easily pass out

A still simpler trap consists merely of a long slender cone of bamboo strips. The fish entering the mouth and

A Sea Dayak trap found in the southwest of Borneo is a cylindrical cage of bamboo attached to a pole

driven vertically into the bed of the river. (Fig. 21). At one side of the cage is a circular aperture. Into this fits

a section of bamboo, the end of which within the cage is cut into longitudinal strips that are made to

converge, forming a cone, through the apex of which the fish can push his way into the cage, but which

prevents his return. It is an application of the same valve principle as that used in the trap first described

A larger trap is the KILONG, which is used in the lower reaches of the rivers and also on the coast. It consists

of a fence of stakes running out from the bank or shore into water some two fathoms in depth. The free end of

the fence is wound in a spiral of about two turns. One or two gates are made between the outer and the inner

chambers of the spiral on the side nearest to the bank or shore, and are left open when the trap is set. The fish,

finding themselves confined by the fence, make for deeper water, and, entering the central chamber, do not

readily return. The fisherman then closes the gate and takes out the fish with a landing net.

A prawn trap consists of a cylinder of heavy bark. One end is closed with a conical valve of bamboo strips

like that of the two traps described above; the other flattened end is hinged to open for the extraction of the

catch. The trap is baited with decaying cocoanut and thrown into the river with a long rattan attached to it and

Fish are caught on the largest scale by poisoning the water with the juice of the root of the tuba plant. This is

usually practised in the smaller rivers at times of slack water, all the people of a village cooperating. The

TUBA plant is cultivated in patches on the PADI fields. Pieces of the roots are cut off without destroying the

plants. When a large quantity has been gathered, a fence is built across the river at the spot chosen, and big

BUBU traps are let into it facing up stream. Then all the available small boats are manned and brought into

the reaches of the river extending about a mile above the fence. Each boat carries a supply of tuba root, which

the people bruise by pounding it with wooden clubs against stumps and rocks on the bank or against the side

of the boat. Water is thrown into the bottom of the boat and the pounded root is rinsed in the water, pounded

again, and again rinsed, until all its poisonous juice is extracted. The water in all the boats, become milky

with the juice, is poured at a given signal into the river, either by baling or by overturning the boats. After

some twenty minutes the fish begin to rise to the surface and rush wildly to and fro. In the meantime the boats

have been put to rights, and now begin to pursue the fish, the men armed with fishspears, the women with

landingnets. The sport goes on for several hours. Some men armed with clubs stand upon a platform which

slopes up at a low angle out of the water and rests upon the fence. Big fish come leaping upon this platform

and are clubbed by the men, who have to exert their agility to avoid the spikes with which some of the fish

are armed. Large quantities of fish are sometimes taken in this way; what cannot be eaten fresh are dried and

While the TUBA fishing is being arranged and the preparations are going forward, great care is taken to

avoid mentioning the word TUBA, and all references to the fish are made in oblique phrases, such as "The

leaves (I.E. the fishes) can't float over this fence." This precaution is observed because it is believed that the

birds and the bats can understand human speech, and may, if they overhear remarks about the preparations,

give warning to their friends the fish, whose magician[51] (a bony fish called BELIRA), will then make rain,

Tickling is also practised with success, the men standing in the edge of a lake among the grass and sedges,

All the methods of taking fish described above are practised by most of the peoples, except of course the use

The crocodiles, which are numerous in the lower reaches of the rivers, are not hunted or attacked, save on

provocation, by any of the peoples of Borneo except the Malays.[52] Occasionally a bather is seized by one

of them while in the water or standing on a log floating in deep water; and more rarely a person is dragged

out of a small boat, while drifting quietly on deep water at evening. If men and boats are at hand they turn out

promptly to attack the crocodile, if it rises to the surface; but there is small chance of rescue. If the victim has

sufficient presence of mind and strength to thrust his thumbs against the eyes of the reptile it may release

him, escape in this way is not unknown. In the case of a fatal issue, the men of the village turn out to avenge

the outrage, and, in the case of the seizure of an important person, those of neighbouring villages will join

them. All available boats are manned by men armed with spears, some of which are lashed to the ends of long

poles. Congregating in their boats near the scene of the disaster, the men prod the bed of the river with their

spears, working systematically up and down river and up the small side streams. In this way they succeed in

stabbing some of the reptiles; and in this case, though they usually do not rise to the surface, their bodies are

found after some days in the creeks, death having ensued from the inflammation set up in the wounds. The

wound caused by a spearthrust would seldom be fatal to the crocodile, but that the wound is liable to the

perpetual assaults of smaller creatures fish while he is in the water, flies when he lies on the bank. These

irritate and extend the wound. The stomachs of those crocodiles that are captured are opened in search of

traces of the person taken, traces which usually remain there for some time in the shape of hair or ornaments.

If no trace is found the people's vengeance is not satisfied, and they set baited hooks, or pay Malays to do so,

partly because the Malays are experts and claim to have potent charms to bring the offender to the hook,

partly because a Kayan does not care to take upon himself the individual responsibility of catching a

crocodile, though he does not shrink from the collective pursuit. The decaying body of a fowl, monkey, or

other animal (Malays sometimes use a living dog) is bound to a strong bar of hardwood, sharpened at both

ends and some fifteen inches in length. A number of small rattans are tied to the bar about its middle, their

other ends being made fast to a log. This arrangement is allowed to float down river; if it does not float freely,

the crocodile will not take the bait. When a crocodile rises to the bait and swallows it, the bar gets fixed

crosswise in his gullet as he pulls on the rattans. The hunters, having kept the log in sight, then attach the

ends of the rattans to the boat, tow the reptile to the bank, and haul him up on dry land. They secure his tail

and feet with nooses, which they lash to a pole laid along his back, and lash his jaws together. Throughout

these operations the crocodile is addressed deferentially as LAKI (grandfather). He is then left exposed to the

sun, when he soon dies; in this way the people avoid the risks attaching to slaying the crocodile with their

All the peoples of Borneo support themselves in part by hunting and trapping the wild creatures of the jungle,

but for the Punans alone is the chase the principal source of foodsupply; the various natural products of the

jungle are, with the exception of cultivated sago in some few regions, their only marketable commodities.

The wild pig (SUS BARBATUS[53]) is the principal object of the chase, but deer of several species are also

hunted and trapped. The largest of these (CERVUS EQUINUS) is rather bigger than the English fallow deer;

the smallest is plandok, or mouse deer (TRAGULUS NAPU and T. JAVANICUS), standing only about eight

inches at the shoulder; intermediate in size is the muntjac (CERVULUS MUNTJAC). There are also small

herds of wild cattle (BOS SONDAICUS), a small rhinoceros (R. SUMATRANUS), large lizards

(VARANUS), various apes and monkeys, and a large porcupine (HESTRIX CRASSISPINUS), and several

small mammals, such as otters (LUTRA), bearcats (ARCTICTIS), and civet cats (PARADOAURUS) of

various species, all of which are hunted for their flesh, as well as several birds. The tigercat (FELIS

NEBULOSA) and the bear (URSUS MALAYANUS) are hunted for their skins and teeth, and the dried

The pig and deer are most commonly hunted on foot by a party of several men with a pack of four or five

dogs. The dogs, having found the trail, chase the pig until he turns on them. The dogs then surround the pig,

barking and yelping, and keep it at bay till the men run up and despatch it with their spears. Both men and

dogs sometimes get severely bitten and torn by the tusks. During the fruit season the pigs migrate in large

herds and cross the rivers at certain places well known to the hunters. The people lie in wait for them in little

Kenyahs and Klemantans sometimes catch deer by driving them into a JARING. This consists of a strong

rope of plaited rattans stretched in a straight line across the jungle, from tree to tree, some five feet above the

ground. It is generally laid so as to complete the enclosure of an area that is almost surrounded by the river.

Dependent from the whole length of the rattan rope is a series of running nooses also of rattan, each of which,

overlapping its neighbours on both sides, forms a loop about two feet in diameter. Men armed with spears are

stationed along the JARING, at short intervals, and the rest of the party with the dogs beat the jungle driving

any deer in the enclosed space headlong towards the JARING. Some of the deer may escape, but some will

usually run their heads into the nooses and fall victims to the spears of the watchers. Both pig and deer are

sometimes brought down with the blowpipe, especially by the Punans, whose favourite weapon it is.

The wild cattle are very wary and dangerous to attack. They sometimes take to the water and are then easily

secured. Punans, who hunt without dogs (which in fact they do not possess) will lie in wait for the rhinoceros

beside the track by which he comes to his daily mudbath, and drive a spear into his flank or shoulder; then,

after hastily retiring, they track him through the jungle, until they come upon him again, and find an

opportunity of driving in another spear or a poisoned dart through some weak spot of his armour.

Traps of many varieties are made. For pig and deer a trap is laid at a gap in the fence about the PADI field. It

consists of a bamboo spear of which the end is sharpened and hardened in the fire. This is laid horizontally

about two feet from the ground, resting on guides. Its butt end is lashed to one end of a springy green pole at

right angles to its length; the pole is laid horizontally, one end of it being firmly fixed to a tree, and the other

(that carrying the spear) bent forcibly backwards and held back by a loop of rattan. This spring is set by

means of an ingenious trigger, in such a way that an animal passing through the gap must push against a

string attached to the trigger, and so release the spring, which then drives the bamboo spear across the gap

with great force. (The drawing (Fig. 22) Will make clear the nature of the trigger.)

In one variety of this trap the spring is set vertically. The trap is varied in other ways. A curious practice of

the Ibans on setting such a trap is to measure the appropriate height of the spear by means of a rod

Of many ingenious traps for small animals the JERAT is the most widely used (see Fig. 24 and Pl. 85). A

rude fence some hundreds of yards, in some cases as much as a mile, in length, is made by filling up with

sticks and brushwood the spaces between the trees and undergrowth of the jungle. At intervals of ten or

twenty yards narrow gaps are left, and in each of these a JERAT is set to catch the small creatures that, in

wandering through the jungle and finding their course obstructed by the fence, seek to pass through the gaps.

The gap is floored with a small platform of light sticks, six to eight inches long, laid across it parallel to one

another in the line of the fence. The ends of these are supported at one side of the gap, about two inches

above the ground, by a crossstick lying at right angles to them. This stick in turn is supported about one inch

above the ground in the following way: the two ends of a green stick are thrust firmly into the ground

forming an arch over the end of the platform, and the extremities of the crossstick are in contact with the

pillars of the arch, and kept a little above the ground by being pulled against them by the spring trigger. This

consists of a short stick attached by a cord to a strong springy pole thrust vertically into the ground. To set the

trigger it is pulled down, bending the pole, and passed under the arch from the platform side outwards; the

upper end of the trigger is then kept by the pull of the cord against the curve of the arch, and its lower end is

pulled against the middle of the crossstick. The pressure being maintained by the tension of the cord, this

end of the platform is supported by the friction between the trigger and the crossstick. The cord is prolonged

beyond the trigger in a slip noose which lies open on the platform completely across the gap, so that any

small animal entering the gap, and stepping upon the platform, necessarily places its feet within the goose. A

few leaves are laid on the platform and cord to disguise them. When, then, a pheasant or other creature of

appropriate size and weight steps on the platform, its weight causes the crossstick to slip down from the

hold of the trigger, and this, being released, is violently jerked with the noose into the air by the elastic

reaction of the bent pole; in a large proportion of cases the noose catches the victim's feet and jerks him into

the air, where he dangles by the feet till the arrival of the trapper, who visits his traps twice a day.

Another very curious and strikingly simple plan is employed by the Sea Dayaks for catching the Argus

pheasant, whose beautiful wing feathers are highly valued. The cockbirds congregate at certain spots in the

jungle, where they display their feathers and fight together. These spots they clear of all obstacles, pulling

and pushing away sticks and leaves with their heads and necks, as well as scratching with their feet. The

Dayaks, taking advantage of this habit, thrust vertically into the ground slips of bamboo, the edges of which

are hardened in the fire and rendered very sharp. In the course of their efforts to remove these obstructions,

the birds not infrequently inflict serious wounds about their necks, and weakened by loss of blood, are found

Traps of many other kinds are made for animals both large and small, especially by the. Sea Dayaks, who use

traps more frequently than the other peoples. Our few descriptions will serve to illustrate the ingenuity

displayed, the complexity of the mechanical principles involved in some of them, and the extreme simplicity

of others. Previous writers have described many of these in detail, and we content ourselves with referring the

The Klemantans and some of the Kenyahs catch a small ground pigeon (CHALCOPHAPS INDICA) in large

numbers by the aid of a pipe or whistle, by blowing softly on which the cooing notes of the bird are closely

imitated. The instrument consists of a piece of large bamboo closed at one end and having a small hole about

its middle (Fig. 25). The hunter, concealed behind a screen of leafy branches, blows across this hole through

a long slender tube of bamboo; and when a bird approaches the whistle, he slips over its head a fine noose

attached to the end of a light bamboo and, drawing it behind the screen, puts it alive into a cage.

Small parrots are sometimes caught with birdlime, made with the juice of a rubbertree.

The principal natural products gathered by the people in addition to the edible fruits are, guttapercha,

rubber, camphor, various rattans, beeswax and honey, vegetable tallow, wild sago, damarresin from various

Small parties of men and boys go out into the jungle in search of these things, sometimes travelling many

days up river before striking into the jungle; for it is only in the drier upland forests that such expeditions can

be undertaken with advantage. The party may remain several weeks or months from home. They carry with

them a supply of rice, salt, and tobacco, cookingpots and matches, a change of raiment, spears, swords,

shields, blowpipes, and perhaps two or three dogs. On striking into the jungle, they drag their boat on to the

bank and leave it hidden in thick undergrowth. While in the jungle they camp in rude shelters roofed with

their leaf mats and with palm leaves, moving camp from time to time. They vary their labours and

supplement their foodsupply by hunting and trapping. Such an expedition is generally regarded as highly

enjoyable as well as profitable. As in campingparties in other parts of the world, the cooking is generally

regarded as a nuisance to be shirked if possible. The Sea Dayaks indulge in these expeditions more frequently

than others, and such parties of them may often be found at great distances from their homes. In the course of

such long excursions they not infrequently penetrate into the regions inhabited by other tribes, and many

troubles have had their origin in the truculent behaviour of such parties. Such parties of Sea Dayaks have

been known to accept the hospitality of unsuspecting and inoffensive Klemantans, and to outrage every law

of decency by taking the heads of old men, women, and children during the absence of their natural

Valuable varieties of guttapercha are obtained from trees of more than a score of species. The best is known

as Kayan gutta, because it is gathered and sent to the bazaars by the Kayans in a pure form. The trees are

felled and the stem and branches are ringed at intervals of about eighteen inches, a narrow strip of bark being

removed at each ring. The milky viscid sap drips out into leafcups, which are then emptied into a cylindrical

vessel of bark. Water is then boiled in a large pan beside the tree, a little common salt is added to the water,

and the gutta is poured into the boiling water, when it rapidly congeals. Then, while still in a semiviscid state,

it is kneaded with the feet and pressed into a shallow wooden frame, which in turn is compressed between

two planks. In this way it is moulded into a slab about one and a half inches thick, about a foot long, and

about six inches across at one end, two inches across at the other. While it is still warm a hole is pierced

through the narrower end; and the slab is then thrown into cold water, where it sets hard. In this form it

reaches the market at Singapore, where it is valued at about five hundred dollars ([pound sterling]50) the

Gutta of an inferior quality is obtained in large quantities by tapping a large tree (JELUTONG) which grows

The best rubber, known as PULUT by the Kayans, is obtained by them from a creeper, the stem of which

grows to a length of fifty to a hundred feet and a diameter of six inches or more. It bears a brilliant red

luscious fruit which is eaten by the people; its seeds being swallowed become distributed in this way. The

Punans carefully sow the seed they have swallowed, and transplant the young seedlings to the most suitable

positions. The milky juice of the creeper is gathered and treated in much the same way as the gutta. It is

rolled up while hot into spherical lumps, each of which is pierced with a hole for convenient transportation.

Camphor is formed in the crevices of the sterns of old trees of the species DRYOBALANOPS

AROMATICA, when the heart is decayed leaving a central hollow. The tree is cut down, the stem split up,

and the crystalline scales of pure camphor are shaken out on to mats. It is then made up in little bundles

wrapped in palm leaves. The largeflaked camphor fetches as much as [pound sterling]6 a pound in the

Chinese bazaar. Special precautions are observed by men in search of camphor. A party of Kayans, setting

out to seek camphor, commonly gets the help of Punans, who are acknowledged experts in this business.

Omens are taken before setting out, and the party will not start until favourable omens have been observed.

The party is LALI from the time of beginning these operations. They will speak to no one outside the party,

and will speak no word of Malay to one another; and it is considered that they are more likely to be

successful if they confine themselves to the use of a peculiar language which seems to be a conventional

On entering a small river the party stretches a rattan across its mouth; and, where they leave the river, they

erect on the bank a pole or frayed stick.[55] Other persons seeing such sticks set up will understand and

respect the party's desire for privacy. They then march through the jungle to the place where they expect to

find a group of camphor trees, marking their path by bending the ends of twigs at certain intervals in the

direction in which the party is moving. Having found a likely tree they cut into the stem with a small

longbladed axe, making a deep small hole. An expert, generally a Punan, then smells the hole and gives an

opinion as to the chances of finding camphor within it. If he gives a favourable opinion, the tree is cut down

and broken in pieces as described above. On cutting down the tree, an oil which smells strongly of camphor

sometimes pours out and is collected. The party remains LALI until the collection of the camphor is

completed; no stranger may enter their hut or speak with them. The practice of collecting camphor in this way

is probably a very ancient one,[56] whereas the collection of gutta and rubber has been undertaken only in

Many varieties of the rattan palm grow luxuriantly in the forests of Borneo, some attaining a length of 150 to

200 feet. It is a creeper which makes its way towards the light, suspending itself to branches and twigs by

means of the curved spines which prolong the midribs of the leaves. The cane is collected by cutting through

the stem near its root, and hauling on it, several men combining their t'efforts. The piece cut down is dragged

through the jungle to the riverbank. There it is cut into lengths of fifteen feet, I.E. two and a half spans, and

dried in the sun. If the sap is thoroughly dried out, the cane assumes a permanent yellow colour; but if any is

left, the cane darkens when soaked in water. When a large number of bundles has been collected, they are

bound together to form a raft. On this a hut is erected, and two or three men will navigate the raft down river

to the Chinese bazaar, which is to be found in the lower part of every large river.

The small yellow fruit of the rattan is gathered in large quantities and subjected to prolonged boiling. The

fluid becomes of a bright crimson colour; this, boiled down till it has the consistency of beeswax, is known as

dragon's blood, and is used by the people as a colouring matter and also exported for the same purpose.

Honey and beeswax are found in nests which are suspended by the wild bee from high branches of the

MINGRIS (COOMPASSIA) and TAPANG (ARBOURIA) trees, sometimes many nests on one tree. To

reach the nest the men climb the tree by the aid of a ladder somewhat in the fashion of a steeplejack. A large

number of sharpened pegs of ironwood are driven into the softer outer layers of the stem in a vertical row

about two feet apart, and bamboos are lashed in a single vertical row to the pegs and to one another and to the

lower branches. The ladder is built up until at some sixty or eighty feet from the ground it reaches a branch

bearing a nest. The taking of the nests is usually accomplished after nightfall. A man ascends the ladder

carrying in one hand a burning torch of bark, which gives off a pungent smoke, and on his back a large

hollow cone of bark. Straddling out along the bough, he hangs his cone of bark beneath the nest, smokes out

the bees, and cuts away the nest from the bough with his sword, so that it falls into the cone of bark. Then,

choosing a piece of comb containing grubs, he munches it with gusto, describing from his position of

advantage to his envious friends the delicious quality of the grubs. After thus gathering two or three nests he

lets down the cone with a cord to his eagerly expectant comrades, who then feast upon the remaining grubs

and squeeze out the honey into jars. The tree having been cleared of nests in this way, the wax is melted in an

iron pot and moulded in balls. The honey is eaten in the houses; the wax is sold to the Chinese traders at

Vegetable tallow is procured from the seeds of the ENGKABONG tree (SHOREA). The seeds are crushed

and the tallow melted out and gathered in bamboos. It is used as a food, generally smeared on hot rice. It is

Wild sago is abundant and is much used by Punans, and occasionally by most of the other peoples when their

supply of PADI is short. The sago tree is cut down and its stem is split into several pieces with wedges. The

pith is knocked out with a bamboo mallet. The sago is prepared from the pith by the women, who stamp it on

coarse mats, pouring water upon it. The fine grains of sago are carried through on to a trough below. It is then

washed and boiled in water, when it forms a viscid mass; this is eaten with a spoon or with a strip of bamboo

bent double, the two ends of which are turned round in the sago and withdrawn with a sticky mass adherent;

this is plunged in the gravy OF pork and carried to the mouth. It is generally considered a delicacy.

Many varieties of the forest trees exude resins, which are collected and used for torches and for repairing

boats, as well as brought to the bazaars, where the best kinds fetch very good prices. Sometimes the resin is

A curious and valuable natural product is the bezoar stone. These stones are found in the gallbladder and

intestines of the longtailed monkey SEMNOPITHECUS (most frequently of S. HOSEI and S.

RUBICUNDUS). They are formed of concentric layers of a hard, brittle, olivegreen substance, very bitter to

the taste. A soft brown variety is found in the porcupine. Both kinds are highly valued by the Chinese as

medicine. The monkeys and porcupines are hunted for the sake of these stones. A similar substance, also

highly valued as a medicine by the Chinese, is sometimes found as an accretion formed about the end of a

dart which has been broken off in the flesh of S. HOSEI and has remained there for some long period.

The most important of the natural products gathered by the people are the edible nests of three species of

swift: COLLOCALIA FUCIPHAGA, whose nest is white; C. LOWII, whose nest is blackish; and C.

LINCHII, whose nest contains straw and moss as well as gelatine. All three kinds are collected, but those of

the first kind are much more valuable than the others. The nest, which is shaped like that of our swallow,

consists wholly of a tough, gelatinous, translucent substance, which exudes from the bill of the bird as it

builds. We do not understand the physiology of this process. The people generally believe that the substance

of the nest is dried seafoam which the birds bring from the sea on returning from their annual migration.

The nests are built always on the roofs and walls of large caves: the white nests in lowroofed caves,

generally in sandstone rock; the black in the immense lofty caves formed in the limestone rocks. The latter

are reached by means of tall scaffoldings of strong poles of bamboo, often more than a hundred feet in height.

The nests are swept from the rock with a pole terminating in a small iron spatula, and carrying near the

extremity a wax candle; falling to the ground, which is floored with guano several feet thick, they are

gathered up in baskets. The white nests are gathered three times in the year at intervals of about a month, the

black nests usually only twice; as many as three tons of black nests are sometimes taken from one big cave in

the course of the annual gathering. Each cave, or, in the case of large caves, each natural subdivision of it, is

claimed as the property of some individual, who holds it during his lifetime and transmits it to his heirs.

During the gathering of the nests of a large cave, the people live in roofless huts built inside it. The nests are

sold to Chinese traders the black nests for about a hundred dollars a hundredweight, and the white nests

The Kayans are perhaps less aggressive than any other of the interior peoples with the exception of the

Punans. Nevertheless prowess in war has made them respected or feared by all the peoples; and during the

last century they established themselves in the middle parts of the basins of all the great rivers, driving out

many of the Klemantan communities, partly by actual warfare, partly by the equally effective method of

appropriating to their own use the tracts of jungle most suitable for the cultivation of PADI.

The fighting quality of the individual Kayan, the loyalty and obedience of each household to its chief, the

custom of congregating several long houses to form a populous village upon some spot carefully chosen for

its tactical advantages (generally a peninsula formed by a deep bend of the river), and the strong cohesion

between the Kayans of different and even widely separated villages, all these factors combine to render

the Kayans comparatively secure and their villages immune from attack. But though a Kayan village is

seldom attacked, and though the Kayans do not wantonly engage in bloodshed, yet they will always stoutly

assert their rights, and will not allow any injury done to any member of the tribe to go unavenged. The

avenging of injuries and the necessity of possessing heads for use in the funeral rites are for them the

principal grounds of warfare; and these are generally combined, the avenging of injuries being generally

postponed, sometimes for many years, until the need for new heads arises. Though an old dried head will

serve all the purposes of the rites performed to terminate a period of mourning, yet it is felt that a fresh head

(or heads) is more desirable, especially in the case of mourning for an important chief.

When an old head is used in these rites, it is customary to borrow it from another house or village, and it is

brought to the house by a party of warriors in the full panoply of war, who behave both on setting out and

It may be said generally that Kayans seldom or never wage war on Kayans, and seldom attack others merely

to secure heads or in sheer vainglory, as the Ibans not infrequently do. Nor do they attack others merely in

order to sustain their prestige, as is sometimes done by the Kenyahs, who in this respect carry to an extreme

War is generally undertaken by the Kayans very deliberately, after much preparation and in large

wellorganised parties, ranging in numbers from fifty to a thousand or more warriors, made up in many cases

from several neighbouring villages, and under the supreme command of one chief of acknowledged

The weapons and wardress are similar among all the peoples. The principal weapon is the sword known as

PARANG ILANG, or MALAT, a heavy blade (Pl. 91) of steel mounted in a handle of horn or hardwood. The

blade, about twentytwo inches in length, has the cutting edge slightly bowed and the blunt back edge

slightly hollowed. The edges diverge slightly from the handle up to a point about five inches from the tip,

where the blade attains its maximum width of nearly two inches. At this point the back edge bends sharply

forward to meet the cutting edge at the tip. A very peculiar feature of the blade is that it is slightly hollowed

on the inner surface (I.E. the thumb side or left side in the case of the PARANG, of a righthanded man, the

right side in case of one made for a lefthanded man), and is convex in transverse section to a corresponding

degree on the other surface. This peculiar shape of the blade is said to render the PARANG, more efficient in

sinking into or through either limbs or wood, and is more easily withdrawn after a successful blow. This

weapon is carried in a wooden sheath suspended by a plaited waiststrap, and is the constant companion of

every man; for it is used not only in warfare, but also for a variety of purposes, such as the hewing down of

jungle undergrowth, cutting rattans and bamboos, the rough shaping of wooden implements.

The weapon second in importance is the spear (Pl. 92). It consists of a flat steel blade, about one foot in

length, of which the widest part (between one and two inches) is about four inches from the tip. The tip and

lateral edges of the blade are sharp, and its haft is lashed with strips of rattan to the end of a wooden shaft.

The extremity of the haft is bent outwards from the shaft, to prevent its being dragged off from the latter. The

shaft is of tough wood and about seven feet in length; its butt end is usually shod with iron. The spear is used

not only for thrusting, but also as a javelin and as a parrying stick for warding off the spears hurled by the

foe. It is always carried in the boat when travelling on the river, or in the hand during excursions in the

The blowpipe, which projects a poisoned dart, is used by many of the Kayans in hunting, but is hardly

Beside the principal spear, two or three short spears or javelins, sometimes merely pointed bars of hardwood,

Beside the sword and the spears the only weapons commonly used are heavy bars of ironwood, sharpened at

both ends and flung so as to twirl rapidly in the air. They are chiefly used in defending houses from attack, a

store of them being kept in the house. For the defence of a house against an expected attack, short sharp

stakes of split bamboo are thrust slantingly into the ground, so as to present the firehardened tip towards the

The interior peoples have long possessed a certain number of Europeanmade muskets (mostly flintlocks)

and small Brunimade brass cannon, obtained from the Malay and Chinese traders. The latter were chiefly

valued for the defence of the house, but were sometimes mounted in the bows of the warboats. The

difficulty of obtaining supplies of gunpowder has always restricted greatly the use of firearms, and in recent

years the European governments have strictly limited the sale of gunpowder and firearms; and even at the

present day any warparty commissioned by one of the governments to execute any police measure, such as

apprehending, or burning the house of, people who have wantonly killed others, has to rely in the main on its

The equipment of the fightingman consists, in addition to his weapons, of a warcap and warcoat and

shield (Pl. 93 and Fig. 26). The former is a round closelyfitting cap woven of stout rattans split in halves

longitudinally. It affords good protection to the skull against the stroke of the sword. It is adorned with two of

the long blackandwhite barred feathers of the hornbill's tail in the case of, any man who has earned this

The warcoat is made of the skin of the goat, the bear, or (in case of distinguished chiefs) of the tigercat.

The whole of the skin in one piece is used, except that the skin of the belly and of the lower parts of the

forelimbs are cut away. A hole for the warrior's head is made in the middorsal line a little behind the skin of

the head, which is flattened out and hangs over the chest, descending to the level of the navel; while the skin

of the back, flanks, and hind limbs in one large flap, covers the back and hind parts of the warrior as far as the

bend of the knees. A large pearly shell usually adorns the lower end of the anterior flap. The warrior's arms

are thus left free, but unprotected. In the finest coats there is a patch of brightly coloured beadwork at the

nape of the neck, and the backflap is adorned with rows of loosely dangling hornbills' feathers; but these

again are considered appropriate only to the coats of warriors of proved valour.

The Kayan shield is an oblong plate cut from a single piece of soft wood. Its ends are pointed more or less

acutely; the length between the points is about four feet. The inner surface forms a flat hollow; the outer is

formed by two flat surfaces meeting in a flat obtuse angle or ridge extending from point to point. The grain of

the wood runs longitudinally, and a downward falling PARANG is liable to split the wood and become

wedged fast in it. In order to prevent the shield becoming divided in this way, and to hold fast the blade of the

sword, it is bound across with several stout strips of rattan which are laced closely to the wood with finer

strips. The handle, carved out of the same solid block of wood as the body of the shield, is in the middle of

the concave surface; it is a simple vertical bar for the grasp of the left hand. The Kayan shield is commonly

stained red with iron oxide, and touched up with black pigment, but not otherwise decorated.

Wooden shields of this kind are used by almost all the tribes, but some of them decorate their shields

elaborately. The two surfaces of almost all Kenyah shields (Fig. 27) are covered with elaborate designs

picked out in colours, chiefly red and black. The designs are sketched out on the wood with the point of a

knife, and the pigment is applied with the finger and a chiseledged stick. The principal feature of the designs

on the outer surface is in all cases a large conventionalised outline of a face with large eyes, indicated by

concentric circles in red and black, and a double row of teeth with two pairs of canines projecting like huge

tusks. This face seems to be human, for, although in some shields there is nothing to indicate this

interpretation, in others the large face surmounts the highly conventionalised outline of a diminutive human

body, the limbs of which are distorted and woven into a more or less intricate design. Each extremity of the

outer surface is covered by a similarly conventionalised facepattern on a smaller scale. On the inner side

each longitudinal half is covered with an elaborate scrollpattern, generally symmetrical in the two halves;

the centre of this pattern is generally a human figure more or less easily recognisable; the two halves

The shields most prized by the Kenyahs are further decorated with tufts of human hair taken from the heads

of slain enemies. It is put on in many rows which roughly frame the large face with locks three or four inches

in length on scalp, cheeks, chin, and upper lip; and the smaller faces at the ends are similarly surrounded with

shorter hair. The hair is attached by forcing the ends of the tufts into narrow slits in the soft wood and

The Klemantan shields are, in the main, variations on the Kenyah patterns. The Murut shields closely

resemble those of the Kayans, though the Dusuns, who have the domesticated buffalo, use a shield of

buffalohide attached to the forearm by a strap a feature unknown in all the other types, which are borne

by the handle only. The Sea Dayaks nowadays make a greater variety of shields, copying those of the other

tribes with variations of their own. The shield originally used by them before coming into contact with many

other tribes, but now discarded, was made of strips of bamboo plaited together and stiffened with a

longitudinal strip of wood (Fig. 28). It was of two shapes, both oblong, one with rounded, the other with

The Land Dayaks still use a shield of tough bark (Fig. 29), and it is not improbable that these were used by

Every Kayan household possesses, beside the many smaller boats, one or more boats especially designed for

use in war. A typical warboat is about 100 feet in length, from six to seven feet wide in its middle part, and

tapers to a width of about three and a half feet at bow and stern. In some cases the length of the warboat,

which is always made from a single log, is as much as 145 feet in length (Pl. 96), but so large a boat is

unwieldy in use, and its construction costs an excessive amount of labour. The ordinary warboat carries

from sixty to seventy men seated two abreast on the crossbenches. It is steered by the paddles of the two

bowmen and the four next the stern. One of these warboats, manned by sixty or seventy paddlers, can

War is only undertaken after formal consultation and many discussions between the chief or chiefs and all the

leading men. If the village primarily concerned does not feel itself strong enough to achieve its ends, it will

seek the help of some neighbouring village, usually, but not always one of its own tribe. The discussion may

be renewed day after day for some little time, before the decision to fight is taken and the time for the

The next step is to seek favourable omens, and two men are told off for this work. They repair to some spot in

the jungle, or more commonly on the bank of the river, where they build a small hut; they adorn it by fraying

the poles of its framework, and so secure themselves against interruptions by passing acquaintances. The

sight or sound of certain birds and beasts is favourable, of others unfavourable; but the favourable creatures

must be observed in a certain order, if the omens are to be entirely satisfactory. If very bad omens are

observed, the men return home to report the fact, and will make another attempt after a few days. If the

omens are of mixed character, they will persist for some time, hoping to get a sufficient number of good

omens to counteract or nullify the bad. When seeking for their place of observation, their choice is

determined by seeing a spiderhunter (ARACHNOTHERA) flying across the river, chirping as it flies. When

this is seen they stop the boat, calling out to the bird, "O friend ISIT, protect us and give us success." One of

the men lands on the bank, hews out a pole about eight feet long, cuts upon it bunches of shavings without

detaching (Pl. 97) them from the pole, and thrusts one end of it into the ground so that it remains sloping

towards the abode of the foe. While this is being done on the bank, fire of some sort (if only a cigarette) is

lighted in the boat, and the position is explained more fully to the bird, but without any mention of the name

of the enemy. The observers then erect a hut near the omenpole for their shelter, and pass the night there

before looking out for the omenbird next desired. This is the trogan (HARPACTES DUVAUCELII), which

has a peculiar soft trilling note and a brilliant red chest. When this bird appears, it is addressed in the same

way as the spiderhunter; and this second step of the process is also marked by a feathered stick thrust into

the ground before the hut. Then they spend another night in the hut hoping for significant dreams. To dream

of abundance of fruit (which symbolises heads) is favourable; any dream of a disagreeable or fearful situation

is unfavourable. After a favourable dream comes the most important stage of the business, the observation of

the hawks. They look for LAKI NEHO from the door of their hut about nine o'clock in the morning. As soon

as a hawk is seen, they light a fire and call on him to go to the left, waving a feathered stick in that direction,

and, shouting at the top of his voice, one of them pours out a torrent of words addressed to the hawk. If he

goes out of sight towards the right, they console themselves by remarking that he is one of low degree, and

they sit down to wait for another. If two hawks are seen to fight in the air, that foretells much bloodshed.

They are not satisfied until they see a hawk sail far away out of sight towards the left. Then a break is made;

after which they observe the hawks again, until they see one sail out of sight towards the right. If all this is

accomplished without the intervention of unfavourable omens, they return home to report progress; but

immediately return to the hut and remain there. Then for one, two, or even three days, all the men of the

house stay at home quietly, busying themselves in preparing boats and weapons. The chief, or some deputy,

then performs the rites before the altarpost of the wargod that stands before the house in the way described

in Chap. XV. The omens given by the hawks on this occasion are guarantees for the safety of the house and

those left in it, and against accidents and sickness incidental to the journey; they have no reference to the

actual fighting.[58] All the men of the warparty then proceed in their warboats to the spot where the

waromens have been observed, and camp round about it in roughly built huts. Here they will remain at least

two days, establishing their connection with the favourable omenbirds. From this encampment they may not

return to the house, and, if they are expecting a party of allies, they may await them here. By this time the

warfever is raging among them, and rumours of the preparations of the enemy are circulating. Spies or

scouts may be sent out to seek information about the enemy; but usually such information is sought from the

liver of a pig with the customary ceremony. A sharp ridge on the liver dividing their own region from that of

From the moment of leaving the village the men of the warparty must observe many tabus until their return

home. They may not eat the head of a fish; they must use only their homemade earthen pots; fire must be

made only by friction (see Pl. 89); they must not smoke; boys may not lie down, but must sleep sitting. The

people who remain at home are not expected to observe these tabus; they may go to the farms, but must keep

If the object of the attack is a village in their own river, the expedition paddles steadily day after day until it

reaches the mouth of some small stream at a distance of some miles from the enemy's village. Forcing their

boats some two or three miles up this stream they make a camp. Here two solid platforms are built about

twenty feet apart, and a large beam is laid from one to the other. The chiefs and principal men take their seats

on the platforms, and then every man of the party in turn approaches this beam, the fighting leader, who is

usually not one of the chiefs, coming first. If he is willing to go through with the business, I.E. to take part in

the attack, he slashes a chip from the beam with his PARANG and passes under it. On the far side of the

beam stands a chief holding a large frond of fern, and, as each man passes under, he gives him a bit of the

leaf, while an assistant cuts a notch on a tallystick for each volunteer. If for any reason any man is reluctant

to go farther, he states his excuse, perhaps a bad dream or illness, or sore feet, and returns to the boats, amid

the jeers of those who have passed the ordeal, to form one of a party to be left in charge of the camp and

Next, all the lefthanded men are sorted out to form a party whose special duty is to ambush the enemy, if

possible, at some favourable spot. These are known as the hornets (SINGAT). If any swampy ground or other

obstruction intervenes between their camp and the enemy's village, a path is made through or over it to

facilitate retreat to the boats. A password is agreed upon, which serves as a means of making members of the

Scouts are sent out at dusk and, if their reports are favourable, the attack is made just before dawn. About half

the warriors are provided with large bundles of dry shavings, and some will carry torches. When the attacking

party has quietly surrounded the house or houses, the bundles of shavings are ignited, and their bearers run in

and throw them under the house among the timbers on which it is supported. Then ensues a scene of wild

confusion. The calm stillness of the tropical dawn is broken by the deep warchorus of the attacking party, by

the shouts and screams of the people of the house suddenly roused from sleep, by the cries and squeals of the

frightened animals beneath the house, and the beating of the alarm signal on the TAWAK. If the house is

ignited, the encircling assailants strive to intercept the fleeing inhabitants. These, if the flames do not drive

them out before they have time to take any concerted measures, will hurl their javelins and discharge their

firearms (if they have any) at their assailants; then they will descend, bringing the women and children with

them, and make a desperate attempt to cut their way through and escape to the jungle or, sometimes, to their

boats. Kayans conducting a successful attack of this kind will make as many prisoners as possible, and will as

a rule kill only those men who make desperate resistance, though occasionally others, even women and

children, may be wantonly killed in the excitement of the moment. It is not unusual in the case of an

ablebodied man who has surrendered, but shown signs of attempting to escape or of renewing his resistance,

to deal him a heavy blow on the kneecap, and so render him lame for some time. It usually happens that the

greater part of the fugitives escape into the jungle; and they are not pursued far, if the victors have secured a

few heads and a few prisoners. The head is hacked off at once from the body of any one of the foe who falls

in the fight; the trunk is left lying where it fell. If any of the assailants are killed in the course of the fray, their

heads are not taken by their friends, and their corpses are left upon the field covered with boughs, or at most,

in the case of chiefs, are dragged into the jungle and covered up with boughs and twigs, in order to prevent

their heads being taken by the enemy. If any of the enemy remain so badly wounded that they are not likely

to recover, their heads are taken; and if no other heads have been secured, the head of one of the more

seriously wounded captives is taken, or of one who is deformed or incapacitated in any way. If a captive dies

of his wounds his head is taken; but it is a rare exception for Kayans to kill any of their captives after the

short excitement of the battle is over. The attacking party, even though it has gained a decisive victory,

usually returns with all speed, but in good order, to its boats, carrying with it through the jungle all the loot

that is not too cumbersome for rapid portage, especially old beads, gongs, and brassware; for they are

always in danger of being cut off by a party of their enemies, rallied and reinforced by parties from

neighbouring friendly villages. Still more are they liable to be pursued and cut off, if the attack on the village

has failed through the defenders having been warned; for an attack upon a strong house or village has little

chance of success if the defenders are prepared for and expecting it. The pursuit of the retreating party may

be kept up throughout one or two days, and, if the pursuers come up with them, a brisk and bloody battle is

the natural outcome; and it is under these circumstances that the most severe fighting takes place. But here

again it is seldom that any large proportion of either party is slain; for the dense jungle everywhere offers

abundant opportunities of concealment to those who condescend to seek its shelter, and there are few, even

among the Kayans and Kenyahs, who will fight to the bitter end, if the alternative of flight is open to them.

A successful warparty returning home makes no secret of its success. The boats are decorated with palm

leaves (DAUN ISANG), and a triumphal chorus is raised from time to time, especially on passing villages.

As the villagers come out to gaze on them, those who have taken heads stand up in the boats. The heads,

slightly roasted, are wrapped up in palm leaves and placed in baskets in the stern of the boat. If the return

home involves a journey of several days, the victors will, if possible, pass the nights in the houses of friendly

villages, where they are made much of, especially those who have taken heads; and on these occasions the

glamour of victory is apt to turn the heads of some of the women and to break down the reserve that modesty

On approaching their own village, whither the rumour of their success usually precedes them, the warparty

is received with loud acclamations, the people coming down to the riverside to receive them. Before they

ascend to the house, the heads have to be safely lodged in a small hut specially built for their reception; and

the young boys are brought down to go through their first initiation in the arts of war. Each child is made to

hold a sword and, with the assistance of some aged warrior, to strike a blow at one of the newly captured

heads. The older boys, some nine or ten years of age, who are ripe for their second participation in mock

warfare, also strike at a head in a similar way, but engage also in mimic battles with one another, using

wooden swords and spears, and, curiously enough, small roughly made bows and arrows.[59] It is customary

for the victorious warriors to spend the first night after their return encamped before the house. A strip of

green DAUN ISANG is tied about the left wrist of each man who has taken part in the expedition, and also of

each of the young boys. Those who have taken heads adorn also their warcaps with the same leaf and with

feathered sticks. On the following day a tall post of bamboo (BALAWING) is erected near the figure of the

wargod. It is covered with frayed palm leaves (DAUN ISANG), and from its tip a single head, also wrapped

in leaves, is suspended by a long cord (Pl. 66). Before the altarpost of the wargod several shorter thicker

posts are erected, and to each of these two or three small pieces of human flesh, brought home from the

corpses of the slain enemies for this purpose, are fastened with skewers. These pieces of flesh seem to be

thankofferings to the hawks to whom the success is largely attributed. These bits of flesh are dried over a

fire at the first opportunity on the return journey, in order to preserve them.[60]

As soon as the news of the taking of heads reaches the house, the people go out of mourning, I.E. they shave

the parts of the scalp surrounding the crown and pull out eyebrows and eyelashes (which have been allowed

to grow during mourning); they put off their barkcloth garments and resume their cottoncloths and

If, as is usually the case on the return of a warparty, mourning for a chief is to be terminated, one of the

heads is carried down river to his tomb, followed by most of the men, while the women wail in the house.

The head is first brought before the house, but not into it. An old man shoots a dart into the air in the

direction of the enemy, and then, pattering out a long formula in the usual way, he slaughters a fowl and puts

a part of the carcase upon a short stick thrust into the earth. The men of the party then march past, each

touching the carcase with his knee, and saying as he does so, "Cast out sickness, make me strong and healthy,

exalt me above my enemies, etc. etc." Beside the tomb a tall pole is set up, and the head dressed in leaves is

suspended by a cord from its upper end. A number of pigs will already have been slain in preparation for the

feast, and their lower jaws are hung about the tomb on poles. The deep warchorus is shouted by the party as

it travels to and from the tomb. In returning the whole party bathes in the river, and while they are in the

water an old man waves over them some of the ISANG leaves with which the head has been decorated,

A few days (not less than four) after the return of the warparty, the heads are brought into the house with

much rejoicing and ceremony. Every family kills a pig and roasts its flesh,[61] brings out stores of ricespirit,

and prepares cakes of riceflour. The pigs' livers are examined, and their blood is smeared upon the

altarpost of the wargod with a sort of brush (PLA) made by fraying the end of a stick in a more than

usually elaborate manner. Each head, adorned with a large bunch of DAUN ISANG, is carried by an elderly

man or woman into the house, followed by all the people of the house men, women, and children in

long procession. The procession marches up and down the whole length of the gallery many times, the people

shouting, singing, stamping, and pounding on the floor with PADI pestles, or playing the KELURI. This is

followed by a general feast and drinking bout, each family preparing its feast in its own chamber, and

entertaining friends and neighbours who come to take part in the general rejoicing. In the course of the

feasting the women usually take temporary possession of the heads, and perform with them a wild, uncouth

dance, waving the heads to and fro, and chanting in imitation of the men's warsong (Pl. 102). The

procession may be resumed at intervals until the heads are finally suspended beside the old ones over the

principal hearth of the gallery. The heads have usually been prepared by removal of the brain through the

great foramen, by drying over a fire, and by lashing on the lower jaw with strips of rattan. The suspension of

the head is effected by piercing a round hole in the crown, and passing through it from below, by way of the

great foramen, a rattan knotted at the end. The free end of the rattan is passed through and tied in a hole in the

lower edge of a long beam suspended parallel to the length of the gallery from the beams of the roof (Pl. 68).

The Kenyahs suspend the heads in the same way as the Kayans, but most of the Klemantans and Ibans use in

place of the long beam a strong basketwork in the shape of a cone, the apex being attached to the roof

beams, and the heads tied in two or three tiers in the wall of the cone. In either case the heads hang some five

Since every Bornean longhouse is, or until recently was, liable at almost any time to a night attack of the

kind described above, the situation of the house is chosen with an eye to defence. The site chosen is in nearly

all cases on the bank of a river or stream large enough for the navigation of small boats; a high and steep

riverbank is commonly preferred; and spits of land between two converging streams or peninsulas formed

Beside the natural situation, the prime defence of the house is its elevation some 10 to 30 feet above the level

of the ground, joined with the difficulty of access to the house by means of narrow ladders easily drawn up or

thrown down. This elevation of the house serves also to secure its contents against sudden risings of the river,

and also against the invasion of evil odours from the refuse which accumulates below it; but its primary

purpose is undoubtedly defence against human enemies. The interval between the low outer wall of the

gallery and the lower edge of the roof is the only aperture through which missiles can be hurled into the

house, and this is so narrow as to render the entry of any missiles wellnigh impossible.

When a household gets wind of an intended attack, they generally put the house into a state of defence by

erecting a fence of vertical stakes around it, some three yards outside the posts on which it is supported and

some six to eight feet in height. This fence is rendered unclimbable by a frieze consisting of a multitude of

slips of bamboo; each of these is sharpened at both ends, bent upon itself, and thrust between the poles of the

palisade so that its sharp points (Pl. 100) are directed outwards. This dense jungle of loosely attached spikes

constitutes an obstacle not easily overcome by the enemy; for the loosely fitting bamboo slips can neither be

hacked away nor removed individually without considerable expenditure of time, during which the attackers

are exposed to a shower of missiles from the house. A double ladder in the form of a stile is placed across the

fence to permit the passage of the people of the house. If there is any definite pathway leading to the house, a

log is sometimes suspended above it by a rattan passing over a branch of a tree and carried to the house. This

can be allowed to fall upon the approaching enemy by severing the rattan where it is tied within the house

A further precaution is to stick into the ground round about the house a large number of slips of bamboo.

Each slip is some six inches in length, and its sharp, firehardened point projects upwards and a little

If the attacking party is likely to approach by the river, a trap may be arranged at some point where, by reason

of rapids or rocks, the boats are likely to be delayed. Here a large tree overhanging the river is chosen for the

trap. Stout rattans are made fast to its branches, brought over the branches of a neighbouring tree, and made

fast in some spot within reach of a hidden watcher. The stem of the overhanging tree is then cut almost

through, so that a few blows of a sword, severing the supporting rattans, may cause the tree to fall upon the

When a hostile warparty enters a section of a river in which there is a number of villages of one tribe or of

friendly tribes, its approach may be signalled throughout the district by the beating of the TAWAK. The same

peculiar rhythm is used for this purpose by all the tribes, though it probably has been copied from the Kayans

by all the others. It consists in a rapid series of strokes of increasing rate upon the boss, followed by one long

deep note, and two shorter ones struck upon the body and once repeated. Whenever this waralarm is heard

in a village, it is repeated, and so passed on from village to village. The people working in the farms or in the

jungle, or travelling on the river, return at once to their villages on hearing the alarm, and the houses are

prepared for defence. When the news of the approach of a hostile party has been spread in this way

throughout the river, it has little chance of successfully attacking a house or village, and it will, unless very

numerous, content itself with attempting to cut off some of the people returning home from the farms. If the

invading party is very strong, it may surround a house whose defenders have been warned of their coming,

and attempt to starve them into submission. In the old days it was not uncommon for a strong party of Kayans

to descend upon a settlement of the more peaceable coastwise people, and to extort from them a large

payment of brassware as the price of their safety. If the unfortunate household submitted to this extortion,

the Kayans would keep faith with them, and would ratify a treaty of peace by making the headman of the

Some features of the tactics adopted by the Kayans are worthy of more detailed description. If a strong party

determines to attack a house in face of an alert defence, they may attempt to storm it in broad daylight by

forming several compact bodies of about twentyfive men. Each body protects itself with a roof of shields

held closely together, and the several parties move quickly in upon the house simultaneously from different

points, and attempt to carry it by assault. The defenders of the house would attempt to repel such an attack by

hurling heavy bars of ironwood, sharpened at both ends, in such a way that the bar twirls in the air as it

hurtles through it; and this is one of the few occasions on which the blowpipe is used as a weapon of

A village that has been warned of the approach of the foe may send out a party to attempt to ambush the

attackers at some difficult passage of the river or the jungle. Scouts are sent out to locate the enemy. Some

climb to the tops of tall trees to look for the smoke of the enemy's fires. Having located the enemy, the scouts

approach so closely as to be able to count their numbers and observe all their movements; and, keeping in

touch with the party, they send messages to their chief. If the defenders succeed in ambushing the attackers

and in killing several of them, the latter usually withdraw discouraged, and may for the time give up the

attempt. If the defending party should come upon the enemy struggling against a rapid, and especially if the

enemy is in difficulties through the upsetting of some of their boats, or in any other way, they may fall upon

them in the open bed of the river, and then ensues the comparatively rare event, a standup fight in the open.

This resolves itself in the main into handtohand duels between pairs of combatants, as in the heroic age.

The warriors select their opponents and approach warily; they call upon one another by name, hurling taunts

and swaggering boastfully in the heroic style. Each abuses the other's parents, and threatens to use his

opponent's skin as a warcoat, or his scrotum as a tobaccopouch, to take his head and to use his hair as an

ornament for a PARANGhandle; or doubt as to the opponent's sex may be insinuated. While this exchange

of compliments goes on, the warriors are manoeuvring for favourable positions; each crouches, thrusting

forward his left leg, covering himself as completely as possible with his long shield, and dodging to and fro

continually. The short javelins and spears are first hurled, and skilfully parried with spear and shield. When a

man has expended his stock of javelins and has hurled his spear, he closes in with his PARANG. His enemy

seeks to receive the blow of the PARANG on his shield in such a way that the point, entering the wood, may

be held fast by it. Feinting and dodging are practised; one man thrusts out his left leg to tempt the other to

strike at it and to expose his head in doing so. If one succeeds in catching his enemy's PARANG in his shield,

he throws down the shield and dashes upon his now weaponless foe, who takes to his heels, throwing away

his shield and relying merely on his swiftness of foot. When one of a pair of combatants is struck down, the

other springs upon him and, seizing the long hair of the scalp and yelling in triumph, severs the neck with one

or two blows of the PARANG. The warrior who has drawn first blood of the slain foe claims the credit of

having taken his head. Such a free fight seldom lasts more than a few minutes. Unless one party quite

overwhelms the other in the first few minutes, both draw off, and the fight is seldom renewed.

Since the establishment of the European governments in Borneo, punitive expeditions have been necessary

from time to time in order to put a stop to wanton raiding and killing. In this respect the Ibans and some of

the Klemantans have been the chief offenders; while the Kayans and Kenyahs have seldom given trouble,

after once placing themselves under the established governments. In the Baram river, in which the Kayans

form probably a larger proportion of the population than in any other, no such expedition against them has

been necessary since they accepted the government of H.H. the Rajah of Sarawak nearly twentyfive years

In organising such an expedition, the European governments, especially that of Sarawak, have usually relied

in the main on the services of loyal chiefs and their followers, acting under the control of a European

magistrate, and supported usually by a small body of native police or soldiers armed with rifles. There is

usually no difficulty in securing the cooperation of any desired number of native allies or volunteers; for in

this way alone can the people now find a legitimate outlet for their innate and traditional pugnacity.

Sometimes the people to be punished desert their village, hiding themselves in the jungle; and in such cases

the burning of their houses is usually deemed sufficient punishment. In cases of more serious crime, such as

repeated wanton bloodshed and refusal to yield to the demands of the government, it becomes necessary to

apprehend the persons primarily responsible, and, for this purpose, to pursue the fugitives. These sometimes

establish themselves on a hilltop surrounded by precipices which can be scaled only by the aid of ladders,

and there defy the government forces until the hill is carried by assault, or by siege, or the defenders are

enticed to descend. One such hill in the basin of the Rejang (Sarawak), Bukit Batu by name, consists of a

mass of porphyry some 1500 feet in height, and several miles in diameter, with very precipitous sides. This

has been used again and again as a place of refuge by recalcitrant offenders, being so strong a natural fortress

that it has never been possible to carry it by assault. On the last occasion on which Bukit Batu was used in

this way, two Iban chiefs established themselves on the hill and defied the government of Sarawak for a

period of four years, during which the hill became a place of refuge for all evildoers and outlaws among the

Ibans of the Rejang and neighbouring districts, who built their houses on ledges of the mountain some four

The punitive expedition that we briefly describe in Chapter XXII. was but a small affair compared with some,

in which as many as 10,000 or 12,000 men have mustered under the government flag. So large a number is

seldom necessary or desired by the government; but when contingents from all the loyal communities of a

large district eagerly offer their services, it is difficult to deny any of them permission to take part. Kenyahs

and Kayans will cooperate harmoniously, and also Klemantans; but the former distrust the Sea Dayaks and

The modes of warfare of the other tribes are similar in most respects to that of the Kayans described above;

Kenyah warfare is very similar to Kayan, save in so far as their more impetuous temper renders their tactics

more dashing. While the Kayans endeavour to make as many captives as possible, the Kenyahs attach little

value to them. While Kayans never attack communities of their own tribe, such "civil war" is not unknown

among the Kenyahs, whose tribal cohesion is less intimate in many respects. From these two differences it

results that the Kenyah warparties are generally smaller than those of the Kayans, more quickmoving, and

more prone to attack groups of the enemy encountered on farms or on the river. Like the Ibans, the Kenyahs

make peace more readily than the Kayans, who nurse their grievances and seek redress after long intervals of

The Ibans conduct their warfare less systematically, and with far less discipline than the Kayans and

Kenyahs. An attack upon a house or village by Bans is usually made in very large force; the party is more of

the nature of a rabble than of an army; each man acts independently. They seek above all things to take heads,

to which they attach an extravagant value, unlike the Kayans and Kenyahs who seek heads primarily for the

service of their funeral rites; and they not infrequently attack a house and kill a large number of its inmates in

a perfectly wanton manner, and for no other motive that the desire to obtain heads. This passion for heads

leads them sometimes into acts of gross treachery and brutality. The Ibans being great wanderers, small

parties of them, engaged perhaps in working jungle produce, will settle for some weeks in a household of

Klemantans, and, after being received hospitably, and sometimes even after contracting marriages with

members of the household, will seize an opportunity, when most of the men of the house are from home, to

take the heads of all the men, women, and children who remain, and to flee with them to their own distant

So strong is this morbid desire of the Ibans to obtain human heads, that a warparty will sometimes rob the

tombs of the villages of other tribes and, after smoking the stolen heads of the corpses, will bring them home

in triumph with glowing accounts of the stout resistance offered by the victims. Their attitude in this matter is

well expressed by a saying current among them, namely, "Why should we eat the hard caked rice from the

edge of the pot when there's plenty of soft rice in the centre?" The Iban women urge on the men to the taking

of heads; they make much of those who bring them home, and sometimes a girl will taunt her suitor by

saying that he has not been brave enough to take a head; and in some cases of murder by Sea Dayaks, the

Nevertheless, we repeat that there is no ground for the oftreprinted assertion that the taking of a head is a

necessary prelude to marriage.[62] Like other tribesmen Ibans do not bring home the heads of their

companions who have fallen in battle; but while men of other tribes are content to drag the corpses of their

fallen friends into some obscure spot and to cover them with branches, Ibans frequently cut off the heads and

bury them at a distance from the scene of battle, in order to prevent their being taken by the enemy.

The Ibans use a rather greater variety of weapons than the Kayans, in that they have spears whose blades bear

barbs which prevent the withdrawal of the blade from the body of the enemy without great violence.

The Klemantan tribes are on the whole far less warlike than Kayans, Kenyahs, and Ibans. Their offensive

warfare is usually on a small scale, and is undertaken primarily for revenge. Their warlike ambition is easily

satisfied by the taking of a single head, or even by a mere hostile demonstration against the enemy's house.

Nevertheless, like all the other tribes, except the Punans, the Klemantans need a human head to terminate a

We venture to append to this chapter a few speculations on the origin and history of headhunting. From

what we have said above it is clear that the Ibans are the only tribe to which one can apply the epithet

headhunters with the usual connotation of the word, namely, that headhunting is pursued as a form of

sport. But although the Ibans are the most inveterate headhunters, it is probable that they adopted the

practice some few generations ago only (perhaps a century and a half or even less) in imitation of Kayans or

other tribes among whom it had been established for a longer period. The rapid growth of the practice among

the Ibans was no doubt largely due to the influence of the Malays, who had been taught by Arabs and others

the arts of piracy, and with whom the Ibans were associated in the piratical enterprises that gave the waters

around Borneo a sinister notoriety during the eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth centuries. Until the

middle of the nineteenth century, the settlements of Ibans were practically confined to the rivers of the

southern part of Sarawak; and there the Malays of Bruni and of other coast settlements enlisted them as crews

for their pirate ships. In these piratical expeditions the Malays assigned the heads of their victims as the booty

of their Iban allies, while they kept for themselves the forms of property of greater cash value. The Malays

were thus interested in encouraging in the Ibans the passion for headhunting which, since the suppression of

piracy, has found vent in the irregular warfare and treacherous acts described above. It was through their

association with the Malays in these piratical expeditions that the Ibans became known to Europeans as the

It seems not impossible that the practice of taking the heads of fallen enemies arose by extension of the

custom of taking the hair for the ornamentation of the shield and swordhilt. It seems possible that human

hair was first applied to shields in order to complete the representation of a terrible human face, which, as we

have seen, is commonly painted on the shield, and which is said to be valued as an aid to confusing and

terrifying the foe. It is perhaps a difficulty in the way of this view that the use of human hair to ornament the

shield is peculiar to the Kenyahs and some of the Klemantans (the latter probably having imitated the former

in this), and does not occur among the Kayans. The Kenyahs themselves preserve the tradition of the origin

of the taking of heads; and the suggestion is further borne out by the legend of TOKONG, which is widely

known, but is probably of Kenyah origin (see Chapter XVII.), according to which the frog admonished a

great Kenyah chief that he should cease to take only the hair of the fallen foe, but should take their heads

A second plausible view of the origin of headtaking is that it arose out of the custom of slaying slaves on the

death of a chief, in order that they might accompany and serve him on his journey to the other world. We

have pointed out several reasons for believing that this practice was formerly general, and that it has fallen

into desuetude, but is hardly yet quite extinct. It is obvious that since the soul of the dead man is regarded as

hovering in the neighbourhood of the body for some little time after its death, it would be felt that the

despatch of a companion soul was not a matter of immediate urgency; and considerations of economy might

well lead the mourners to prefer capturing and killing members of some hostile community to slaying one or

more of their slaves, highly valued and sometimes affectionately regarded as they are. It would then be felt

that the relatives of the deceased should continue to display signs of mourning until they should have

discharged this last duty to their departed friend. The next step would be to supplant the practice of capturing

a member of a hostile community, and bringing him home to be slain, by the simpler, less troublesome, and

more merciful one of slaying the enemy on the field of combat and bringing home only his head. In this way

we may, with some plausibility, seek to account for the origin of the practice of taking heads, and of the

tradition that the taking of a head is necessary for the termination of a period of mourning. This second

suggestion is strongly supported by the fact that Kayans, Kenyahs, and Klemantans occasionally, on returning

home from a successful raid, will carry one of the newly taken heads to the tomb of the chief for whom they

are mourning, and will hang it upon, or deposit it within, the tomb beside the coffin. The head used for this

purpose is thickly covered with leaves (DAUN ISANG) tied tightly about it. It is possible that this thick

covering was first applied in order to disguise the fact that the head is that of an enemy, and that the sacrifice

of the life of a domestic slave, originally demanded by custom and piety, has been avoided by this process of

We have suggested above two different origins of the custom of taking the heads of enemies. These two

possibilities are by no means mutually exclusive, and we are inclined to think that both substitutive processes

It seems probable that the taking of heads was introduced to Borneo by Kayans when they entered the island,

probably some few centuries ago, and that the Klemantans and other tribes, like the Ibans, have adopted the

We will conclude this chapter by questioning yet another of the stories, the frequent repetition of which has

given the tribes of the interior the reputation of being savages of the worst type, namely, the story that it is the

practice of Kayans to torture the captives taken in battle. This evil repute is, we have no doubt, largely due to

the fact that very few Europeans have acquired any intimate firsthand acquaintance with the Kayans or

Kenyahs; and that too often the stories told by Sea Dayaks have been uncritically accepted; for the Sea

Dayaks have been bitterly hostile to the Kayans ever since the tribes have been in contact; and the Iban is a

great romancer. It will be found that many of the alleged instances of torture by Kayans have been described

by Sea Dayaks; and we think there is good reason for hesitating to accept any of these. But we would point

out that, if some of these accounts have been founded on fact, the Sea Dayak victims, or their companions,

have in all probability provoked the Kayans to severe, reprisals by their atrocious behaviour, and may be

It is true that Kayans have been guilty of leaving a slave or captive bound upon a tomb until he has died from

exposure to the sun. We know also of one instance in which a Murut slave, having treacherously murdered

the only son of a great Kayan chief in the Baram, at the instigation of Bruni Malays, was killed by a

multitude of small stabs by the infuriated Kayan women, on being brought captive to the house.

But such occurrences as these by no means justify the statement that it is the practice of Kayans to torture

their captives; and we have heard of no wellattested instances that give any colour to it. As we have said

above, Kayans commonly treat their captives so kindly that they soon become content to remain in the

households of their captors. The Kayan feeling about torture is well illustrated by the fact that the Kayan

village responsible for the exposure of the slave mentioned above was looked at askance by other Kayans.

The spot was regarded with horror by them, and they regard as a consequence of this act the failure of the line

We have to admit that some of the Klemantans cannot be so wholeheartedly defended against the charge of

torturing their captives. But we believe that it is not regularly practised by any Klemantan tribe, but rather

only on occasions which in some way evoke an exceptional degree of emotional excitement. Thus, in one

instance known to us, the Orang Bukit of the Bruni territory, having lost the most highly respected of their

chiefs, purchased a slave in Bruni to serve as the funereal victim, and, having shut him in a wicker cage,

killed him with a multitude of stabs, some eight hundred persons taking part in the act. But even this act was,

it must be observed, of the nature of a pious and religious rite rather than an act of wanton cruelty.

We cannot leave this subject without this last word. If we are quite frank, we shall have to admit that, even

though the worst accounts of Kayan cruelty were substantially true, such behaviour would not in the least

justify the belief that the Kayans are innately more cruel than ourselves. If we are tempted to take this view,

let us remember that, after our own race had professed Christianity for many generations, the authority of

Church and State publicly decreed and systematically inflicted in cold blood tortures far more hideous and

In any account of the arts and crafts of the Kayans, the working of iron claims the first place by reason of its

high importance to them and of the skill and knowledge displayed by them in the difficult operations by

which they produce their fine swords. The origin of their knowledge of iron and of the processes of smelting

and forging remains hidden in mystery; but there can be little doubt that the Kayans were familiar with these

processes before they entered Borneo, and it is probable that the Kayans were the first ironworkers in Borneo,

and that from them the other tribes have learnt the craft with various measures of success.[63] However this

may be, the Kayans remain the most skilful ironworkers of the country, rivalled only in the production of

At the present day the Kayans, like all the other peoples, obtain their iron in the form of bars of iron and steel

imported from Europe and distributed by the Chinese and Malay traders. But thirty years ago nearly all the

iron worked by the tribes of the interior was from ore found in the riverbeds, and possibly from masses of

meteoric iron; and even at the present day the native ore is still smelted in the far interior, and swords made

Smelting and forging demand a specialised skill which is attained by relatively few. But in each Kayan

village are to be found two or three or more skilled smiths, who work up for a small fee the metal brought

them by their friends, the finishing touches being generally given by the owner of the implement according to

The smelting is performed by mixing the ore with charcoal in a clay crucible, which is embedded in a pile of

charcoal. The charcoal being ignited is blown to a white heat by the aid of four pistonbellows. Each of the

bellows consists of a wooden cylinder (generally made from the stem of a wild sago palm) about four feet in

length and six inches in diameter, fixed vertically in a framework carrying a platform, on which two men sit

to work the pistons (see Pl. 107). The lower end of each cylinder is embedded in clay, and into it near its

lower end is inserted a tube of bamboo, which, lying horizontally on the ground, converges upon and joins

with a similar tube of a second cylinder. The common tube formed by this junction in turn converges with the

tube common to the other pair of cylinders, and with it opens by a clay junction into a final common tube of

clay, which leads to the base of the fire. The piston consists of a stout stick bearing at its lower end a bunch of

feathers large enough to fill the bore of the cylinder. When the piston is thrust downwards, it drives the air

before it to the furnace; as it is drawn upwards, the feathers collapsing allow the entrance of air from above.

The upper extremity of each of the pistonrods is attached by a cord to one end of a stout pliable stick, which

is firmly fixed at its other end in a horizontal position, the cord being of such a length that the pistonhead is

supported by it near the upper end of the cylinder. Two men squat upon the platform and each works one pair

of the cylinders, grasping a pistonrod in each hand, thrusting them down alternately, and allowing the elastic

reaction of the supporting rods above to draw them up again. The crucible, having been brought to white heat

in the furnace, is allowed to cool, when a mass of metallic iron or steel is found within it.

The forging of implements from the metal obtained is effected by the aid of a charcoal furnace to which a

blast is supplied by the bellows described above, or sometimes by one consisting of two cylinders only. Stone

anvils and hammers were formerly used, and may still be seen in use in the far interior (Fig. 31); but the

Kayans make iron hammers and an anvil consisting of a short thick bar of iron, the lower end of which is

The peculiarly shaped and finely tempered swordblade, MALAT, is the highest product of the Kayan

blacksmith. The smith begins his operations on a bar of steel some eight inches in length. One end is either

grasped with pincers, or thrust firmly into a block of wood that serves for a handle. The other end is heated in

the furnace and gradually beaten out until the peculiar shape of the blade is achieved, with the characteristic

hollow on the one side and convexity on the other. If the blade is to be a simple and unadorned weapon, there

follow only the tempering, grinding, and polishing. But many blades are ornamented with curled ridges

projecting from the back edge. These are cut and turned up with an iron chisel while the metal is hot and

Two methods of tempering are in use. One is to heat the blade in the fire and to plunge it at a dull heat into

water. The other is to lay the cold blade upon a flat bar of redhot iron. This has the advantage that the degree

of the effect upon the blade can be judged from the change of its colour as it absorbs the heat. The Kayan

smiths are expert in judging by the colours of the surface the degree and kind of temper produced. They aim

at producing a very tough steel, for the MALAT has to serve not only in battle, but also for hacking a path

Many swordblades are elaborately decorated with scroll designs along the posterior border and inlaid with

brass. The inlaid brass commonly takes the form of a number of small discs let into the metal near the thick

edge; small holes are punched through the hot metal, and brass wire is passed through each hole, cut off flush

with the surface and hammered flat. The designs are chased on the cold metal with a chisel and hammer

supplemented by a file. The polishing and sharpening are done in several stages: the first stage usually by

rubbing the blade upon a block of sandstone; the second stage by the use of a hone of finer grain; and the

highest polish is attained by rubbing with a leaf whose surface is hard and probably contains silicious

Other implements fashioned by the smiths are the small knives, spearheads, hoes, small adzes, rods for

boring the sumpitan, the anvil, and the various hammers, and chisels, and rough files used by the smiths.

Although brassware is so highly valued by all the peoples of the interior, the only brazen articles made by

them (with one exception presently to be noticed) are the heavy earrings of the women. The common form

is a simple ring of solid metal interrupted at one point by a gap about an eighth of an inch wide, through

which is pulled the thin band of skin formed by stretching the lobule of the ear. Other rings form about one

and a half turns of a corkscrew spiral. These rings are cast in moulds of clay, or in some cases in moulds

The Malohs, a Klemantan subtribe in the upper basin of the Kapuas river, are well known as brassworkers;

their wares are bartered throughout the country, and a few Maloh brassworkers may be found temporarily

settled in many of the larger villages of all tribes. They make the brass corsets of the Iban women, tweezers

for pulling out the hair of the face, brass earrings, and a variety of small articles, and they make use of the

This very ingenious instrument for the making of fire is cast in metal by the Ibans. (See Fig. 36 and Pl. 108.)

It consists of a hollow brass or leaden cylinder about five inches in length and one inch in diameter, the bore

being about onequarter of an inch in diameter and closed at one end. A wooden piston, which closely fits

the bore, bears a rounded knob; it is driven down the cylinder by a sharp blow of the palm upon the knob and

is quickly withdrawn. The heat generated by the compression of the air ignites a bit of tinder (made by

scraping the fibrous surface of the leaf stem of the Arenga palm) at the bottom of the cylinder. The cylinder is

cast by pouring the molten metal into a section of bamboo, while a polished iron rod is held vertically in the

centre to form the bore. When the cylinder is cold the iron rod is extracted, and the outer surface is trimmed

The Kayans make much use of boats, as described in Chapter VIII., and are skilful boatmakers. The forest

offers them an abundant variety of timbers suitable for the different types of boat used by them.

The most ambitious efforts of this kind are devoted to the construction of the great warboats, fine specimens

of which are as much as 100 feet in length, or even, in exceptional instances, nearly 150 feet. The foundation

of every boat is a single piece of timber shaped and hollowed by fire and adze. Several kinds of timber are

used, the best being the kinds known as AROH (SHOREA) and NGELAI (AFZELIA PALAMBANICA).

Sometimes a suitable stem is found floating down river and brought to the bank before the house. But such

good fortune is exceptional, and commonly a tree is selected in the forest as near as possible to the river bank.

The tree is felled in the way described in Chapter VI. (Pl. 55), its branches are hewed away, and the stem is

cut to the required length and roughly hewn into shape. About onefourth of the circumference of the stem is

cut away along the whole length, and from this side the stem is hollowed. When, by chopping out the centre,

the thickness of this shell has been reduced to a thickness of some five inches, it is brought down to the river.

This is effected by laying through the jungle a track consisting of smooth poles laid across the direction of

progress; the hollowed stem is pulled endwise over this track with the aid of rattans, perhaps a hundred or

more men combining their strength. If the stem proves too heavy to be moved at any part of the journey by

their direct pull and push, a rough windlass is constructed by fixing the stem of a small tree across two

standing trees and winding the rattans upon this, the trimmed branches of the tree serving as the arms of the

windlass. The Kayans are skilled in this kind of transport of heavy timber; for the building of their houses and

of the larger tombs involves similar difficulties, though the timbers required for these purposes are not so

huge as those used for the warboats. Arrived at the river bank, the hollowed stem is launched upon the water

and towed down stream to the village at a time when the water is high. It is made fast to the bank before the

village at as high a point as the water will allow, so that when the river subsides it is left high and dry. A leaf

shelter is then built over it to protect it and the workers from the sun. The shell is then further hollowed,

partly by firing it with shavings inside and out, and by scraping away the charred surfaces. The inside is fired

When in this way the shell has been reduced to a thickness of a few inches, it is opened out, while hot from

firing and still filled with water, by wedging stout sticks some six to seven feet in length between the lateral

walls, so that the hollow stem (which hitherto has had the form of a hollow cylinder some three to four feet in

diameter, lacking along its whole length a strip about the fourth of its circumference) becomes a shallow

trough some six to seven feet wide in the middle of its length. During the hollowing, small buttresses are left

along each side at intervals of about two feet to form supports for benches. After the opening, the shell is left

lying covered with branches for some days, while the wood sets in its new form. The outer surface is then

shaved approximately to the required degree, all irregularities are removed, and holes about halfaninch in

diameter are bored through all parts of the shell at intervals of some twenty inches. Wooden pegs are then

hammered into these holes, each peg bearing two marks or grooves at an interval equal to the thickness of the

shell desired at each part; the peg is driven in from the outside until the outer groove is flush with the outer

surface of the shell, and the projecting part is cut away; the inner surface is then further chipped and scraped

in each area until it becomes level with the inner groove on the peg. In this way the workers are enabled to

give to each part its appropriate thickness. The outer surface is then finally smoothed to form about onethird

of a cylinder, and the foundation is complete. It only remains to lash the crossbenches to their supports, to

raise the sides by lashing on a gunwale, and to fit in wedgeshaped blocks at bow and stern. The gunwale

consists of a tough plank some ten inches wide overlapping the outer edge of the shell, and lashed firmly to it

by rattan strips piercing both shell and planks at intervals of about six inches. In some cases the gunwale is

further raised in its middle part by lashing on a second smaller plank to the upper edge of the first. The block

fitted in at the prow presents to the water a flat surface inclined at a low angle; and a similar block completes

the shell at the stern. The prow is often ornamented with the head of a crocodile or the conventional dog's

The whole operation, like every other important undertaking, is preceded by the finding of omens, and it is

liable to be postponed by the observation of ill omens, by bad dreams, or by any misfortune such as a death in

the house. In each house are certain men who are specially skilled in boatmaking, and by them the work is

directed and all the finer part of the work executed. In the case of a warboat which is to be the property of

the household, these special workers are paid a fee out of the store of valuables accumulated under the care of

The smaller boats, ranging from a small canoe suitable for one or two paddlers only, to one capable of

carrying a score or more, are generally private property. These, like the warboats, are made from a single

stem. The larger ones are made in just the same way as the warboats. In the smaller ones the bow is shaped

from the solid block and is not opened out, as is the rest of the boat. The craftsman who makes a boat for

another is helped by his customer, and is paid by him a fee in brassware or dollars, the usual fee being a

If Kayans find themselves for any reason in immediate need of a boat when none is at hand, they sometimes

fashion one very rapidly by stripping the bark from a big tree. The two ends of the sheet of bark are folded

and lashed with rattan to form bow and stern; the middle part is wedged open with crosspieces which serve

as benches, and the shell is strengthened with transverse ribs and longitudinal strips. A serviceable boat

capable of carrying several men and their baggage may be completed in the course of two hours. Such a

Of all the interior tribes the Kayans are probably the best boatmakers; but most of them make their own

boats in the same way as the Kayans. There are, however, a few of the Klemantan subtribes who never

attempt to make anything more than a very rough small canoe of soft wood, and who buy from others what

boats they need. This is a curious instance of the persistent lack of the tradition of a specialised craft among

communities that might have been expected to acquire it easily from their neighbours.

For ordinary work a rough paddle made from ironwood is generally used; the blade and shaft are of one

piece; the flat blade, nearly two feet in length, is widest about six inches below its junction with the shaft, and

from this point tapers slightly to its square extremity; the shaft is about three feet in length and carries,

A few paddles, especially those made for women, are very finely shaped and finished, and have their shafts

ornamented with carving of a variety of designs, generally one band of carving immediately above the blade

and a second below the crosspiece. Some of the Klemantans excel the Kayans in this work, producing very

A Kayan community seldom continues to inhabit the same spot for more than about a dozen years; though in

exceptional instances houses are continuously inhabited for thirty or even forty years. Housebuilding is thus

a craft of great importance, and the Kayans are seldom content to build their houses in the comparatively

flimsy style adopted by the Ibans and some of the Klemantans, and even occasionally by Kenyahs. The main

features of the structure of a Kayan longhouse have been described in Chapter IV. Here it remains only to

The great piles that support the house may be floated down river from the old house to be used in the

construction of the new; [64] they are not dug from the ground, but are felled by cutting close to the surface

of the ground. The great planks of the floor, the main crossbeams, and the wooden shingles of the roof, are

also commonly carried from the old house to the new. If a house has been partially destroyed by fire, no part

of the materials of the old house is used in the construction of the new; for it is felt that in some indefinable

way the use of the old material would render the new house very liable to the same fate, as though the new

house would be infected by the materials with the illluck attaching to the old house.[65] In such cases, or

upon migration to a different river, the whole of the timbers for the house have to be procured from the

jungle, and shaped, and erected; and the process of construction is extremely laborious. But once the timber

has been brought together upon the chosen site, the building goes on rapidly, and the whole of a house some

hundreds of yards in length may be substantially completed within a fortnight. The main supports of the

structure are four rows of massive columns of ironwood. Holes about four feet in depth are dug for the

reception of the butt ends of these. They are disposed in the manner indicated in the diagrams (Figs. 37, 38,

39), so that a single row supports the front of the house, another the back, and a double row the middle.[66]

The intervals between the columns of each row are about twenty feet, or rather more. Each pile is erected by

raising the one end until the other slips into the hole. Rattans are tied round it a little above its middle and

passed over a tall tripod of stout poles. A number of men haul on these while others shove up the top end

with their shoulders. The pile is thus suspended with its butt end resting so lightly on the ground that it can

easily be guided into the hole prepared for its reception. Smaller accessory piles, to serve as additional

supports, are put under the main cross beams of the floor when these have been laid. The columns of the

double row in the middle line are about six feet taller than those of the front and back rows. For the support of

the floor a massive squared transverse tie is morticed through each set of four columns at a height of some

fifteen to twenty feet from the ground, and secured by a pin through each extremity. A squared roofplate,

still more massive than the floor ties, is then laid upon the crowns of the columns of the front row, along its

whole length, and a second one upon the back row. This is dowelled upon the columns (I.E. the top of the

column is cut to form a pin which is let into the longitudinal beam); and the beams which make up the

roofplate are spliced, generally in such a way that the top of a column serves as the pin of the splice. Each of

these heavy beams is generally lifted into its place by tiers of men standing on poles lashed at different

heights across the columns, their efforts being seconded by others pulling on rattans which run from the beam

over the topmost crosspole. The framework of the roof is then completed by laying stout roofties across

the crowns of the double row of columns of the middle line, and lashing their extremities to stout purlins

(longitudinal beams for the support of the rafters in the middle of their length), and by laying the

ridgetimber upon a line of perpendicular struts. The ridgetimber and purlins, though less heavy than the

roofplates, consist also of stout squared timbers, spliced to form beams continuous throughout the whole

length of the house. The rafters are laid at an angle of about forty degrees and at intervals of eighteen inches;

they are lashed to the ridgetimber and to the purlins, and lipped on to the roofplates, beyond which they

project about four feet to form an cave. Strong flat strips or laths are laid along the rafters parallel to the

length of the house at intervals of about sixteen inches. On these are laid the shingles or slats of ironwood in

regular rows, in just the way in which roof tiles are laid in this country. Each slat is a slab about 1 x 30 x 12

inches, and is lashed by a strip of rattan, which pierces its upper end, to one of the laths. The floor is

completed by laying longitudinal joists of stout poles across the main floorties; the poles are notched to grip

the ties. Upon these joists, transversely to them, are laid a number of flat strips which immediately support

In a wellbuilt house these planks are between thirty and forty feet in length, or even more, two to three feet

in breadth, and three to four inches thick. They are made from tough strong timber, but usually not from the

ironwood trees. They are moved from house to house, and some of those in use are probably hundreds of

years old. A single tree is generally made to yield two such planks. After being felled it is split into halves

longitudinally in the following way. A deep groove is cut along one side, and wedges of hard tough wood are

driven in with rough heavy mallets. Deep transverse grooves are then cut in the rounded surface of each half

at intervals of three or four feet; and the intervening masses of wood are split off. In this way it is whittled

down until it is only some six inche's thick. The plank is then trimmed down to the desired thickness by

blows of the adze struck across the direction of the grain. The two ends are generally left untrimmed until the

plank has been transported to the site of the house and has lain there for some time. This prevents its splitting

When the floor has been laid, it only remains to make the main partition wall which separates the gallery

from the rooms along the whole length of the house, and the walls between the several rooms. These walls

are made only some eight or nine feet in height. The wall of the gallery is made of vertical planks lashed to

horizontal rails whose extremities are let into the columns of the anterior set of the double median row. The

wall thus divides the house into a narrower front part, the gallery, and a broader back part; the latter is

subdivided by the transverse walls into the series of rooms each of which accommodates one family.

The work of construction is carried on by all the men of the house; the women and children lend what aid

they can in the way of fetching and carrying, and in preparing rattans. The ownership of each section is

arranged beforehand; the section of the chief being generally in the middle, and those of his near relatives on

either side of it. Each man pays special attention to the construction of his own section, and carries out the

lighter work of that part, such as laying the shingles, with the help of his own household. If any widow is the

head of a household, her section is constructed by her male neighbours or relatives without payment.

Before beginning the building of a new house favourable omens must be obtained; and the Kayans would be

much troubled if bad omens were observed during the building, especially during the first few days. At this

time, therefore, children are told off to beat upon gongs hung about the new site, and so, by scaring away the

birds and obscuring the sound of their cries, to prevent the appearance of bad omens from their side. Bad

omens combined with illluck, such as death, bad dreams, or an attack by enemies during building (even if

this were successfully repelled), would lead to the desertion of a partially built house and the choice of

All the interior peoples construct their houses on principles similar to those described above, but with

considerable diversity in detail. The greatest diversity of plan is exhibited by the houses of Ibans. An Iban

community seldom remains in the same house more than three or four years; it is, no doubt, partly on this

account that their houses are built in a less solid style than those of most other tribes. The timbers used are

lighter; the house is not raised so high above the ground, and the floor is usually made of split bamboo in

place of the heavy planks used by Kayans and others. The plan of construction is less regular. The numerous

slight supporting piles pass through the floor of the gallery in all sorts of odd positions; the only part that is

kept clear of them being a narrow gangway that runs from end to end of the house; it adjoins the private

Some of the Klemantans make houses very inferior to those of the Kayans in respect to size, solidity, and

regularity of construction; lashed bamboos largely replace the strongly morticed timberwork of the better

houses; but the worst houses of all are made by those Punans who have recently adopted the agriculture and

The building of houses and the shaping of boats are by far the most important kinds of woodworking; but

there are many small articles of wood in the making of which much skill and ingenuity are displayed. Among

these the shields and parangsheaths deserve special mention. The former have been described in Chapter X.

The swordsheath is made from two slips of hard wood, cut to fit together exactly, leaving a space accurately

shaped for the lodgment of the swordblade. The two slips are neatly lashed together with rattan, and in

many cases are elaborately carved with varieties of a peculiar conventional design in relief (see vol. i., p.

Dishes of ironwood, now almost superseded by European earthenware, were formerly in general use (Figs.

6 and 7). Their shapes are very good; the dish is generally provided with one or two "ears" or flanges for the

grip of the hands, and these are cunningly decorated with carved designs or inlaid pieces of shell or pottery.

Some have a spout opposite the single handle. The hollowing and general shaping of such dishes is done with

The weaving of baskets, mats, and caps is one of the most important handicrafts of the Kayans. It is chiefly

practised by the women, though the men help in collecting and preparing the materials. The material chiefly

used is strips of rattan. A rattan about onethird of an inch in diameter is split into five strips, and the inner

surface of each strip is smoothed with a knife; but the stems of several other jungleplants are also used.

The most important of the baskets (Pl. 43), are the following: The large one used for carrying PADI from the

farms to the house; the small basket hung on the back by a pair of shoulderstraps, and always carried by the

men on going far from home; the fishbaskets; large baskets provided with lids and kept in the rooms for

storing clothing and other personal valuables; the winnowing trays, and the large rough basket used for

Of the mats (see Pl. 43), the principal are the mat worn round the waist for sitting upon; the large mats spread

for seating several persons in the gallery or private chambers; those spread on the floor for catching the

winnowed rice, or on the platforms outside the gallery for exposing and drying the PADI before pounding it;

Most of these baskets and mats are made from narrow strips of rattan varying from 1/16 to 1/4 of an inch

according to the size and use of the article; the strips are closely woven with great regularity. The commonest

arrangement is for two sets of strips to cross one another at right angles, each strip passing over and under

two of the opposed set. The basketwork so made is very pliable, tough, and durable. The standard shapes are

worked out with great precision. The Kayans are generally content to make strong serviceable basketware

without ornamentation; but in a large proportion of basketware of this kind made by the other peoples, strips

of rattan dyed black are combined with those of the natural pale yellow colour, and very effective patterns are

thus worked in. The dyeing of the strips is effected by soaking them in a dye obtained by beating out in water

the soft stem and leaves of a plant known as TARUM. The dark stain is rendered still blacker by

subsequently burying the strips in the mud of the river for some ten days, or by washing them in lime. The

dyed strips are then jet black with a fine polished surface, and the dye is quite permanent.

A form of matwork deserving special notice is the LAMPIT, the mat used largely for sleeping and sitting

upon. It is made of stout strips of rattan lying parallel to one another, and held together by strings threaded

through the strips at right angles to their length at intervals of four or five inches. This mat has an extremely

neat appearance and allows itself to be neatly rolled up. The piercing of the rattan strips at suitable intervals is

facilitated by the use of a block of wood grooved for the reception of the strip and pierced with holes opening

The most elaborately decorated and finely plaited basketware is made by some of the Klemantan subtribes,

especially the Kanowits and the Tanjongs, and the Kalabits, who use, as well as the black dye, a red dye (Pl.

110). The last is made by boiling the seeds of the rattan in water and evaporating the product until it has the

consistency of a thick paste. The Punans also excel in this craft. These adepts barter much of their handiwork

in this kind with the people of communities less skilled in it. This affords yet another illustration of the fact

that the various specialised handicrafts are traditional in certain tribes and subtribes, and are practised hardly

at all or in an inferior manner only by the other tribes, who seem to find it impossible to achieve an equal

The large flat circular hat worn by the Kayans for protection against sun and rain is made by the women from

the large leaves of a palm. It is the only important handicraft practised by the women only. The hard tough

fluted leaves are pressed flat and dried, when the flutes form ribs diverging from the stem. Triangular pieces

of the length of the radius of the hat (I.E. from twelve to eighteen inches) are cut and then sewn together in a

double layer; those of the upper layer radiate from the centre; those of the under layer are disposed in the

reverse direction, so that their ribs diverge from the periphery, crossing those of the upper layer at an acute

angle. This arrangement gives great rigidity to the whole structure. The two layers are stitched together by

threads carried round the hat in concentric circles at intervals of about one inch. The peripheral edges are

sewn to a slender strip of rattan bent to form a circle, the two ends overlapping. The centre is generally

finished with a disc of metal or strong cloth on the outer surface (Pl. 45). The hats hung upon the tombs are

Most of the other tribes make similar hats, and the Malanaus and Land Dayaks are especially skilled in this

craft. The former make very large hats of similar shape, the upper surface being of strips of rattan dyed red

Besides these sunhats, the Kayans and Kenyahs and some of the Klemantans weave with fine strips of rattan

closefitting skullcaps and headbands. The ends of the strips, some three or four inches in length, are

sometimes left projecting from the centre or forming a fringe round the lower edge.

The closefitting hemispherical warcap is made of rattans about half an inch thick split in halves.

The blowpipe or SUMPITAN is perhaps the finest product of native Bornean craftmanship. It is made by

The best sumpitans are made from the hard straightgrained wood of the JAGANG tree. Having chosen and

felled the tree, often one of large size, the craftsman splits from it long pieces about eight feet in length. Such

a piece is shaved with the adze until it is roughly cylindrical and three to four inches in diameter (Pl. 112).

The piece may be carried home to be worked at leisure, or the boring may be done upon the spot. A platform

is erected about seven feet above the ground; and the prepared rod is fixed vertically with the upper end

projecting through the platform, its lower end resting on the ground (Pl. 113). Its upper end is lashed to the

platform, its lower end to a pair of stout poles lashed horizontally to trees, and its middle to another pair of

The next operation, the boring of the wood, is accomplished by the aid of a straight rod of iron about nine feet

long, of slightly smaller diameter than the bore desired for the pipe, and having one end chiselshaped and

sharpened. One man standing on the platform holds the iron rod vertically above the end of the wood, and

brings its sharp chisel edge down upon the centre of the flat surface. Lifting the rod with both hands he

repeats his blow again and again, slightly turning the rod at each blow. He is aided in keeping the rod truly

vertical by two or three forked sticks fixed horizontally at different levels above the platform in such a way

that the vertical rod slides up and down in the forks, which thus serve as guides. The rod soon bites its way

into the wood. An assistant, squatting on the platform with a barkbucket of water beside him, ladles water

into the hole after every two or three strokes, and thus causes the chips to float out. This operation steadily

pursued for about six hours completes the boring. In boring the lower part, the craftsman aims at producing a

slight curvature of the tube by very slightly bending the pole and lashing it in the bent position; the pole on

being released then straightens itself, and at the same time produces the desired slight curvature of the bore.

This curvature is necessary in order to allow for the bending of the blowpipe, when in use, by the weight of

the spearblade which is lashed on bayonetfashion. If the desired degree of curvature is not produced in this

way, the wooden pipe, still in the rough state as regards its outer surface, is suspended horizontally on loops,

and weights are hung upon the muzzle end until, on sighting through the bore, only a half circle of daylight is

visible this being the degree of curvature of the bore desired. The wood is then heated with torches, and

It only remains to whittle down the rough surface to a smooth cylinder slightly tapering towards the muzzle

(Pl. 114), to polish the pipe inside and out, to lash on the spearblade to the muzzle end with strips of rattan,

and to attach a small wooden sight to the muzzle end opposite the spearblade. The polishing of the bore is

effected by working to and fro within it a long piece of closely fitting rattan; that of the outer surface, by

rubbing it first with the skin of a stingray (which, although a marine fish, sometimes ascends to the upper

reaches of the rivers), and afterwards with the leaf (EMPLAS) which is the local substitute for emery paper.

The shaft of the poisoned dart is made from the wood of the NIBONG and wild sago palms. It is about nine

inches in length and onesixteenth to oneeighth of an inch in diameter (Pl. 115). On to one end of this is

fitted a small tapering cylinder of tough pith, about one inch in length, its greatest diameter at its butt end

being exactly equal to the bore of the pipe. The pith is shaved to the required diameter by the aid of a small

wooden cylinder of the standard size (Fig. 42); this is prolonged in a pin of the same diameter as the shaft of

the dart. A piece of pith transfixed by the pin is shaved with a sharp knife until its surface is flush with that of

The poison is prepared from the sap of the IPOH tree, ANTIARIS TOXICARIA. The milky sap runs out

when the bark is incised, and is collected in a bamboo cup (Pl. 88). It is then heated slowly over a fire in a

trough made from the leaf stem of a palm, until it becomes a thick paste of dark purple brown colour (Pl.

116). When the poison is to be applied to the darts, it is worked into a thinner paste on a palette with a

spatula. A circular groove is cut round the shaft of the dart about two inches from its tip, and the part so

marked off is rolled in the paste and then dried before a fire. For use against large game, pig, deer, or human

beings, a larger dose of poison is required than can be carried on the tip of the shaft. A small triangular piece

of metal is affixed by splitting the tip of the shaft, thrusting in the base of the triangular plate, and securing it

with a fine thread of rattan or fernstem. The poison is then applied to the surface of this metal. The metal is

obtained nowadays from imported tin or brass ware, but formerly a slip of hard wood was used, and,

The quiver for carrying the darts is a section of bamboo about four inches in diameter and ten inches in

length, fitted with a cap of the same which fits over the shaved lip of the main piece (Fig. 44). A wooden

hook lashed to the quiver enables it to be hung from the belt. The darts, mostly without piths, are wrapped in

a squirrel skin and thrust tip downwards into the quiver. A small gourd tied to the quiver carries a supply of

The importation of earthenware and of cooking pots of brass and iron has now almost put an end to the native

manufacture of pottery; but in former times simple earthenware vessels for boiling rice were made by

Kayans, Kenyahs, Ibans, and some of the Klemantans. Those who made no pots boiled their rice and sago in

bamboos. The earthenware cooking pot is a simple eggshaped vessel, one end of which is open and

The clay is kneaded with water on a board until it has the desired consistency. The vessel is then built up on a

hollowed base by squeezing the clay between a smooth rounded stone held by one hand within the vessel and

a flat piece of wood, with which the clay is beaten from without. The roughly shaped vessel is allowed to dry

in the sun and baked in the fire. In some cases the surface is smoothed and glazed by rubbing resin over its

Pots of this one shape only are made, but of several sizes. The commonest size holds about a quart; the

largest about two gallons. A pot of this sort is carried in a basket made of fine unsplit rattans loosely woven

The native cloth, which was in universal use among the tribes of the interior until largely supplanted in recent

years by imported cloth, is made from the bark of trees of several species (principally the KUMUT, the

IPOH, and the wild fig). The material used is the fibrous layer beneath the outer bark. A large sheet of it is

laid on a wooden block and beaten with a heavy wooden club in order to render it soft and pliable. A piece of

the required size and shape is cut from the sheet, and sewn across the direction of the fibres with needle and

thread at intervals of about an inch. This prevents the material splitting along the direction of the fibres.

Before European needles were introduced, the stitching was done by piercing holes with a small awl and

The Kayans, Kenyahs, and most of the Klemantans weave no cloth; but the Kayans claim, probably with

truth, that they formerly wove a coarse cloth. In recent years the Ibans, Muruts, and a few of the Klemantan

tribes have been the only weavers. It may be said, we think, without fear of contradiction, that this is the only

craft in which the Ibans excel all the other peoples. Their methods are similar to those of the Malays, and

have probably been learnt from them. The weaving is done only by the women, though the men make the

The fibre used by the Ibans is cotton, which is obtained from shrubs planted and cultivated for the purpose.

The seed is extracted from the mass of fibre by squeezing the mass between a pair of rollers arranged like a

rude mangle, while the fibre is pulled away by hand (Pl. 118). Next the thread is spun from the mass of fibre

by the aid of a simple wheel, turned by the right hand while the left hand twists the fibres (Pl. 119). The

dyeing precedes the weaving if a pattern is to be produced. The web is stretched on a wooden frame about six

feet long and twenty inches in width, by winding a long thread round it from end to end. The parts of the web

corresponding to the parts of the cloth that are to remain undyed and of the natural pale brown colour of the

thread are tied round with dried strips of a fibrous leaf (LEMBA), the upper and lower set of threads being

wrapped up together in the same bundles (Pl. 120). If only one colour is to be applied, the web is then slipped

off the frame. The threads are held in their relative positions by the wrappings, but are further secured by

tying a string tightly about the whole bundle at each end. The web thus prepared is soaked in the dye for

some two or three days, and then dried in a shady spot. The wrappings upon the threads are waterproof and

protect the wrapped parts from the dye. When, after the dyeing, the web is stretched upon the loom, it

presents the desired pattern in colour upon the undyed ground. The undyed weft is then woven across the web

in the usual way. And since the threads of the weft do not appear on the surface, the dyed parts of the web

In most cloths two colours, as well as the natural colour of the thread, appear on the surface the

commonest colour being a warm brick red (obtained from the bark of the SAMAK tree) and a dark purple

(obtained from the leaves of the TARUM plant). Lime and gypsum are sometimes mixed with the watery

extracts as mordaunts, but these are probably modern refinements. When two colours are to appear, those

parts of the web which are to be of one colour (say purple) are wrapped up during the immersion in the red

dye together with the parts that are to appear uncoloured. When this first dyeing is completed the web is

prepared for the purple dye, by uncovering the undyed parts which are to be purple, and wrapping up in

bundles the threads which have already been dyed red. After being soaked in the purple dye and dried, all the

wrappings are removed from the web, and the desired pattern in three colours appears upon it when it is

stretched. Perhaps the most noteworthy feature of the operation of dyeing is that the woman generally wraps

up the threads in the way required to produce the pattern without any guidance, judging the length and

number of the threads to be included in each bundle purely by memory of the design aimed at.

The only striking peculiarity of the loom is its extreme simplicity. The upper ends of the web are looped over

a stout bar which is fixed to a pair of uprights about a yard above the floor. The lower ends of the web are

looped over a stout rod, to the ends of which a loop of cord is tied. The woman sits on the ground, (see Pl.

121) with this loop around her waist, and thus stretches the web and maintains the necessary tension of it. The

manipulation of the shuttle and of the threads of the web is accomplished without other mechanical aids than

All the tribes of Borneo practise a number of decorative arts. Some of the Klemantans, notably the Malanaus,

excel all other tribes, in that they attain a high level of achievement in a great variety of such arts; but each

tribe and subtribe preserves the tradition of some one or two decorative arts in which they are especially

skilled. Thus some of the Klemantan tribes specially excel in the finer kinds of woodcarving (E.G. the

decoration of paddles); the Kayans in tatuing and in chasing designs on steel; the Kenyahs in the painting of

shields and in the production of large designs carved in low relief on wood and used for adorning houses and

tombs; both Kayans and Kenyahs excel in the carving of swordhandles in deer's horn; the Barawans and

Sebops in beadwork; the Kalabits and Ibans in tracing designs on the surface of bamboo; Punans in the

Woodcarving is the most generally practised and on the whole the most important of the decorative arts.

Much of it is done on very hard wood; and the principal tools are the sword, the small knife carried in the

swordsheath, and adzes and axes of various sizes. The blade of the knife is some three inches in length,

resembling in general shape the blade of the sword; it is wider in proportion, but has the same peculiar

convexity of the one side and concavity of the other in transverse section. The shaft is sunk into the end of a

rod of hard wood and secured with gutta and fine rattan lashing. The handle of hard wood is about a foot in

length, half an inch in diameter, and slightly bowed in the plane of the blade, the convexity being in the

direction of the cutting edge of the blade. The butt end of the handle is cunningly carved in the shape of a

crocodile's head, or prolonged in a piece of carved deer's horn. The blade of the knife is held between the

thumb and finger of the right hand, the cutting edge directed forwards, and the long handle is gripped

between the forearm and the lower ribs; the weight of the body can thus be brought to the assistance of the

arm in cutting hard material. With this knife most of the finer carving is done, the adze and sword being used

The adze consists of a flat blade of steel in the shape of a highly acuteangled triangle (Pl. 111). The slightly

convex base is the cutting edge. The upper half of the triangle (which may or may not be marked by a

shoulder) is buried in the lashings by which it is attached to the wooden haft. The haft is a small bough of

tough, springy wood, cut from a tree, together with a small block of the wood of the stem; the latter is shaved

down until it forms an oblong block continuous with the haft and at an angle to it of 70[degree]

80[degree]. The upper half of the metal blade is laid upon the distal surface of this block and lashed firmly to

it with fine strips of rattan. A piece of skin is often placed between the metal and the lashings; this facilitates

the removal of the blade, and enables the craftsman to alter the angle between the cutting edge and the haft.

Commonly the blade is laid in the plane of the haft, and the implement is then what we should call a small

axe; on turning the blade through go', it is converted to a small adze; and not infrequently the blade is turned

through a smaller angle, so that its plane forms an acute angle with that of the haft.

Carved woodwork is commonly painted with black and red paint, prepared respectively from soot and iron

oxide mixed with sugarcane juice or with lime; the moist pigment is applied with the finger on larger

surfaces, and the finer lines and edges are marked out with the aid of a chiseledged stick of wood.

Old beads are much valued and sought after by all the tribes except Ibans, especially by the Kayans. There

are few families of the upper class that do not possess a certain number of them.

Many varieties are well known, and some of the Kayan women are very expert in recognising the genuine old

specimens, and in distinguishing these varieties from one another and from modern imitations.

Formerly these old beads were one of the principal forms of currency, and they still constitute an important

Most of these valuable old beads are of foreign manufacture, though a few made from shell and agate are of

the country. The old foreignmade beads were probably imported by Arab and Chinese traders at various

dates. Some of them are probably of Chinese manufacture, others probably came from the near East and even

from Venice. Some are of glass curiously marked and coloured, others of stone inlaid with bits of different

colours, others of some hard substance whose composition defies description. Certain rare kinds are

especially valued and can hardly be bought at any price; they are reckoned to be worth at least 100 dollars

apiece. The most valuable of all is known as the LUKUT SEKALA; the ownership of each such bead is as

accurately known throughout a large district as the ownership of the masterpieces of ancient art in our own

country. The wife of a rich chief may possess old beads to the value of thousands of pounds, and will wear a

large part of them on any occasion of display (Pl. 130). These old beads are worn threaded together to form

necklaces and girdles, being arranged with some reference to harmony of size and colour and to value, the

most valuable being placed in the middle where they will be shown to best advantage. A single rare bead is

A woman who possesses a good stock of such beads will seldom be seen without some of them on her

person. She will occasionally exchange a few for other varieties, and is generally eager to add to her

collection; she may occasionally make a present of one or two to some highly esteemed friend or relative, and

will generally assign them, but without handing them over, to various female relatives before her death.

Besides these valuable old beads there are in use among all the tribes many small glass beads of modern

European manufacture. These are threaded to form a variety of designs, generally in two colours, the

combination of black and yellow being the most commonly preferred. These strips of beadwork are put to

many decorative uses: they are applied to the women's headbands, to the centre of the sunhat, to sword

sheaths, to cigarette boxes, to the warcoat at the nape of the neck, and, by some Klemantans, to the jackets

The designs worked in this way are but few, and most of them are common to all the tribes. The thread used

is prepared by rolling on the thigh fibres drawn from the leaf of the pineapple; it is very strong and durable.

The design to be reproduced is drawn or carved in low relief on a board. A thread is fixed across the end of

the board and others are tied to it at short intervals; on these the beads are threaded, neighbouring threads

being tied together at short intervals; and the colours of the beads are selected according to the demands of

Besides these designs on the flat, tassels, girdles, necklaces, earrings, and cigarette rings are also made of

these beads. The modern imported beads used for these purposes are sometimes improved by being ground

flat on the two surfaces that adjoin their neighbours; this is done by fixing a number of them into the cut end

of a piece of sugarcane and rubbing this against a smooth stone. This treatment of the beads gives to the

The working of designs on the surface of pieces of bamboo is done very simply, but none the less effectively.

Among the bamboo articles generally decorated in the way to be described are the native drinkingcup, the

tobaccobox, and tubes for carrying flint and steel and all sorts of odds and ends.

The pattern to be produced is outlined with the point of the knife upon the surface of the bamboo, the artist

working from memory of the desired pattern and adapting it to the proportions of the surface to be covered.

The Iban works more freely than others, working out the pattern and modifying it to meet the exigencies of

his material, section by section, as he goes along. Others plan out the design for the whole surface before

working out any part in detail. It is probable that in no case does a man sit down and produce a new pattern;

but the freer mode of working of the Iban leads him on to greater modifications of the traditional designs; and

it is probably partly for this reason that a much larger variety of designs is applied in this way by them than

by the other tribes, among whom they are very limited in number. But the greater variety of designs worked

by the Ibans is due also to the readiness with which he copies and adopts as his own the patterns used by

other tribes. The Kayans and Kenyahs use almost exclusively varieties of the dog pattern and of the hook and

The design outlined by the point of the knife is made to stand out boldly from the ground by darkening the

latter. This is achieved in two ways: (1) the ground is covered with parallel closeset scratches, not running

continuously throughout the larger areas of the ground, but grouped in sets of parallel lines some few

millimetres in length, the various sets meeting at angles of all degrees; (2) the hard surface of the bamboo is

wholly scraped away from the ground areas to a depth of about half a millimetre. In either case the black or

red paint is then smeared over the whole surface with the finger, and when it has become dried the surface is

rubbed with a piece of cloth (Kayan), or scraped lightly with a knife (Iban). The pigment is thus removed

from the intact parts and remains adherent to the lines and areas from which the hard surface layer has been

removed. The design is thus left in very low relief, and is of the natural colour of the bamboo upon a black or

darkred ground, or on a ground merely darkened by the parallel scratches (Pls. 126, 127).

Lashing with strips of rattan and with coarse fibres from the leafstem of some of the palms and ferns is

applied to a great variety of purposes, and largely takes the place of our nailing and screwing and riveting. It

is carried out extremely neatly and commonly has a decorative effect. This effect is in some cases enhanced

by combining blackened threads with those of the natural pale yellow colour; and the finer varieties of this

work deserve to be classed with the decorative arts. The finest lashingwork is done by the Kalabits, who

cover small bamboo boxes with a layer of closeset lashing, producing pleasing geometrical designs by the

combination of yellow and black threads. The surface of the bamboo to which the lashing is applied is

generally scraped away to a depth of about onesixteenth of an inch; it is thus rendered less slippery than the

natural surface, and is therefore gripped more firmly by the lashing, and the surface of the lashing is brought

flush with the unlashed natural surface. The effect is not only a highly ornamental appearance, but also a

greatly increased durability of the box, the natural tendency of the bamboo to split longitudinally being very

Similar fine decorative lashing is used by all the tribes for binding together the two halves of the sword

sheath, and for binding the haft of knife or sword where it grips the metal blade, though brass wire is

Closely allied to this lashing is the production of decorative knots. A considerable variety of knots are in

common use; they are always well tied and practically effective, but some are elaborated for decorative

We have stated above that the carved woodwork is often painted with black, red, and white pigments. It must

be added that wooden surfaces are often painted on the flat, especially shields, the outer surfaces of walls of

PADI huts, and tombs, also grave hats and the gunwales of boats, and decorative planks in the inner walls of

the long gallery of the house. The Kenyahs and some of the Klemantans, especially the Skapans and

Barawans, are most skilled in, and make most use of, this form of decoration; but it is probably practised in

The three pigments mentioned above black, red, and white, made respectively from soot, iron oxide, and

lime are, so far as we know, the only native varieties; but at the present day these are sometimes

supplemented with indigo and yellow pigments obtained from the bazaars. The pigment is generally laid on

It may be mentioned here that individuals of all the tribes will occasionally amuse themselves by making

rude drawings with charcoal on the plank wall of the gallery. The drawings usually depict human and animal

figures, and scenes from the life of the people, and they generally illustrate the particular form of occupation

in which the household is employed at the time, E.G. scenes from the PADI fields, a group of people

weeding, the return of a warparty, the collection of honey, the capture of a large fish. These drawings are

invariably very crude; their nature is sufficiently indicated by Pl. 128. There seem to be no noteworthy

The Punans, having no houses and therefore no walls on which to draw pictures, have little opportunity to

indulge any such tendency; but we have seen rude hunting scenes depicted by them on the walls of shallow

caves; the technique consisted in scratching away the soft rotted surface of the limestone rock to produce

The Malanaus, who live in the large limestone caves during the time of harvesting the edible nests of the

The weaving of decorative designs on cloth is almost confined to the Sea Dayaks. Some account of the

Shells (chiefly nassas and the flat bases of coneshells) are sometimes applied by the Iban women to decorate

their woven coats, by Kalabits (in concentric circles on their sunhats), and more rarely by other tribes in the

decoration of baskets (Fig. 48). Fig. 49 represents a garment decorated in this fashion by Iban women, and

The Kayans make use in their decorative art of a large number of conventional designs. The principal

applications of these designs are in tatu, beadwork, the production of panels of wood for the adornment of

houses, tombs, boats, and PADI barns, the decoration of bamboo boxes, and the painting of hats, and the

carving of highly ornate doors to the rooms. All these applications involve the covering of flat or curved

surfaces with patterns either in low relief only or without relief; and many of the designs are applied in all

these different ways, and all of them together form a natural group. Besides these surface designs, a

considerable variety of designs is used in giving decorative form to solid objects such as the handles of

swords and paddles, the ends of main roofbeams in the houses, posts used in various rites and in the

construction of tombs, the figureheads of warboats. These, with the exception of those used in carving the

sword handles, which are highly peculiar, form another group of relatives. The designs chased upon the

blades of the swords constitute a fourth natural group distinct from the other two groups. A fifth small group

of designs is carved in the form of fretwork. We propose to say a few words about the designs of each of

(1) The designs of the first group are the most numerous and most widely applied. A large proportion of them

obviously are conventionalised derivatives from animal forms. Of these animal forms the human figure, the

dog, and the prawn have been the originals of the largest number of patterns; the macaque monkey and the

large lizard (VARANUS) are also traceable. Some designs vaguely suggest a derivation from some animal

A few seemed to be derived from vegetable forms; while some few, for example the hookpattern, seem to be

derived from no animal or vegetable form. The hookpattern seems to be symbolical of conjunction and

Of all the designs the derivatives from or variants of the dog are the most numerous and the most frequently

applied. The name dogpattern (KALANG ASU) is given to a very large number; and of these some

obviously reproduce the form of the dog, while the derivation of the others from the same original can

generally be made clear by the inspection of a number of intermediate forms, although some of them retain

but very slight indications of the form or features of the dog. The unmistakable dogpatterns are illustrated

by one of the panels shown in Pl. 124; and in Pls. 134 ET SEQ. we reproduce a number of dogpatterns of

more or less conventionalised characters. It will be noticed that the eye is the most constant feature about

which the rest of the pattern is commonly centred; but that the eye also disappears from some of the most

conventionalised. It seems probable that, although the name KALANG ASU continues to be commonly used

to denote all this group of allies, many of those who use the term, and even of those who carve or work the

patterns, are not explicitly aware in doing so that the name and the patterns refer to the dog, or are in any way

connected with it; that is to say, both the words and the pattern have ceased to suggest to their minds the

meaning of the word dog, and mean to them simply the pattern appropriate to certain uses.

We have questioned men who have been accustomed to apply the dogpattern as to the significance of the

parts of the pattern, and have led them to recognise that the parts of the dog, eye, teeth, jaws, and so on, are

represented; and this recognition has commonly been accompanied by expressions of enlightenment, as of

one making an interesting discovery.[67] This ignorance of the origin of the pattern is naturally true only of

the more conventionalised examples, whether of the dog or other natural forms. Probably a few who have

specially interested themselves in the designs have traced out their connections pretty fully, but this is

certainly quite exceptional. Most of the craftsmen simply copy the current forms, introducing perhaps now

Some men are well known as experts in the production of designs, and such a man can produce a wonderful

variety, all or most being wellknown conventions. Their mode of working frequently implies that the artist

is working to a pattern, mentally fixed and clearly visualised, rather than working out any new design. For he

will work first on one part of the surface, then on another, producing disconnected fragments of the pattern,

and uniting them later. Although the women use these patterns in beadwork and in tatuing, they rely in the

main on the men for the patterns which they copy; these being drawn on wood or cloth for beadwork, or

carved in low relief for tatuing. A Kayan expert may carry in mind a great variety of designs. One such expert

produced for our benefit, during a ten days' halt of an expedition, fortyone patterns, drawn with pencil on

(2) The designs carved in the solid or in high relief are for the most part conventionalised copies of human

and animal forms; but the conventionalising is not carried so far as in those of the first class, so that the

carving generally constitutes an unmistakable representation of the original. The posts set up as altars to the

gods are generally carved in the human form, and the degree of elaboration varies widely from the rudest

possible indication of the head and limbs to a complete representation of all the parts. But in no case (with the

possible exception of some of the figures carved by Malanaus) is the human form reproduced with any high

The animal forms are used chiefly as the figureheads of warboats and at the ends of the main roofbeams of

the houses; and some of these are executed with a degree of artistry that must win our admiration, especially

when we reflect that the timber used is generally one of the harder kinds (but not ironwood) such as the

mirabo (AFZELIA PALEMBANICA), and that the only tools used are the axe, sword, and knife. The

animals most frequently represented are the dog, crocodile, monkey, hornbill, and bear (Pls. 122, 125, Figs.

45, 46, 54 57). Carved dogs, comparatively little conventionalised, are sometimes used as the supports of

(3) The handles of the swords, generally of deer's antlers, but sometimes of wood, exhibit a group of highly

peculiar closely allied designs. All these seem to be derived from the human form, although in many cases

this can only be traced in the light of forms intermediate between the less and the more highly

conventionalised (Pls. 129, 184). In examples in which the human form is most obvious, it has the following

position and character: The butt end of the blade is sunk in a piece (about six inches in length) of the main

shaft of the antler at its distal or upper end. This piece constitutes the grip of the handle or hilt. The proximal

or lowest point of the antler projecting at an angle of some 70[degree] from the grip is cut down to a length of

some four inches, forming a spur standing in the plane of the blade and towards its cutting edge. The grip is

lashed with fine strips of rattan. The spur and the thick end in which the spur and the grip unite are

elaborately carved. If the sword is held horizontally, its point directed forwards and its cutting edge upwards,

the butt end is presented with the spur vertically before the face of the observer. It will then be seen that the

surface turned to the observer presents the principal features of the human figure, standing with arms akimbo

face to face with the observer. The key to the puzzle Is the double row of teeth. Above this are the two eyes.

Below the level of the mouth the elbows project laterally, and a little below these and nearer the middle line

are the two hands; and below these again the two legs stand out, carved not merely in relief, but in the solid,

and bent a little at the knee. The feet are indicated below and more laterally. From the crown of the head

projects a ring of short hair made up of tufts white, black, and red in colour. Another short tuft projects from

the region of the navel (? pubis), and a pair of tufts project laterally a little below the level of the mouth. The

extremity of the main shaft of the antler projects a little beyond the feet of the human figure, and is carved in

a form which is clearly an animal derivative probably from the dog or possibly the crocodile. From its

open jaws projects a long tuft of hair, and a pair of short tufts project laterally from the region of its ears. The

whole of the carved part of the hilt thus represents a man standing upon the head of a dog (or crocodile). The

interpretation of the whole is much obscured by the fact that the parts of the human figure named above are

separated from one another by areas which are covered with a continuous scroll design in low relief, and by

the fact that all the lateral parts of the carved area bear, scattered irregularly in relief, reduplications of the

various features of the human figure, E.G. of the hands, elbows, knees, and even of the teeth, as well as many

pairs of interlocking hooks. These last, which recur in other decorative designs, and which (as was said

above) seem to symbolise the taking of heads, form an important and constant feature of the whole scheme of

decoration. In the more elaborate examples they are carved out of the solid; and usually one hole (or more)

about 5 mm. in diameter perforates the thickest part of the hilt, and contains in the middle plane a pair of

In the most elaborate examples of these carved sword hilts all obvious trace of the human figure is lost in a

profusion of detail, which, however, is of the same general character as that of the examples described above,

and seems to consist of the various features of the human and animal pattern combined in wild profusion with

regard only to decorative effect, and not at all to the reproduction of the parent forms.

With the decorative designs of the hilt of the sword must be classed those of its sheath. The sheath consists of

two slips of TAPANG wood firmly lashed together with finely plaited rattan strips, both strips being

hollowed so that they fit closely to the blade. It is provided with a plaited cord, which buckles about the

waist. The inner piece of the sheath is smooth inside and out. The outer surface of the outer piece is often

elaborately decorated. The decoration consists in the main of designs carved in relief; and these are composed

of the same elements as the design upon the sword hilt, namely, hooks, single and interlocking, elbows, teeth,

(4) The designs reproduced in fretwork are in the main adaptations of some of those used in decorating

surfaces, especially of the dog pattern; but they are always conventionalised in a high degree (see Pl. 130).

The hook pattern is frequently introduced to fill up odd corners. The human form is seldom or never traceable

(5) The designs chased on the surfaces of the blades of swords and knives and spearheads form a distinctive

group. They are flowing scroll patterns containing many spiral and Sshaped curves in which no animal or

plant forms can be certainly traced, though suggestions of the KALANG ASU may be found. The lack of

affinity between these patterns and those applied to other surfaces suggests that they may have been taken

over from some other people together with the craft of the smith; but possibly the distinctive character is due

only to the exigencies of the material. Some of the designs painted on hats and shields exhibit perhaps some

It is worthy of remark that the art work of the Kayans is in the main of a public character; for example, the

decorative carving about the house is done by voluntary and cooperative effort in the public gallery and

hardly at all in the private rooms; and ornamented hats and shields are hung in the gallery rather than in the

private rooms; again, the warboats, which are the common property of the household, are decorated more

All these forms of art work are the products of distinctly amateur effort; that is to say that, although certain

individuals attain special skill and reputation in particular forms of art, they do not make their living by the

practice of them, but rather, like every one else, rely in the main upon the cultivation of PADI for the family

support; they will exchange services of this kind, and definite payments are sometimes agreed upon, but a

The Kenyahs make use of all, or most, of the patterns found among the Kayans, and there is little or nothing

that distinguishes the decorative art of the one tribe from that of the other. They use the patterns based on the

monkey rather more than the Kayans; and a decoration commonly found in their houses is a frieze running

along the top of the main partition wall of the house, bearing in low relief an animal design, painted in red

and black, which is called BALI SUNGEI (I.E. waterspirit) or Naga. The latter name is known to all the

tribes, and is probably of foreign origin; and it seems possible that the design and this name are derived from

The various Klemantan tribes make use of many decorative designs very similar to those of the Kayans.

Different animal forms predominant among the different tribes, E.G. among the LONG POKUNS the form of

the gibbon and of the sacred ape (SEMINOPITHECUS HOSEI) are chiefly used in house decoration. Among

the Sebops and Barawans the human figure predominates; the Malanaus make especially elaborate crocodile

images in solid wood. The tombs of some of the Klemantans are very massive and elaborately decorated. The

Tanjongs and Kanowits and Kalabits, who excel in basketwork, introduce a variety of patterns in black, red,

and white. The majority of these are simple geometrical designs which arise naturally out of the nature of the

material; of more elaborate designs specially common are the hookpattern (Fig. 58), the pigeon's eye (Fig.

In wealth of decorative designs the Ibans surpass all the other tribes. These designs are displayed most

abundantly in the decoration of bamboo surfaces and in the dyeing of cloths. The designs on bamboo surfaces

are largely foliate scrolls, especially the yamleaf, but also occasionally animal derivatives.

The designs dyed upon the cloths (Fig. 61) are largely animal derivatives; but the artists themselves seldom

are aware of the derivation, even when the pattern bears the name of its animal origin; and as to the names of

all, except the most obvious animal derivatives, even experts will differ. The frog, the young bird, the human

form, and the lizard are the originals most frequently claimed. Parts of the animal, such as the head or eye,

are commonly repeated in serial fashion detached from the rest of its form. And in many cases it is, of course,

impossible to identify the parts of the pattern, although it may show a general affinity with unmistakable

animal patterns. One such pattern very commonly used in dyeing is named after AGI BULAN, the large

shrew (GYMNURA); but we have not been able to trace the slightest resemblance to the animal in any of the

We are inclined to suppose that the Ibans have copied many of their clothpatterns from the Malays together

with the crafts of dyeing and weaving. For their technique is similar to that of the Malays all over the

peninsula, and the same is true of some of their designs. Only in this way, we think, can we account for their

possession of these crafts, which are practised by but very few of the other inland peoples. The fact that plant

derivatives predominate greatly over animals in their designs, whereas the reverse is true of almost all other

tribes, bears out this supposition, for the Malays are forbidden by their religion to represent animal forms, and

Tatuing is extensively practised among the tribes of Borneo. A great variety of patterns are used, and they are

applied to many different parts of the body. A paper embodying most of the facts hitherto ascertained has

been published by one of us (C. H.) in conjunction with Mr. R. Shelford, formerly curator of the Sarawak

Museum, who has paid special attention to the subject; we therefore reproduce here the greater part of the

substance of that paper,[68] with some slight modifications, and we desire to express our thanks to Mr.

The great diversity of tribes in Borneo involves, in a study of their tatu and tatuing methods, a good deal of

research and much travel, if firsthand information on the subject is to be obtained. Between us we have

covered a considerable area in Borneo and have closely crossquestioned members of nearly every tribe

inhabiting Sarawak on their tatu, but we cannot claim to have exhausted the subject by any means; there are

tribes in the interior of Dutch Borneo and in British North Borneo whom we have not visited, and concerning

The practice of tatu is so widely spread throughout Borneo that it seems simpler to give a list of the tribes that

do not tatu, than of those who do. We can divide such a list into two sections: the first including those tribes

that originally did not tatu, though nowadays many individuals are met with whose bodies are decorated with

designs copied from neighbouring tribes; the second including the tribes (mostly Klemantan) that have given

4. Malanau. 5. Miri. 6. Dali. 7. Narom. 8. Sigalang (downriver tribes of Ukit stock). 9. Siduan 10. Tutong.

11. Balait. 12. Bekiau (traces of a former practice of tatu occasionally found). 13. Bisaya. 14. Kadayans.

The patterns once employed by the tribes included in the second section of this list, most of which have

adopted Malay dress and to some extent Malay customs, are lost beyond recall. The Land Dayaks display

absolute ignorance of tatu, and aver that they never indulged in the practice. Maloh and Punan men

ornamented with Kayan tatu designs we have often encountered; but they have no designs of their own, and

We may note here that the ornamentation of the body by means of raised scars and keloids is not known in

Borneo. Both men and women of several tribes will test their bravery and indifference to pain by setting fire

to a row of small pieces of tinder placed along the forearm, and the scars caused by these burns are often

permanent, but should not be mistaken for decorative designs. Carl Bock (2, Pl. 16)[71] figures some Punan

women with rows of keloids on the forearms, but states (p. 71) that these are due to a form of vaccination

The Kayans are, with one or two exceptions, the most tatued race in Borneo, and perhaps the best tatued from

an artistic point of view; the designs used in the tatu of the men have been widely imitated, and much

ceremonial is connected with the tatu of the women, an account of which we give below. Generally speaking,

the true Klemantan designs are quite simple, and it is noteworthy that although the Kenyah tribes most nearly

akin to Kayans have borrowed the Kayan tatu patterns, the majority of Kenyah and Klemantan tribes employ

quite simple designs, whilst the primitive Kenyahs of the Batang Kayan river hardly tatu at all. A remarkable

exception to the general simplicity of the Klemantan patterns is furnished by the Ukits, Bakatan, and Biadjau,

who tatu very extensively in the most complex designs; the Long Utan, an extinct tribe, probably of

Klemantan stock, also used highly decorative and complex designs. Since so many tribes owe much of their

knowledge of tatu and the majority of their designs to the Kayans, it will be well to commence with an

Dr. Nieuwenhuis [9, p. 450] agrees with us in stating that amongst these people the men tatu chiefly for

ornament, and that no special significance is attached to the majority of designs employed; nor is there any

particular ceremonial or tabu connected with the process of tatuing the male sex. There is no fixed time of life

at which a man can be tatued, but in most cases the practice is begun early in boyhood. Nieuwenhuis [9, p.

Amongst the Sarawak Kayans, if a man has taken the head of an enemy he can have the backs of his hands

and fingers covered with tatu (Pl. 141, Fig. 1), but, if he has only had a share in the slaughter, one finger only,

and that generally the thumb, can be tatued. On the Mendalam river, the Kayan braves are tatued on the left

thumb only, not on the carpals and backs of the fingers, and the thigh pattern is also reserved for headtaking

heroes [9, p. 456]. Of the origin of tatu the Kayans relate the following story: Long ago when the plumage

of birds was dull and sober, the coucal (CENTROPUS SINENSIS) and the argus pheasant (ARGUSIANUS

GRAYI) agreed to tatu each other; the coucal began on the pheasant first, and succeeded admirably, as the

plumage of the pheasant bears witness at the present day; the pheasant then tried his hand on the coucal, but

being a stupid bird he was soon in difficulties; fearing that he would fail miserably to complete the task, he

told the coucal to sit in a bowl of SAMAK tan, and then poured the black dye over him, and flew off,

remarking that the country was full of enemies and he could not stop; that is why the coucal to this day has a

black head and neck with a tancoloured body. Nieuwenhuis [9, p. 456] relates substantially the same story,

the crow (CORONE MACRORHYNDYUS), however, being substituted for the coucal and the incident of

Among Kayans isolated designs are found on the following parts of the bodies of the men: The outside of

the wrist, the flexor surface of the forearm, high up on the outside of the thigh, on the breasts and on the

points of the shoulders, and, as already stated, in the case of warriors on the backs of the hands and fingers.

But not all the men are tatued on all these parts of the body. The design tatued on the wrist (Pl. 139, Figs. 8

10) is termed LUKUT, the name of an antique bead much valued by Kayans; the significance of this

design is of some interest. When a man is ill, it is supposed that his soul has escaped from his body; and when

he recovers it is supposed that his soul has returned to him; to prevent its departure on some future occasion

the man will "tie it in" by fastening round his wrist a piece of string on which is threaded a LUKUT[72] or

antique bead, some magic apparently being considered to reside in the bead. However, the string can get

broken and the bead lost, wherefore it seems safer to tatu a representation of the bead on the part of the wrist

which it would cover if actually worn. It is of interest also to note that the LUKUT, from having been a

charm to prevent the second escape of the soul, has come to be regarded as a charm to ward off all disease;

A design just below the biceps of a Punan tatued in the Kayan manner is shown on Pl. 142, Fig. 10, and we

were informed by the Punan that this also was a LUKUT, an excellent example of the indifference paid to the

On the forearm and thigh the UDOH ASU or dog pattern is tatued, and four typical examples are shown on

Pl. 136, Figs. 1, 2, 5, 6. Nieuwenhuis has figured a series of these designs [9, Pl. 82][73] showing a transition

from a very elongate animal form to a rosette form; we have occasionally met with the former amongst

Sarawak Kayans, but it is a common thigh design amongst the Mendalam Kayans; the forms numbered B and

C are unusual in Sarawak. Of the four examples given in Pl. 136 and it may be noted that these met with

the high approval of expert tatu artists Figs. 1, 2, and 5 may be considered as intermediate between

Nieuwenhuis' very elongate example F and the truncated form E which is supposed to represent the head only

of a dog. Fig. 2 is characteristic of the Uma Balubo Kayans, and is remarkable in that teeth are shown in both

jaws; whilst, both in this example and in Fig. 5, the eye is represented as a disc, in Figs. 1 and 6 the eye is

assuming a rosettelike appearance, which rosette, as Nieuwenhuis' series shows, is destined in some cases to

increase in size until it swallows up the rest of the design. Fig. 6 may be compared with Nieuwenhuis, Fig. E,

as it evidently represents little more than the head of a dog. Although a single figure of the dog is the most

usual form of tatu, we have met with an example of a double figure; it is shown in Fig. 7; it will be observed

that one of the dogs is reversed and the tails of the two figures interlock. Fig. 8 represents a dog with pups,

The dog design figures very prominently in Kayan art, and the fact that the dog is regarded by these people

and also by the Kenyahs with a certain degree of veneration may account for its general representation. The

design has been copied by a whole host of tribes, with degradation and change of name (Fig. 62).

On the deltoid region of the shoulders and on the breast, a rosette or a star design is found (text, Figs. 63 and

64). As already stated, it seems in the highest degree probable that the rosette is derived from the eye in the

dog pattern, and it is consequently of some interest to find that the name now given to the rosette pattern is

that of the fruit of a plant which was introduced into Borneo certainly within the last fifty or sixty years. The

plant is PLUKENETIA CORNICULATA, one of the Euphorbiaceae, and it is cultivated as a vegetable; its

Kayan name is JALAUT. We have here a good example of the gradual degradation of a design leading to a

loss of its original significance and even of its name, another name, which originated probably from some

fancied resemblance between pattern and object, being applied at a subsequent date. IPA OLIM, I.E., open

fruit of a species of MANGIFERA, is another name occasionally applied to the rosette pattern, but JALAUT

is in more general use (cf. Pl. 140, Fig. 4, Pl. 141, Fig. 7, and Pl. 142, Fig. 9).

On Pl. 141, Fig. 1, is shown a hand tatued in the Kayan manner; the figures on the phalanges are known as

TEGULUN,[74] representations of human figures or as SILONG, faces, and they are evidently

anthropomorphic derivatives. The triangles on the carpal knuckles are termed SONG IRANG, shoots of

Kayan women are tatued in complicated serial[75] designs over the whole forearm, the backs of the hands,

over the whole of the thighs and to below the knees, and on the metatarsal surfaces of the feet. The tatuing of

a Kayan girl is a serious operation, not only because of the considerable amount of pain caused, but also on

account of the elaborate ceremonial attached to this form of body ornamentation. The process is a long one,

lasting sometimes as much as four years, since only a small piece can be done at a sitting, and several long

intervals elapse between the various stages of the work. A girl when about ten years old will probably have

had her fingers and the upper part of her feet tatued, and about a year later her forearms should have been

completed; the thighs are partially tatued during the next year, and in the third or fourth year from the

commencement, I.E. about puberty, the whole operation should have been accomplished.

A woman endeavours to have her tatu finished before she becomes pregnant, as it is considered immodest to

be tatued after she has become a mother. If a woman has a severe illness after any portion of her body has

been tatued, the work is not continued for some little time; moreover, according to Nieuwenhuis (9, p. 453), a

woman cannot be tatued during seed time nor if a dead person is lying unburied in the house, since it is LALI

to let blood at such times; bad dreams, such as a dream of floods, foretelling much bloodletting, will also

interrupt the work. A tatued woman may not eat the flesh of the monitor lizard (VARANUS) or of the scaly

manis (MANIS JAVANICA), and her husband also is included in the tabu until the pair have a male and a

female child. If they have a daughter only they may not eat the flesh of the monitor until their child has been

tatued; if they have a son only they cannot eat the monitor until they become grandparents. Should a girl have

brothers, but no sisters, some of her tatu lines must not be joined together, but if she has brothers and sisters,

Tatu amongst Kayan women is universal; they believe that the designs act as torches in the next world, and

that without these to light them they would remain for ever in total darkness; one woman told Dr.

Nieuwenhuis that after death she would be recognised by the impregnation of her bones with the tatu

pigment. The operation of tatuing amongst Kayans is performed by women, never by men, and it is always

the women who are the experts on the significance and quality of tatu designs, though the men actually carve

the designs on the tatu blocks. Nieuwenhuis states (9, p. 452) that the office of tatuer is to a certain extent

hereditary, and that the artists, like smiths and carvers, are under the protection of a tutelary spirit, who must

be propitiated with sacrifices before each operation. As long as the children of the artist are of tender age she

is debarred from the practice of her profession. The greater the number of sacrifices offered, or in other

words, the greater the experience of the artist, the higher is the fee demanded. She is also debarred from

eating certain food. It is supposed that if an artist disregards the prohibitions imposed upon her profession,

the designs that she tatus will not appear clearly, and she herself may sicken and die.

The tools used by a tatu artist are simple,[76] consisting of two or three prickers, ULANG or ULANG

BRANG, and an iron striker, TUKUN or PEPAK, which are kept in a wooden case, BUNGAN. The pricker

is a wooden rod with a short pointed head projecting at right angles at one end; to the point of the head is

attached a lump of resin in which are embedded three or four short steel needles, their points alone projecting

from the resinous mass (Fig. 68). The striker is merely a short iron rod, half of which is covered with a string

lashing. The pigment is a mixture of soot, water, and sugarcane juice, and it is kept in a double shallow cup

of wood, UIT ULANG; it is supposed that the best soot is obtained from the bottom of a metal cookingpot,

but that derived from burning resin or dammar is also used. The tatu designs are carved in high relief on

blocks of wood, KELINGE[77] (Fig. 62), which are smeared with the ink and then pressed on the part to be

tatued, leaving an impression of the designs. As will be seen later, the designs tatued on women are in

longitudinal rows or transverse bands, and the divisions between the rows or bands are marked by one or

The subject who is to be tatued lies on the floor, the artist and an assistant squatting on either side of her; the

artist first dips a piece of fibre from the sugarpalm (ARENGA SACCHARIFERA) into the pigment and,

pressing this on to the limb to be tatued, plots out the arrangement of the rows or bands of the design; along

these straight lines the artist tatus the IKOR, then taking a tatu block carved with the required design, she

smears it with pigment and presses it on to the limb between two lines. The tatuer or her assistant stretches

with her feet the skin of the part to be tatued, and, dipping a pricker into the pigment, taps its handle with the

striker, driving the needle points into the skin at each tap. The operation is painful, and the subject can rarely

restrain her cries of anguish; but the artist is quite unmoved by such demonstrations of woe, and proceeds

methodically with her task. As no antiseptic precautions are taken, a newly tatued part often ulcerates, much

to the detriment of the tatu; but taking all things into consideration, it is wonderful how seldom one meets

It is against custom to draw the blood of a friend (PESU DAHA), and therefore, when first blood is drawn in

tatuing, it is customary to give a small present to the artist. The present takes the form of four antique beads,

or of some other object worth about one dollar; it is termed LASAT MATA, for it is supposed that if it were

omitted the artist would go blind, and some misfortune would happen to the parents and relations of the girl

When the half of one IKOR has been completed the tattier stops and asks for SELIVIT; this is a present of a

few beads, welltodo people paying eight yellow beads of the variety known as LAVANG, valued at one

dollar apiece, whilst poor people give two beads. It is supposed that if SELIVIT was not paid the artist would

be worried by the dogs and fowls that always roam about a Kayan house, so that the work would not be

satisfactorily done; however, to make assurance doubly sure, a curtain is hung round the operator and her

subject to keep off unwelcome intruders. After SELIVIT has been paid a cigarette is smoked, and then work

recommences in earnest, there being no further interruptions for the rest of the day except for the purpose of

taking food. The food of the artist must be cooked and brought to her, as she must not stop to do other work

than tatuing, and her tools are only laid aside for a few minutes while she consumes a hurried meal. Fowls or

a pig are killed for the artist by the parents of the girl who is being tatued. The fees paid to the artist are more

or less fixed; for the forearms a gong, worth from eight to twenty dollars, according to the workmanship

required; for the thighs a large TAWAK, worth as much as sixty dollars if the very best workmanship is

demanded, from six to twenty dollars if only inferior workmanship is required.[78] For tatuing the fingers the

operator receives a MALAT or short sword. Nieuwenhuis (8, p. 236) states that it is supposed that the artist

will die within a year if her charges are excessive; but we have not met with this belief amongst the Kayans

The kneecap is the last part to be tatued, and before this is touched the artist must be paid; as this part of the

design is the keystone, as it were, of the whole, the required fee is always forthcoming. A narrow strip down

the back of the thigh is always left untatued; it is supposed that mortification of the legs would ensue if this

The time at which to begin tatuing a girl is about the ninth day after new moon, this lunar phase being known

as BUTIT HALAP, the belly of the HALAP fish (BARBUS BRAMOIDES); as the skin of the girl being

tatued quickly becomes very tender, it is often necessary to stop work for a few days, but it is a matter of

indifference at what lunar phase work recommences, so long as it was originally begun at BUTIT HALAP.

A Kayan chief of the Mendalam river informed Dr. Nieuwenhuis [9, p. 4551 that in his youth only the wives

and daughters of chiefs were permitted the thigh tatu, women of lower rank had to be content with tatu of the

lower part of the shin and of the ankles and feet. The designs were in the form of quadrangular blotches

divided by narrow untatued lines, and were known as TEDAK DANAU, lake tatu. The quadrangles were

twelve in number, divided from each other by four longitudinal and two transverse untatued lines, 6

millimetres broad, two of the longitudinal lines running down each side of the front of the leg, and two down

each side of the calf, approximately equidistant; the forearm was tatued in the same style. This manner of tatu

is obsolete now, but Dr. Nieuwenhuis was fortunate in finding one very old woman so tatued.

Nowadays the class restrictions as regards tatu are not so closely observed, but it is always possible to

distinguish between the designs of a chiefs daughter, an ordinary freewoman, and a slave, by the number of

lines composing the figures of the designs, the fewer these lines, the lower being the rank of the woman.

Moreover, the designs of the lowerclass women are not nearly so complex as those of the higher class, and

A very typical design for the forearm of a woman of high rank is shown on Pl. 140, Fig. 3; it is taken from a

Kayan of the Uma Pliau subtribe dwelling on the Baram river, and may be compared with the somewhat

similar designs of the Mendalam river Kayans figured by Nieuwenhuis [9, Pl. 85], one of which is a design

for a chiefs daughter, the other for a slave. The zigzag lines bounding the pattern on both surfaces of the

forearm are the IKOR, and these, as already stated, are marked out with a piece of fibre dipped in the tatu ink

before the rest of the pattern is impressed by a woodblock or KLINGE. Taking the flexor surface of the

forearm first, the units of the designs are: three bands of concentric circles (AAA) termed BELILING

BULAN or full moons; a triangle (B) each, limb formed by several parallel lines, DULANG HAROK, the

bows of a boat; spirals (CC) ULU TINGGANG, the head of the hornbill. On the supinator surface

BELILING BULAN and ULU TINGGANG occur again, but instead of DULANG HAROK, there are two

other elements, a bold transverse zigzag known as DAUN WI (D), rattan leaves, and at the proximal end of

the pattern an interlacing design, TUSHUN TUVA (E), bundles of tuba root (DERRIS ELLIPTICA). The

fingers are very simply tatued with a zigzag on the carpal knuckles and transverse lines across the joints; the

thumb is decorated in a slightly different way. In Dr. Nieuwenhuis' designs cited above, we find much the

same elements; in one of them the BELILING BULAN are more numerous and more closely set together, so

that the concentric circles of one set have run into those of the next adjoining; the TUSHUN TUVA pattern is

termed POESOENG, evidently the same as TUSHUN; the spirals are much degraded in one example and are

called KROWIT, or hooks, whilst in the more elaborate example they are known as MANOK WAK, or eyes

of the SCOPS owl; the PEDJAKO PATTERN is an addition, but the meaning of the word is not known; the

pattern on the fingers is much more complex than in the Uma Pliau example, and is perhaps a degraded

Nieuwenhuis [8, Pl. XXIV.] figures the hand of a lowclass woman tatued with triangular and quadrangular

blotches, and with some rude designs that appear to have been worked in freehand.

On Pl. 140, Fig. 1, is shown the design on the forearm of a highclass woman of the Uma Lekan Kayans of

the Batang Kayan river, Dutch Borneo; in our opinion these elegant designs are quite in the front rank of the

tatu designs of the world. In spite of the elaboration, it is quite possible to distinguish in these the same

elements as in the Uma Pliau specimen, viz.: BELILING BULAN ULU TINGGANG DAUN WI and

TUSHUN TUVA; but the DULANG HAROK is absent, and the SILONG or face pattern appears.

Nieuwenhuis [9, Pl. 93, b] figures the armtatu (supinator surface only) of a Kayan woman of the Bluu

river, a tributary of the Upper Mahakkam; the main design is evidently a hornbill derivative, the knuckles are

tatued with quadrangular and rectangular blotches. The hornbill plays an important part in the decorative art

of the Long Glat, a Klemantan tribe of the Mahakkam river, and we suspect that, if these Bluu Kayans are

of true Kayan stock, they have borrowed the hornbill design from their neighbours.

With regard to the thigh patterns, it is usual to find the back of the thigh occupied with two strips of an

intersecting line design, or some modification thereof; the simplest form is shown on Pl. 138, Fig. 1; it is

known as IDA TELO, the threeline pattern, and is used by slaves; a more elaborate example from the

Rejang river is shown in Fig. 3, and is used both by slaves and freewomen. Pl. 138, Fig. 2, and Pl. 139, Fig.

6, are termed IDA PAT, the fourline pattern, and are for freewomen, not for slaves. The latter figure is a

combination of IDA PAT and IDA TELO. The wives and daughters of chiefs would employ similar designs

with the addition of another line, when they are termed IDA LIMA, the fiveline pattern, or else a design,

known as IDA TUANG, the underside pattern, two examples of which are given on Pl. 139, Figs. 1 and 2. If

these two latter designs are compared with the hornbill design of the Long Glat, a figure of which, taken from

Nieuwenhuis [9, Pl. 86] is given (Pl. 139, Fig. 3) a certain similarity in the MOTIF of the designs can be

recognised. It must be remembered that the Long Glat design is tatued in rows down the front and sides of the

thigh, whilst these Kayan designs have been modified to form more or less of a sinuous line design for the

back of the thigh; or, in other words, the hornbill elements in the Long Glat design, though they are serially

repeated, are quite separate and distinct one from the other, whilst in the Kayan designs the hornbill elements

are fused and modified to produce the sinuous line pattern that in one form or another is generally employed

for the decoration of the back of the thigh. In this connection Pl. 139, Fig. 5, is instructive; it is taken from a

tatu block which, together with those from which Figs. 1 and 2 are taken, was collected many years ago by

Mr. Brooke Low, amongst the Kayans of the Upper Rejang; it also appears to be a doc, derivative, and no

doubt was used for the tatu of the front of a woman's thigh,[79] being serially repeated in three or four rows

as with the Long Glat. Yet it was unknown as a tatu design to some Kayans of the Baram river to whom it

was shown recently; they informed us that the name of the design was TUANG BUVONG ASU, pattern of

dog without tail, and they stated that a somewhat similar design was engraved by them on sword blades. Pl.

139, Fig. 4, is taken from a tatublock of uncertain origin, and the same name was also applied to this by the

Baram Kayans, though with some hesitation and uncertainty; the hornbill MOTIF is here quite obvious.

We have stated that an interlacing line design is generally employed for the back of the thigh; we figure,

however, a remarkable exception from the Baloi river (Pl. 140, Fig. 5); this is known as KALONG KOWIT,

hook pattern; A is a representation of an antique bead, BALALAT LUKUT, B is known as KOWIT, hooks.

Between the two strips of line design at the back of the thigh runs a narrow line of untatued skin, the

supposed object of which has been described above. The front and sides of the thigh in highclass women will

be covered with three or more strips of pattern such as are shown on Pl. 138, Figs. 4 and 5; in the latter

recognised; the ULU TINGGANG in this example are less conventionalised than in the spirals of the forearm

pattern, and a spiral form of TUSHUN TUVA IS shown in addition to the angular form. The other example

exhibits IDA LIMA, TUSHUN TUVA JALAUT, KOWIT (the interlocking spirals) and ULU TINGGANG.

All these strips of pattern are separated by the IKOR. The kneecap is the last part of the leg to be tatued, and

the design covering it is called the KALONG NANG, the important pattern, good examples of which are

shown in Figs. 70, 71; Fig. 72 represents the design on the front and sides of the thigh of an Uma Semuka

The admirable Uma Lekan patterns (Pl. 140, Fig. 2) represent on the back of the thigh (AA) BELILING

BULAN, on the front and sides (BB) SILONG, faces or SILONG LEJAU, tigers' faces; the latter is evidently

an anthropomorph; the kneecap design is particularly worthy of notice.[80] Nieuwenhuis [9, Pl. 83, and 8,

Pl. XXVII.] figures the thigh tatu of a Mendalam woman of the PANJIN or freewoman class; the back of

the thigh is occupied by two strips of the four line pattern, here termed KETONG PAT, and a somewhat

crude anthropomorphic design, known as KOHONG KELUNAN, human head, covers the front and sides of

the thigh (text Fig. 69); the centre of the kneecap is occupied by a very similar anthropomorph, known

however as NANG KLINGE, the important design, and extending in a semicircle round the upper part of it is

a design made up of intersecting zigzags and known as KALANG NGIPA, the snake design; below the

kneecap is a transverse band of hourglass shaped figures termed PEDJAKO. Nieuwenhuis also figures [9,

Pl. 841 the thigh pattern of a chiefs daughter from the same river; this only differs from the preceding

example in the greater elaboration of the KOHONG KELUNAN; the back of the thigh is covered by a form

of the IDA PAT pattern not by the IDA LIMA pattern. Some of the tatublocks employed by the Mendalam

A comparison of the figures here given lends strong support to the supposition that the tubaroot pattern is

merely a degraded anthropomorph. Fig. 69 is a recognisable anthropomorph such as is tatued in rows on the

thigh, and some such name as TEGULUN, SILONG, or KOHONG is applied to it. Fig. 70 is a kneecap

design, evidently anthropomorphic in nature, but termed NANG KLINGE, the important design, since it is

the last part of all to be tatued. Fig.71 is termed TUSHUN TUVA, but a distinct face is visible in the centre of

the pattern; the general similarity between this last design and the examples of TUSHUN TUVA shown in the

designs on Pl. 138, Figs. 4 and 5, is quite obvious; the lower of the two TUSHUN TUVA designs in Fig. 5,

Pl. 138, is Cornposed of angular lines, thus reverting to the angularity of the lines in text, Fig. 69; at E, Fig. 3,

Pl. 140, the lines are partly angular, partly curved, and the bilateral symmetry is entirely lost; finally, in Fig.

72, the relationship of the TUSHUN TUVA design to an anthropomorph is entirely lost.

A typical form of tatu on the foot of a lowclass woman is shown on Pl. 138, Fig. 6; a chiefs daughter would

have some modification of the principal element of the thigh design tatued on this part.

The culture of the Sarawak Kenyahs is closely allied to that of the Kayans, and their tatu may be considered

separately from that of the KenyahKlemantan tribes whose tatu is much more original in design.

The men of such Kenyah tribes as the Lepu Jalan, Lepu Tau, Lepu Apong, etc., if tatued at all, are tatued in

the Kayan manner, that is, with some form of dog design on the forearms and thighs, and with rosettes or

stars on the shoulders and breasts. The dog design is usually known as USANG ORANG, the prawn pattern;

the teeth of the dog are held to represent the notched border of the prominent rostrum characteristic of the

prawns of the genus PALAEMAN, that occur so plentifully in the freshwater streams of Borneo. An

extreme modification of the dog design to form a prawn is shown in Pl. 137, Fig. 9; Pl. 136, Fig. 4, is a dog

design, and is so termed. Pl. 136, Fig. 10, is known as TOYU, a crab; A is the mouth, BA; B the claw,

KATIP; C the back, LIKUT; D the tail, IKONG. Pl. 136, Fig. 9, is termed LIPAN KATIP, jaws of the

centipede. All these are tatued on the flexor surface of the forearm or on the outside of the thigh.[81] An

example of a star design termed USONG DIAN, durian pattern, is shown in Pl. 141, Fig. 7. The women of

these tribes tatu in the same way, and employ the same designs as the Kayans, except that they never tatu on

the thighs. Amongst the Baram Kenyahs there appears to be very little ceremonial connected with the process

Amongst this rather heterogeneous assemblage of tribes considerable diversity of tatu design is found. The

men are seldom tatued, but when they are it is in the Kayan manner. The Peng or Pnihing of the Koti basin

have an elaborate system of male tatu, but it seems to be dying out; the only examples that we have met are

shown on Pl. 141, Figs. 2 and 3. These represent the arms of Peng men; unfortunately we have no

information as to the significance of the designs. The only other Peng design that we are acquainted with is a

large disc tatued on the calf of the leg. Dr. Nieuwenhuis states that Peng women are tatued with isolated dog

The Kenyah women of the Baram district exhibit a very primitive style of tatu on the arms and hands (Pl.

141, Fig. 4); a broad band encircles the middle of the forearm, and a narrow band an inch or so distant of this

also surrounds the arm; from this narrow band there run over the metacarpals to the base of the fingers eight

narrow lines, the outermost on the radial side bifurcating; the design is known as BETIK ALLE or line tatu.

Nieuwenhuis figures [9, Pl. 95] a somewhat similar design employed by the Lepu Tau women of the Batang

Kayan; but in this case, instead of eight longitudinal lines stopping short at the knuckles, there are five broad

bands running to the finger nails, interrupted at the knuckles by a 2 cm.broad strip of untatued skin.

Moreover, with these people the front and sides of the thigh and the shin are tatued with primitivelooking

designs made up of series of short transverse lines, curved lines, and broad bands; the names of the designs

are not given; these designs are said to be characteristic of the slaveclass, the higherclass women copying

Amongst the Batang Kayan Kenyahs tatuing cannot be executed in the communal house, but only in a hut

built for the purpose. The males of the family, to which the girl undergoing the operation belongs, must dress

in barkcloth, and are confined to the house until the tatu is completed; should any of the male members be

travelling in other parts of the island tatu cannot be commenced until they return. Amongst the Uma Tow (or

Lepu Tau) the daughter of a chief must be tatued before any of the other females of the house; should the

chiefs daughter (or daughters) die before she has been tatued, all the other women of the house are debarred

Nieuwenhuis, in his great work on Borneo, which we have cited so often, gives a good account of the tatu of

the Long Glat. According to this authority, girls when only eight years old have the backs of the fingers

tatued, at the commencement of menstruation the tatu of the fingers is completed, and in the course of the

following year the tatu is carried over the backs of the hand to the wrist; the feet are tatued synchronously

with the hands. At the age of eighteen to twenty the front of the thigh is tatued, and later on in life the back of

the thigh; unlike the Kayans it is not necessary that the tatu of the thighs should be finished before

childbearing. A Long Glat woman on each day that she is tatued must kill a black fowl as food for the artist.

They believe that after death the completely tatued women will be allowed to bathe in the mythical river

Telang Julan, and that consequently they will be able to pick up the pearls that are found in its bed;

incompletely tatued women can only stand on the river bank, whilst the untatued will not be allowed to

approach its shores at all. This belief appears to be universal amongst the KenyahKlemantan of the Upper

Mahakam and Batang Kayan. On Pl. 86 of Nieuwenhuis' book [9] is figured the thigh tatu of a Long Glat

woman; the front of the thigh is occupied with two rows of the hornbill MOTIF to which reference has

already been made. The sides of the thigh are tatued with a beautiful design of circles and scrolls termed

KERIP KWE, flight feathers of the Argus pheasant, and on the back of the thigh is a scroll design borrowed

from the decoration of a grave and known as KALANG SONG SEPIT.[83] The knee is left untatued. Some

other examples of the KERIP KWE design are given on Pl. 90, and of the SONG SEPIT on Pl. 91; some of

the SONG SEPIT designs recall the KALANG KOWIT designs of the Baloi Kayans. Instead of a hornbill

MOTIF, a dog's head MOTIF is sometimes tatued on the thigh, an example of which is figured on Pl. 87, Fig.

A; it appears to be a composition of four heads, and in appearance is not unlike SILONG LEJAU of the Uma

Lekan, figured by us. In the Long Glat thightatu the bands of pattern are not separated by lines of IKOR, as

with the Kayans. Round the ankles the Long Glat tatu sixteen lines, 3 mm. broad, known as TEDAK AKING;

the foot is tatued much after the manner shown in our Fig. 6, Pl. 143. The supinator surface of the forearm

and the backs of the hands are also tatued, but the design does not extend so far up the arm as with the

Kayans [9, Pl. 92]; the forearm design is made up of a hornbill MOTIF, but that shown in Fig. A of the plate

is termed BETIK KULE, leopard pattern, and is supposed to be a representation of the spots on the leopard's

skin; it is stated to be taken from a Long Tepai tatublock; the knuckles are tatued with a double row of

The Uma Luhat seem to have borrowed their tatu and designs very largely if not entirely from the Long Glat;

with them the back of the thigh is tatued before the front, which is exceptional. Half of the knee is tatued.

Their designs are modifications of the hornbill and dog's head designs of the Long Glat. Nieuwenhuis figures

several examples [9, Pl. 87, Fig. B, Plate 88, Pl. 89, Pl. 93, Fig. A, Pl. 94], which should be consulted, as they

The Long Wai seem to tatu in much the same way as the Uma Luhat [2, Pl., p. 189 and 7, p. 91].

A number of tribes have adopted more or less the tatu of the Kayans. Thus the men of the following Sarawak

tribes, Sibops, Lirongs, Tanjongs, Long Kiputs, Barawans, and Kanowits, are often, though not universally,

tatued like Kayans. The shoulder pattern of the Barawans is distinctive, in that the rosette nearly always bears

a scroll attached to it, a relic of the dog MOTIF, from which the design is derived (Pl. 138, Fig. 6). E. B.

Haddon [4, Fig. 17] figures another form of the dog MOTIF, which is tatued on the thigh or forearm, and

Ling Roth [7, p. 86] figures three rosette designs for the breast; we figure two modifications of the dog design

on Pl. 137, Figs. 7 and 8. The women of these tribes very rarely tatu; we have seen a Tanjong woman with a

circle of starshaped figures round her wrist and one on the thumb. The Tring women of Dutch Borneo are

tatued on the hands and thighs like Kayans; Carl Bock [2, Pl., p. 187] gives some figures of them. In our

opinion all of these tribes owe their tatu entirely to foreign influences; for we have failed to find a single

example of an original design; the practice is by no means universal, and great catholicity of taste is shown

by those who do tatu. The men, moreover, do not tatu as a sign of bravery in battle or adventure, but merely

We shall now treat of those tribes that have a distinctive and original tatu, but it is well to bear in mind, that

amongst many of these people also the Kayan designs are coming into vogue more and more, ousting the old

designs. No tatublocks are employed for the indigenous patterns, all the work being done freehand.

(A) UMA LONG. The Uma Long women of the Batang Kayan exhibit the most primitive form of tatu

known in Borneo. It differs from every other form in that the tatued surface of the skin is not covered

uniformly with the ink, but the design, such as it is, is merely stippled into the skin, producing an appearance

of closeset irregular dots. Two aspects of the forearm of an Uma Long woman are shown on Pl. 142, Fig. 5.

No other part of the body is tatued, and the practice is confined to the female sex.

(B) DUSUN. The men only tatu. The design is simple, consisting of a band, two inches broad, curving

from each shoulder and meeting its fellow on the abdomen, thence each band diverges to the hip and there

ends; from the shoulder each band runs down the upper arm on its exterior aspect; the flexor surface of the

forearm is decorated with short transverse stripes, and, according to one authority, each stripe marks an

enemy slain [7, p. 90]. This form of tatu is found chiefly amongst the Idaan group of Dusuns; according to

Whitehead [11, p. 106] the Dusuns living on the slopes of Mount Kina Balu tatu no more than the parallel

transverse stripes on the forearm, but in this case no reference is made to the significance of the stripes as a

small scroll design just above the kneecap and a simple circle on the breast; the women have fine lines

tatued from the knuckles to the elbows [7, p. 93]. The Muruts of British North Borneo appear to be more

generally tatued; the men are tatued like Dusuns, though, according to Hatton, they have three parallel stripes

running from the shoulders to the wrists and no transverse lines on the forearm.[84] Whitehead [11, p. 76]

figures a Murut woman of the Lawas river tatued on the arms from the biceps to the knuckles with numerous

fine longitudinal lines; a band of zigzag design encircles the arm just above the commencement of the

longitudinal lines. The design on a man of the same tribe is given on page 73 [11], it resembles "a

threelegged dog with a crocodile's head, one leg being turned over the back as if the animal was going to

scratch its ear." The part of the body on which the design was tatued, is not specified and the sketch is rather

inadequate, so that it is impossible to tell for certain whether the design was tatued in outline only or whether

the outline was filled in uniformly; our impression is that the outline only was tatued on this individual, and

that it was employed either as an experiment or from idle amusement. Zoomorphs are conspicuous by their

absence from all forms of decorative art amongst the Lawas Muruts, and the particular zoomorph noted here

St. John states [7, p. 92] that the Muruts of the Adang river, a tributary of the Limbang, are tatued about the

(D) KALABIT. This tribe, dwelling in the watershed of the Limbang and Baram rivers, is closely akin to

Muruts, but its tatu is very different. The men tatu but rarely, and then with stripes down the arms. The

women, however, are decorated with most striking geometrical designs, shown on Pl. 142, Figs. 1 4. On

the forearm are tatued eight bold zigzag bands, oneeighth of an inch broad, which do not completely

encircle the arm, but stop short of joining at points on the ulnar side of the middle line on the flexor surface.

The series of lines is known as BETIK TISU, the hand pattern. In some cases two short transverse lines,

called TIPALANG, crosslines, spring from the most distal zigzag at the point where it touches the back of

the wrist on the radial side; in other cases these lines are tatued across the middle of the back of the wrist and

two lozenges are tatued on the metacarpals; these are known as TEPARAT (Pl. 142, Fig. 1). The legs are

tatued on the back of the thigh, on the shin, and sometimes on the kneecap. The designs can best be

explained by a reference to Pl. 142, Figs. 2 4; the part of the design marked A is termed BETIK BUAH,

fruit pattern; B, betik lawa, trunk pattern; and C, BETIK LULUD, shin pattern. In Fig. 4, A and C are as

Kalabit women are tatued when they are sixteen years old, whether they are married or unmarried, and the

operation does not extend over a number of years as with the Long Glat and Kayans, nor is any elaborate

(E) LONG UTAN. An extinct Klemantan tribe, once dwelling on the Tinjar river, an affluent of the

Baram. We owe our knowledge of their tatu to an aged Klemantan, who was well acquainted with the tribe

before their disappearance; at our behest he carved on some wooden models of arms and legs the tatu designs

of these people, but he was unable to supply any information of the names or significance of the designs. The

men of the tribe apparently were not tatued, and the designs reproduced on Pl. 141, Figs. 5, 6, are those of the

women. The essential features of the designs are spirals and portions of intersecting circles; the intersecting

circles are frequently to be met with in the decorative art of Kenyahs, E.G. on the back of swordhandles,

round the top of posts, on carved bamboos, etc., and in these cases the design is supposed to be a

representation of the open fruit of a species of mango, MANGIFERA SP. It is not improbable that the design

had the same significance amongst the Long Utan, for we have met with one or two representations of the

(F) BIAJAU. The Dutch author C. den Hamer [5, p. 451] includes under this heading the tribes living in

the districts watered by the rivers Murung, Kahayan, Katingan, and Mentaja of Southwest Borneo. Under

this very elastic heading he would include the OtDanum, Siang, and Ulu Ajar of Nieuwenhuis, but we treat

of these in the next section. The ethnology of the Barito, Kahayan, and Katingan riverbasins sadly needs

further investigation; nothing of importance has been published on this region since the appearance of

Schwaner's book on Borneo more than fifty years ago. We know really very little of the distribution or

constitution of the tribes dwelling in these districts, and Schwaner's account of their tatu is very meagre. Such

as it is, it is given here, extracted from Ling Roth's TRANSLATION OF SCHWANER'S

ETHNOGRAPHICAL NOTES [7, pp. cxci. cxciv.]: The men of Pulu Petak, the righthand lower branch of

the Barito or Banjermasin river, tatu the upper part of the body, the arms and calves of legs, with elegant

interlacing designs and scrolls. The people of the Murung river are said to be most beautifully tatued, both

men and women; this river is really the upper part of the Barito, and according to Hamer is inhabited by the

Biajau (VIDE POSTEA), who appear to be distinct from the Ngaju of Schwaner, inhabiting the lower courses

of the Barito and Kapuas rivers. The men of the lower lefthand branch of the Barito and of the midcourse of

that river are often not tatued at all, but such tatu as was extant in 1850 was highly significant according to

Schwaner's account; thus, a figure composed of two spiral lines interlacing each other and with stars at the

extremities tatued on the shoulder signified that the man had taken several heads; two lines meeting each

other at an acute angle behind the finger nails signified dexterity in woodcarving; a star on the temple was a

sign of happiness in love. We have no reason to consider this information inaccurate, but we do consider it

lamentable that more details concerning the most interesting forms of tatu in Borneo were not obtained, for it

is only too probable that such information cannot be acquired now. The women of this tribe do not tatu. In the

upper Teweh river, an upper tributary of the Barito the men are tatued a good deal, especially on parts of the

face, such as the forehead, the cheeks, the upper lip. The only figures that Schwaner gives are reproduced by

Ling Roth [7, p. 931, they represent two Ngajus; the tatu designs are drawn on too small a scale to be of much

interest, and in any case we have no information concerning them. The two figures of 'Tatued Dyaks' (?

Kayans) (after Professor Veth), on p. 95 of the abovecited work cannot be referred to any tribe known to us.

Hamer in his paper [5] gives a detailed account of Biajau tatu, but, unfortunately, without any illustrations; as

abstracts of the paper have already been given by Ling Roth [7, pp. 93, 94] and by Hein [6, pp. 143 147],

(G) OTDANUM, ULU AJAR, AND SIANG (Kapuas river, tributaries). Concerning these tribes

Nieuwenhuis says but little [9, p. 452], merely noting that the men are first tatued with discs on the calf and

in the hollow of the knee and later over the arms, torso, and throat, whilst the women tatu the hands, knees,

and shins. Two colours, red and blue, are used, and the designs are tatued freehand, the instrument

employed being a piece of copper or brass about four inches long and half an inch broad, with one end bent

down at a right angle and sharpened to a point. Sometimes thread is wound round the end of the instrument

just above the point, to regulate the depth of its penetration. Two specimens in the Leyden Museum are

figured by Ling Roth [7, p. 85]. Hamer [5] says that the OtDanum women are tatued down the shin to the

tarsus with two parallel lines, joined by numerous crosslines, a modification of the Uma Tow design for the

same part of the limb. On the thigh is tatued a design termed SOEWROE, said to resemble a neck ornament.

A disc tatued on the calf of the leg is termed BOENTOER, and from it to the heel runs a barbed line called

IKOEH BAJAN, tail of the monitor lizard; curiously enough, though this is the general name of the design, it

is on the right leg also termed BARAREK, on the left DANDOE TJATJAH. Warriors are tatued on the

A Maloh who had lived for many years amongst these people gave us the following information about their

tatu: There is with these people a great difference between the tatu of the highclass and that of the

lowclass individuals: amongst the former the designs are both extensive and complicated, too complicated

for our informant to describe with any degree of accuracy, but they seem to be much the same as those

described by Hamer. The lowclass people have to be content with simpler designs; the men are tatued on the

breast and stomach with two curved lines ending in curls, and on the outside of each arm with two lines also

ending in curls (Pl. 142, Fig. 6); on the outside of the thigh a rather remarkable design, shown on Pl. 142, Fig.

7, is tatued; it is termed LINSAT, the flying squirrel, PTEROMYS NITIDUS, and on the back of the calf is

tatued a disc termed KALANG BABOI, the wild pig pattern. The women are tatued as described by Hamer

down the front of the shin with two parallel lines connected by transverse crossbars; according to our

informant the design was supposed to represent a flat fish, such as a sole. (Pl. 142, Fig. 8.)

Of these people, as of so many others, the melancholy tale of disappearance of tatu amongst the present

generation and replacement of indigenous by Kayan designs was told, and it seems only too likely that within

the next decade or two none will be left to illustrate a once flourishing and beautiful art.

Schwaner can add nothing to the facts that we have collected, except the statement that "the BILIANS

(priestesses) have brought the art of tatuing to the present degree of perfection through learning the

(H) KAHAYAN. Our figure (Pl. 141, Fig. 3), and Pl. 81 of Dr. Nieuwenhuis' book [9], is the extent of our

knowledge of the tatu of the inhabitants of the Kahayan river. The latter illustration shows a man tatued with

a characteristic check pattern over the torso, stomach, and arms, but there is no reference to the plate in the

(I) BAKATAN AND UKIT. As Nieuwenhuis has pointed out [9, p. 451], the tatu of these tribes is

distinctive, inasmuch as most of the designs are left in the natural colour of the skin against a background of

tatu; that is to say in the phraseology of the photographer, whilst the tatu designs of Kayans, Kenyahs, etc.,

are POSITIVES, those of the Bakatans are NEGATIVES. The men were formerly most extensively tatued,

and we figure the principal designs (Pl. 143), most of which were drawn from a Bakatan of the Rejang river.

The chest is covered with a bold scroll design known as GEROWIT, hooks (Kayan, KOWIT) (Figs. 1, 2);

across the back and shoulder blades stretches a double row of circles, KANAK, with small hooks interposed

(Fig. 9); on the side of the shoulder a pattern known as AKIH, the lizard, PLYCHOZOON

HOMALOCEPHALUM (Fam. Geckonidae), is tatued (Figs. 3, 4); this lizard is used as a haruspex by the

Bakatan. Circles are tatued on the biceps, on the back of the thigh, and on the calf of the leg; a modification

of the scroll design of the chest occurs on the flexor surface of the forearm. Another form of pattern for the

calf of the leg is shown in Fig. 73, it is termed SELONG BOWANG, the horsemango, MANGIFERA SP.,

the same fruit as that termed by Kayans IPA OLIM, and of which a representation forms the chief element in

the Long Utan tatu. A series of short lines is tatued on the jaw, and is termed JA, lines, or KILANG,

swordpattern, and a GEROWIT design occurs under the jaw; the pattern on the throat is known also as

GEROWIT (Fig. 10). On the forehead is sometimes tatued a star or rosette pattern called LUKUT, antique

bead, and it appears that this is of the nature of a recognition mark. In jungle warfare, where a stealthy

descent on an unprepared enemy constitutes the main principle of tactics, it not unfrequently happens that one

body of the attacking force unwittingly stalks another, and the results might be disastrous if there was not

some means of distinguishing friend from foe when at close quarters.[85] Kenyahs when on the warpath

frequently tie a band of plaited palm fibre round the wrist for the same object. The tatu of the backs of the

hands is avowedly copied from the Kayans, but has a different name applied to it KUKUM. The

metatarsus is tatued with broad bars, IWA, very like the foot tatu of Kayan women of the slave or of the

Tatuing is forbidden in the house; it can only be performed on the warpath, and consequently men only are

the tatu artists. The covering of the body with designs is a gradual process, and it is only the most seasoned

and experienced warriors who exhibit on their persons all the different designs that we have just detailed. The

tatu of the legs and feet is the last to be completed, and the lines round the ankles are denied to all but the

All that has been written above applies equally well to the Ukits, or at least once did apply, for now the Ukits

have to a great extent adopted the tatu of the Kayan, and it is only occasionally that an old man tatued in the

original, Ukit manner is met. We give a figure of a design on the back of the thigh of such a relic of better

The Bakatan and Ukit women tatu very little, only the forearm, on the metacarpals, and on the back of the

wrist; characteristic designs for these parts are shown in Fig. 74, and Pl. 143, Figs. 7, 8. The central part of

the forearm design is an anthropomorphic derivative, judging by the name TEGULUN; the lines are termed

KILANG, and KANAK and GEROWIT are also conspicuous; GEROWIT IS also the name of the design for

the metacarpals; the two stars joined by a line on the wrist are termed LUKUT, and it is possible that their

significance is the same as that of the Kayan LUKUT tatued in the same place by men, but we have no

Nieuwenhuis figures [9, Pl. 80] a Bakatan tatued on the chest in the typical manner.

The only other designs, apparently of Kalamantan origin, are those figured by Ling Roth [7, p. 87]. Three of

these are after drawings by Rev. W. Crossland, and are labelled "tatu marks on arm of Kapuas Kayan captive

woman." The designs are certainly not of Kayan origin; the woman had in all probability been brought

captive to Sarawak, where Mr. Crossland saw her, and it is unfortunate that exact information concerning the

tribe to which she belonged was not obtained. The designs, if accurately copied, are so extremely unlike all

that are known to us that we are not able to hazard even a guess at their provenance or meaning. The other

design figured on the same page is copied from Carl Bock; it occurred on the shoulder of a Punan, and is said

by Mr. Crossland to be commonly used by the Sea Dayaks of the Undup. We met with a similar example of it

(Pl. 138, Fig. 7) on an Ukit tatued in the Kayan manner, but could get no information concerning it, and

suppose that it is not an Ukit design. Hein [6, Fig. 90] figures the same design, and Nieuwenhuis [8, p. 240]

alludes to a similar. We may note here that the designs figured on page 89 of Ling Roth's book [7] as tatu

designs are in our opinion very probably not tatu designs. They were collected by Dr. Wienecke in Dutch

Borneo, and appear to be nothing but drawings by a native artist of such objects in daily use as hats,

seatmats, babyslings, and so on. We communicated with Dr. J. D. E. Schmeltz of the Leyden Museum,

where these "tatu" marks are deposited, and learnt from him that they are indeed actual drawings on paper;

there are ninetytwo of them, apparently all are different isolated designs, and they are evidently the work of

one artist.[86] There is not a tribe in Borneo which can show such a variety of tatu design, and indeed we

doubt if ninetytwo distinct isolated tatu designs could be found throughout all the length and breadth of the

island. Moreover, as can be seen by reference to the cited work, the designs are of a most complicated nature,

not figures with the outlines merely filled in, as in all tatu designs known to us, but with the details drawn in

fine lines and crosshatching, which in tatu would be utterly lost unless executed on a very large scale.

The Sea Dayaks at the present day are, as far as the men are concerned, the most extensively tatued tribe in

Borneo, with the exception of the Bakatans, Ukits, Kahayans, and Biajau; nevertheless, from a

longcontinued and close study of their tatu, we are forced to the conclusion that the practice and the designs

have been entirely borrowed from other tribes, but chiefly from the Kayans. For some time we believed that

there were two characteristically Sea Dayak designs, namely, that which is tatued on the throat (Figs. 75 and

76) and that on the wrist (Pl. 143, Fig. 7), but when later we studied Bakatan tatu we met with the former in

the GEROWIT pattern on the throat of men, and the latter in the LUKUT design on the wrist of the women.

A Sea Dayak youth will simply plaster himself, so to speak, with numerous isolated designs; we have

counted as many as five of the ASU design on one thigh alone. The same design appears two or three times

on the arms, and even on the breast, though this part of the body as well as the shoulders is more usually

decorated with several stars and rosettes. The backs of the hands are tatued, quite irrespective of bravery or

experience in warfare; in fact we have frequently had occasion to note that a man with tatued hands is a

wastrel or a conceited braggart, of no account with Europeans or with his own people. This wild and

irresponsible system of tatu has been accompanied by an inevitable degradation of the designs. There is a

considerable body of evidence to show that the Sea Dayaks have borrowed much in their arts and crafts from

tribes who have been longer established in Borneo; but it must be confessed that in their decorative art they

have often improved upon their models; their bamboo carvings and their woven cloth are indeed "things of

beauty." But their tatu involves, not an intelligent elaboration of the models, but a simplification and

degradation, or at best an elaboration without significance. Figs. 1 6, Pl. 137, are examples of the Sea

Dayaks TUANG ASU or dog design. The figures show the dog design run mad, and it is idle to attempt to

interpret them, since in every case the artists have given their individual fancies free play. When the

profession of the tatuartist is hereditary, and when the practice has for its object the embellishment of

definite parts of the body for definite reasons, we naturally find a constancy of design; or, if there are

varieties, there is a purpose in them, in the sense that the variations can be traced to preexisting forms, and

do not depart from the original so widely that their significance is altogether lost. With the borrowing of

exogenous designs arises such an alteration in their forms that the original names and significance are lost.

But when the very practice of tatu has no special meaning, when the tatuartist may be any member of the

tribe, and where no original tatu design is to be found in the tribe, then the borrowed practice and the

borrowed designs, unbound by any sort of tradition, run complete riot, and any sort of fanciful name is

applied to the degraded designs. Amongst the Kenyah tribes the modification and degradation of the dog

design has not proceeded so far as amongst the Sea Dayaks, and this may be explained by their more

restrained practice of tatu and by the constant intercourse between them and the Kayans, for they always have

good models before them. Pl. 137, Fig. 3, illustrates the extreme limit of degradation of the dog design

amongst Sea Dayaks; it is sometimes termed KALA, scorpion,[87] and it is noteworthy that the

representation of the chelae and anterior end of the scorpion (A) was originally the posterior end of the dog,

and the hooked ends of the posterior processes of this scorpion design (B), instead of facing one another as

they did when they represented the open jaws of the dog, now look the same way; the rosettelike eye of the

dog still persists, but of course it has no significance in the scorpion. A curious modification of this eye is

seen in another Sea Dayak scorpion design figured by E. B. Haddon [4, Fig. 19]. Furness [3, p. 142] figures a

couple of scorpion designs, but neither are quite as debased as that which we figure here. Furness also figures

a scroll design, not unlike a Bakatan design, tatued on the forearm, and termed TAIA GASIENG, the thread

of the spinning wheel; a similar one figured by Ling Roth [7, p. 88] is termed TRONG, the egg plant. On the

breast and shoulders some forms of rosette or star design are tatued in considerable profusion; they are known

variously as BUNGA TRONG, the egg plant flower, TANDAN BUAH, bunches of fruit, LUKUT, an antique

bead, and RINGGIT SALILANG. A fourpointed star, such as that shown in Fig. 64, is termed BUAH

ANDU, fruit of PLUKENETIA CORNICULATA; since this fruit is quadrate in shape with pointed angles, it

is evident that the name has been applied to the pattern because of its resemblance to the fruit. Furness figures

examples of these designs and also Ling Roth [7, p. 88]. We figure (Figs. 75, 76, 77) three designs for the

throat known sometimes as KATAK, frogs, sometimes as TALI GASIENG, thread of the spinning wheel,

and no doubt other meaningless names are applied to them. Two of the figures (Figs. 75, 77) are evidently

modifications of the Bakatan GEROWIT design, but here they are represented with the tatu pigment, whilst

with the Bakatans the design is in the natural colour of the skin against a background of pigment, I.E. the

Dayak design is the positive of the Bakatan negative. Furness figures two examples of the throat design, one

with a transverse row of stars cutting across it; the same authority also figures a design for the ribs known as

TALI SABIT, waist chains, consisting of two stars joined by a double zigzag line. The same design is

sometimes tatued on the wrist, when it is known as LUKUT, antique bead; it is also tatued on the throat [7, p.

88], and attention has already been drawn to the probable derivation of this design also from a Bakatan

It is only very seldom that Sea Dayak women tatu, and then only in small circles on the breasts [7, p. 83] and

As a conclusion to the foregoing account of Bornean tatu we add a table which summarises in the briefest

possible manner all our information; its chief use perhaps will lie in showing in a graphic manner the blanks

We do not consider that tatu can ever be of much value in clearing up racial problems, seeing how much

evidence there is of interchange of designs and rejection of indigenous designs in favour of something newer;

consequently we refrain from drawing up another scheme of classification of tatu in Borneo; at best it would

be little more than a reenumeration of the forms that we have already described in more or less detail.

Kayan [male] Isolated designs, representing the dog, a bead, rosettes and stars. Serial designs on hands.

Inside of forearm, outside of thigh, breasts, wrist and points of shoulders. Back of hand sometimes. None

[female] Serial designs of complex nature, geometrical, anthropo and zoomorphic. The whole forearm, back

of hand, the whole thigh, the metatarsal surface of the foot. Very elaborate Chiefly for ornament, for use after

Kenyah [male] As amongst Kayans, with some degradation of design and alternation of name. Same as with

[female] As amongst Kayans. The whole forearm, back of hand, metatarsal surface of foot. None Ornament.

KenyahKalamantan. Peng [male] Geometrical serial designs, discs, ? isolated designs. Arm from shoulders

[female] Designs employed by Kayan [male] [male] Forearms and legs. ? ? Ornament.

[female] Simple geometrical designs (lowclass [female] [female]), anthropomorphic designs, copied from

other tribes (highclass [female] [female]). Forearm and back of hand, front and sides of the thigh and the

[female] Complicated serial designs, chiefly of zoomorphic MOTIF. As with Kayan [female] [female], but

Uma Long [female] Simple geometrical design ("stippled") Forearm and back of hand. ? ?

Murut [male] Scroll designs and circles Above the kneecap; on the breast (Practice obsolescent). None. ?

[female] Zigzags and chevrons. Forearms, the lower part of the leg. Very little. ?

Long Utan [female] Complicated serial geometrical designs. As with Long Glat. ? ?

Biajau [male] Complicated serial geometrical designs, scrolls, zoomorphs, etc. Almost the whole body

including the face amongst some of the subtribes. ? With some subtribes to signify success in war and

OtDanum, Ulu Ajar, etc. [male] Curved lines, discs, and simple geometrical designs. On breast, stomach,

outside of arms and thighs, calf of leg. ? None. In some cases a sign of bravery.

[female] Simple designs like those of the Uma Tow Kenyahs (lowclass [female] [female]). Highclass

Bakatan and Ukit [male] Chiefly scroll and circle designs. Nearly all represented in "negative." Jaws, throat,

breast, back, shoulders, forearms, thighs, calf of leg, ankles, feet and backs of hands. Obsolete. Sign of

[female] Anthropomorphic, lines, representation of a bead. Forearms, wrist, metacarpals. None. Ornament.

SeaDayak [male] Degraded Kayan and Bakatan designs. ALmost every part of the body, except the face.

1. Beccari, Dr. O., NELLE FORESTE DI BORNEO (1902). 2. Bock, Carl, THE HEADHUNTERS OF

BORNEO (1882). 3. Furness, W. H., THE HOME LIFE OF BORNEO HEADHUNTERS (1902). 4.

Haddon, E. B., "The Dogmotive in Bornean Art" (JOURN. ANTH. INST., 1905). 5. Hamer, C. den, IETS

BILDENDEN KUNSTE BEI DEN DAYAKS AUF BORNEO (1890). 7. Ling Roth, H., THE NATIVES OF

SARAWAK AND BRITISH NORTH BORNEO (1896), vol. ii. 8. Nieuwenhuis, Dr. A. W., IN CENTRAL

BORNEO (1900). vol. i. 9. Nieuwenhuis, Dr. A. W., QUER DURCH BORNEO (1904), vol. i. 10. Schwaner,

Dr. C. A. L. M., BORNEO (1853 54); cf. Ling Roth, vol. ii. pp. cxci to cxcv. 11. Whitehead, J.,

Brief references to tatu will also be found in the writings of Burns, Brooke Low, MacDougall, De Crespigny,

Hatton, St. John, Witti, and others, but notices of all these will be found in Mr. Ling Roth's volumes.

Fig. 1. Kayan dog design (UDOH ASU) for thighs of men. From a tatublock in the Sarawak Museum.

Fig. 2. Uma Balubo Kayan dog design. From a tatublock in the Sarawak Museum. (No. 1054.90.)

Fig. 3. Sea Dayak scorpion design (KELINGAI KALA) for thigh, arm, or breast of men. From a

Fig. 4. Kenyah dog design, copied from a Kayan model. From a tatublock in the Sarawak Museum. (No.

Fig. 5. Kayan dog design. From a tatublock in the Sarawak Museum. (No. 1054.106.)

Fig. 6. Kayan dog design. From a tatublock in the Sarawak Museum. (No. 1054.88.)

Fig. 7. Kayan double dog design for outside of thigh of man. From a tatublock in the Sarawak Museum.

Fig. 8. Kayan designs of dog with pups (TUANG NGANAK). A=pup. For thigh of man. From a

Fig. 9. Kenyah jaws of centipede design (LIPAN KATIP), for breast or shoulder of man. From a

Fig. 10. Kenyah crab design (TOYU). A=mouth (BA), B=claw (KATIP), C=back (LIKUT), D=tail

Fig. 1. Sea Dayak modification of the dog design. From a tatublock in the Sarawak Museum.(No.

Fig. 6. But known as "scorpion" (KALA) pattern.From a tatublock in the Sarawak Museum. (No.

Fig. 7. Barawan and Kenyah modification of the dog design, known as "hook" (KOWIT) pattern. From a

Fig. 9. Kenyah modification of the dog design, but known as the "prawn" (ORANG) pattern. From a

Fig. 1. Kayan threeline pattern (IDA TELO) for back of thigh of woman of slave class. From a

Fig. 2. Kayan fourline pattern (IDA PAT) for back of thigh of woman of middle class. From a

Fig. 3. Kayan (Rejang R.) threeline pattern (IDA TELO) for back of thigh of women of upper and

Fig. 4. Kayan (Uma Pliau) design for front and sides of thigh of high class women. A = TUSHUN TUVA,

tuba root; B = JALAUT, fruit of PLUKENETIA CORNICULATA; D = KOWIT, interlocking hooks. From a

Fig. 5. Kayan design for front of thigh of woman of high class. A = TUSHUN TUVA; B = DULANG

HAROK, bows of a boat; C = ULU TINGGANG, hornbill's head; D = BELILING BULAN, full moons.

Fig. 1. Kayan (Rejang R.) design known as IDA TUANG or IDA LIMA for back of thigh of women of

high rank. Note the hornbill heads at the top of the design. From a tatublock in the Sarawak Museum. (No.

Fig. 2. Kayan (Rejang R.) design; compare with Figs. 5 and 11. From a tatublock in the Sarawak

Fig. 3. Long Glat hornbill design (after Nieuwenhuis). This is tatued in rows down the front and sides of

Fig. 4. Kayan (?) hornbill design, known, however, as the "dog without a tail" (TUANG BUVONG ASU).

Fig. 5. Kayan (Rejang R.) tatu design known as "dog without a tail" (TUANG BUVONG ASU) pattern,

for front and sides of thigh of women of high rank. From a tatublock in the Sarawak Museum. (No. 166G,

Fig. 6. Kayan threeline and fourline design (IDA TELO and IDA PAT) for back of thigh of women of

Fig. 7. Uma Lekan Kayan anthropomorphic design (SILONG), tatued in rows down front and sides of

Fig. 11. Portion of Uma Lekan Kayan design for back of thigh of women of high rank (after

Fig. 1. Tatu design on the forearm of an Uma Lekan Kayan woman of high rank. From a rubbing of a

Fig. 2. Tatu design on the thigh of an Uma Lekan Kayan woman of high rank. From a rubbing of a carved

Fig. 3. Tatu design on the forearm of an Uma Phan Kayan woman of high rank. A = BELILING BULAN,

full moons; B = DULANG HAROK, bows of a boat; C = KAWIT, hooks; D = DAUN WI, leaves of rattan; E

= TUSHUN TUVA, bundles of tuba root. From a carved wooden model in the Sarawak Museum. (No. 1431.)

Fig. 4. Kenyah design, representing the open fruit of a species of mango (IPA OLIM), tatued on breasts or

Fig. 5. Kayan (Baloi R.) KALANG KOWIT or hook design for back of thigh of woman of high rank.

Fig. 1. Design on the hand of a Skapan chief tatued in the Kayan manner. From a drawing.

Fig. 2. Design on the arm of a Peng man. From a drawing by Dr. H. Hiller of Philadelphia.

Fig. 3. Design on the arm of a Kabayan man. From a drawing by Dr. H. Hiller of Philadelphia.

Fig. 5. Design on the forearm of a Long Utan woman. From a rubbing of a carved model in the Sarawak

Fig. 6. Design on the thigh of a Long Utan woman. From a rubbing of a carved model in the Sarawak

Fig. 7. Kenyah design, representing the DURIAN fruit (USONG DIAN), tatued on the breasts or

Fig. 2. Tatu design on front of leg of a Kalabit woman. C = BETIK LULUD, shin pattern. From a

Fig. 3. Tatu design on back of leg of a Kalabit woman. A = BETIK BUAH, fruit pattern; B = BETIK

Fig. 4. Tatu design on front of leg of the same Kalabit woman. D = BETIK KARAWIN; E = UJAT

Fig. 6. Tatu design on arms and torso of a Biajau man of low class. From a drawing by a Maloh.

Fig. 7. Tatu design on leg of Biajau man of low class. From a drawing by a Maloh.

Fig. 8. Tatu design on shin of Biajau woman of low class. From a drawing by a Maloh.

Fig. 9. Kajaman design representing the fruit of PLUKENETIA CORNICULATA (JALAUT), tatued on

the breasts or shoulders of men. From a tatublock in the Sarawak Museum. (No. 1054.21.)

Fig. 10. Tatu design on the biceps of an Ukit man, said to represent a bead (LUKUT). From a drawing.

Fig. 1. Design (GEROWIT, hooks) tatued on the breast of a Bakatan man. From a tatublock in the

Fig. 3. Design (AKIH, tree gecko) tatued on the shoulder of a Bakatan man. From a drawing.

Fig. 7. Design representing an antique bead (LUKUT), tatued on the wrist of a Bakatan girl. From a

Fig. 8. Design (GEROWIT) tatued on the metacarpals of a Bakatan girl. From a drawing.

Fig. 10. Design (GEROWIT) tatued on the throat of a Bakatan man. From a photograph.

The Kayans believe themselves to be surrounded by many intelligent powers capable of influencing their

welfare for good or ill. Some of these are embodied in animals or plants, or are closely connected with other

natural objects, such as mountains, rocks, rivers, caves; or manifest themselves in such processes as thunder,

storm, and disease, the growth of the crops and disasters of various kinds. There can be no doubt that some of

these powers are conceived anthropomorphically; for some of them are addressed by human titles, are

represented by carvings in human form, and enjoy, in the opinion of the Kayans, most of the

Others are conceived more vaguely, the bodily and mental characters of man are attributed to them less fully

and definitely; and it is probably true to say that these powers, all of which, it would seem, must be admitted

to be spiritual powers (if the word spiritual is used in a wide sense as denoting whatever power is fashioned

in the likeness of human will and feeling and intelligence), range from the anthropomorphic being to the

power which resides in the seed grain and manifests itself in its growth and multiplication, and which seems

to be conceived merely as a vital principle, virtue, or energy inherent in the grain, rather than as an intelligent

CHAPTER 13. Ideas of Spiritual Existences and the Practices Arising From Them 107

It has been said of some peoples of lowly culture that they have no conception of merely mechanical

causation, and that every material object is regarded by them as animated in the same sense as among

ourselves common opinion regards the higher animals as animated. On the difficult question whether such a

statement is true of any people we will not presume to offer an opinion; but we do not think that it could be

truthfully made about any of the peoples of Borneo. It would be absurd to deny all recognition or knowledge

of mechanical causation to people who show so much ingenuity in the construction of houses, boats,

weapons, and a great variety of mechanical devices, such as traps, and in other operations involving the

intelligent application of mechanical principles. These operations show that, though they may be incapable of

describing in abstract and general terms the principles involved, they nevertheless have a nice appreciation of

them. If a trap fails to work owing to its faulty construction, the trapper treats it purely as a mechanical

contrivance and proceeds to discover and rectify the faulty part. It is true that in this and numberless similar

situations a man's movements may be guided by his observation of omens; but if, after obtaining good omens,

he has success in trapping, he does not attribute the successful operation of the trap to any, activity other than

its purely mechanical movements; though it may be, and probably in some such cases is, true that the Kayan

believes the omen bird to have somehow intervened to direct the animal towards the trap, or to prevent the

animal being warned against it. The Kayan hangs upon the tomb the garments and weapons and other

material possessions of the dead man;[89] and it would seem that he believes that some shadowy duplicate of

each such object is thereby placed at the service of the ghost of the dead man. This, it might be argued, shows

that he attributes to each such inert material object a soul, whose relation to the object is analogous to that of

the human soul to the body. But such an inference, we think, would not be justified. As with the Homeric

Greeks, the principle of intelligence and life is not to be altogether identified with the ghost, or shade, or

shadowy duplicate of the human form that is conceived to travel to the Kayan Hades. The soul seems to be

rather an inextended invisible principle; for, as the procedure of the soulcatcher[90] shows, it is regarded as

capable of being contained within, or attached to, almost any small object, living or inert. It would seem,

then, that after death the visible ghost or shade of a man incorporates and is animated by the soul; and that the

There is, then, no good reason to suppose that the Kayans attribute life, soul, or animation to inert material

The spiritual powers or spirits may, we think be conveniently regarded as of three principal classes:

(1) There are the anthropomorphic spirits thought of as dwelling in remote and vaguely conceived regions

and as very powerful to intervene in human life. Towards these the attitude of the Kayans is one of

supplication and awe, gratitude and hope, an attitude which is properly called reverential and is the

specifically religious attitude. These spirits must be admitted to be gods in a very full sense of the word, and

the practices, doctrines, and emotions centred about these spirits must be regarded as constituting a system of

(2) A second class consists of the spirits of living and deceased persons, and of other anthropomorphically

conceived spirits which, as regards the nature and extent of their powers, are more nearly on a level with the

human spirits than those of the first class. Such are those embodied in the omen animals and in the domestic

pig, fowl, dog, in the crocodile, and possibly in the tigercat and a few other animals.

(3) The third class is more heterogeneous, and comprises all the spirits or impalpable intelligent powers that

do not fall into one or other of the two preceding classes; such are the spirits very vaguely conceived as

always at hand, some malevolent, some good; such also are the spirits which somehow are attached to the

heads hung up in the houses. The dominant emotion in the presence of these is fear; and the attitude is that of

CHAPTER 13. Ideas of Spiritual Existences and the Practices Arising From Them 108

The Kayans recognise a number of gods that preside over great departments of their lives and interests. The

more important of these are the god of war, TOH BULU; three gods of life, LAKI JU URIP, LAKI

MAKATAN URIP, and LAKI KALISAI URIP, of whom the first is the most important; the god of thunder

and storms, LAKI BALARI and his wife OBENG DOH; the god of fire, LAKI PESONG; gods of the

harvest, ANYI LAWANG and LAKI IVONG; a god of the lakes and rivers, URAI UKA; BALANAN, the

god of madness; TOH KIHO, the god of fear; LAKI KATIRA MUREI and LAKI JUP URIP, who conduct

Beside or above all these is LAKI TENANGAN, a god more powerful than all the rest, to whom are assigned

no special or departmental functions. He seems to preside or rule over the company of lesser gods, much as

The Kayans seem to have no very clear and generally accepted dogmas about these gods. Some assert that

they dwell in the skies, but others regard them as dwelling below the surface of the earth. The former opinion

is in harmony with the practice of erecting a tree before the house with its branches buried in the ground and

the root upturned when prayers are made on behalf of the whole house; for the tree seems to be regarded as in

some sense forming a ladder or path of communication with the superior powers. The same opinion seems to

be expressed in the importance attached to fire and smoke in prayer and ritual. Fire, if only in the form of a

lighted cigarette, is always made when prayers are offered; it seems to be felt that the ascending smoke

While some gods, those of war and life, of harvest and of fire, are distinctly friendly, others, namely, the gods

of madness and fear, are terrible and malevolent; while the god of thunder and those that conduct the souls to

LAKI TENANGAN seems to be the supreme being of the Kayan universe. He is conceived as beneficent

and, as his title LAKI implies, as a fatherly god who protects mankind. He is not a strictly tribal god, for the

Kayan admits his identity with PA SILONG, and with BALI PENYLONG, the supreme gods of the

Klemantans and Kenyahs respectively. In this, we think, the Kayan religion shows a catholicity which gives it

LAKI TENANGAN has a wife, DOH TENANGAN, who, though of less importance than himself, is

specially addressed by the women. The god is addressed by name in terms of praise and supplication; the

prayers seem to be transmitted to him by means of the souls of domestic pigs or fowls;[91] for one of these is

always killed and charged to carry the prayer to the god. At the same time a fire is invariably at hand and

plays some part in the rite; the ascending smoke seems to play some part in the establishment of

communication with the god. As an example of a prayer we give the following. The supplicant, having killed

a pig and called the messengers of the god, cries, "Make my child live that I may bring him up with me in my

occupations. You are above all men. Protect us from whatever sickness is abroad. If I put you above my head,

Similar rites are observed on addressing DOH TENANGAN. The following was given us as an example,

"Oh! DOH TENANGAN, have pity upon me; I am ill make me strong tomorrow and able to find my

The Kayans are not clear whether Laki Tenangan is the creator of the world. He does not figure in the Kayan

creation myth.[92] There seems to be no doubt about his supremacy over the other gods; these are sometimes

CHAPTER 13. Ideas of Spiritual Existences and the Practices Arising From Them 109

As regards the minor departmental gods, it is difficult to draw the line between them and the spirits of the

third class distinguished above. All of them are approached at times with prayers and with rites similar to

those used in addressing LAKI TENANGAN. Several wooden posts, very roughly carved to indicate the head

and, limbs of a human form, stand before every Kayan house. When the gods are addressed on behalf of the

whole household, as before or after an important expedition, the ceremony usually takes place before one of

these rudely carved posts.[94] But the post cannot be called an idol. It is more of the nature of an altar. No

importance attaches to the mere posts, which are often allowed to fall away and decay and are renewed as

required. A similar post may be hastily fashioned and set up on the bank of the river, if a party at a distance

An altar of a rather different kind is also used in communicating with the gods. It seems to be used especially

in returning thanks for recovery of health after severe illness. It consists of a bamboo some four or five feet in

length fixed upright in the ground. The upper end is split by two cuts at right angles to one another, and a

fresh fowl's egg is inserted between the split ends (Pl. 145). Leaves of the LONG, (a species of

CALADIUM), a plant grown on the PADI field for this purpose, are hung upon the post. These leaves serve

merely to signalise the fact that some rite is going forward; they are also hung, together with a large sun hat,

upon the door of any room in which a person lies seriously ill, to make it known as LALI or tabu; and in

general they seem to be used to mark a spot as pervaded by some spiritual influence, or, in short, as

"unclean." The bodies of fowls and pigs sacrificed in the course of the rites performed before such an

altarpost are generally hung upon sharpened stakes driven into the ground before it, I.E. between it and the

house, towards which the post, in the case of posts of the former kind, invariably faces; and the frayed sticks

commonly used in such rites are hung upon the altarpost. Such posts are sometimes fenced in, but this is by

The Kayans seek to read in the behaviour of the omen birds and in the entrails of the slaughtered pigs and

fowls indications of the way in which the gods responds to their prayers. For they regard the true omen birds

as the trusty messengers of the gods. After slaughtering the pigs or fowls to whose charge they have

committed their petitions, they examine their entrails in the hope of discovering the answer of the gods; and

at the same time they tell off two or three men to look for omens from the birds of the jungle.[95] If the

omens first obtained are bad, more fowls and pigs are usually killed and omens again observed; and in an

important matter, E.G. the illness of a beloved child, the process may be repeated many times until

satisfactory omens are forthcoming. Whatever may have been the origin and history of such rites, it seems to

be quite clear that the slaughtering of these animals is regarded as an act of sacrifice in the ordinary sense of

the word, I.E. as an offering or gift of some valued possession to the spiritual powers; for, although on some

occasions a pig so slaughtered is eaten, those stuck upon stakes before the altarpost are left to rot; and the

idea of sacrificing, or depriving oneself of, a valued piece of property is clearly expressed on such occasions

in other ways; E.G. a woman will break a bead of great value when her prayers for the restoration to health of

a child remain unanswered, or on such an occasion a woman may cut off her hair.[96]

The custom of approaching and communicating with the gods through the medium of the omen birds, seems

to be responsible in large measure for the fact that the gods themselves are but dimly conceived, and are not

felt to be in intimate and sympathetic relations with their worshippers. The omen birds seem to form not only

a medium of communication, but also, as it were, a screen which obscures for the people the vision of their

gods. As in many analogous instances, the intercessors and messengers to whose care the messages are

committed assume in the eyes of the people an undue importance; the god behind the omen bird is apt to be

almost lost sight of, and the bird itself tends to become an object of reverence, and to be regarded as the

recipient of the prayer and the dispenser of the benefits which properly he only foretells or announces.[97]

We have little information bearing upon the origin and history of these Kayan gods. But a few remarks may

be ventured. The names of many of the minor deities are proper personal names in common use among the

Kayans or allied tribes, such as JU, BALARI, ANYI, IVONG, URAI, UKA; and the title LAKI, by which

CHAPTER 13. Ideas of Spiritual Existences and the Practices Arising From Them 110

several of them are addressed, is the title of respect given to old men who are grandfathers. These facts

suggest that these minor gods may be deified ancestors of great chiefs, and this suggestion is supported by the

First, a recently deceased chief of exceptional capacity and influence becomes not infrequently the object of a

certain cult among Klemantans and Sea Dayaks. Men will go to sleep beside his grave or tomb, hoping for

good dreams and invoking the aid of the dead chief in acquiring health, or wealth, or whatever a man most

desires. Sea Dayaks sometimes fix a tube of bamboo leading from just above the eyes of the corpse to the

surface of the ground; they will address the dead man with their lips to the orifice of the tube, and will drop

into it food and drink and silver coins. A hero who is made the object of such a cult is usually buried in an

Secondly, all Kayans, men and women alike, invoke in their prayers the aid of ODING, LAHANGand his

intercession with LAKI TENANGAN. That they regard the former as having lived as a great chief is clearly

proved by the following facts: firstly, many Kayans of the upper class claim to, be his lineal descendants;

secondly, a wellknown myth,[98] of which several variants are current, describes his miraculous advent to

the world; thirdly, he is regarded by Kayans, Kenyahs, and many Klemantans as the founder of their race.

The Kenyahs also invoke in their prayers several spirits who seem, like ODIN LAHANG, to be regarded as

deceased members of their tribe; such are TOKONG and UTONG, and PA BALAN and PLIBAN. From all

these descent is claimed by various Kenyah and Klemantan subtribes; and that they are regarded as standing

higher in the spiritual hierarchy than recently deceased chiefs, is shown by the prefix BALI,[99] commonly

given to their names, whereas this title or designation is not given to recently deceased chiefs; to their names

the word URIP is prefixed by both Kayans and Kenyahs. The word URIP, means life or living; the exact

meaning of this prefix in this usage is obscure, possibly it expresses the recognition that the men spoken of

A further link in this chain of evidence is afforded by the Kenyah god of thunder, BALINGO. This spirit, it

would seem, must be classed among the departmental deities, being strictly the Kenyah equivalent of LAKI

BALARI of the Kayans; and all the Kenyahs and many Klemantans seem to claim some special relation to

BALINGO,[100] while one Madang (Kenyah) chief at least claims direct descent from him.[101]

The last mentioned instance completes the series of cases forming a transition from the well remembered

dead chief to the departmental deity, the existence of which series lends colour to the view that these minor

gods have been evolved from deceased chiefs. The weakness of this evidence consists in the fact that the

series of cases is drawn from a number of tribes, and is not, so far as we know, completely illustrated by the

There is, then, some small amount of evidence indicating that the minor gods are deified ancestors, whose

kinship with their worshippers has been forgotten completely in some cases, less completely in others. If this

supposition could be shown to be true, it would afford a strong presumption in favour of the view that LAKI

TENANGAN also has had a similar history, and that he is but PRIMUS INTER PARES. For among the

Kayans, as we have seen, a large village acknowledges a supreme chief as well as the chiefs of the several

houses of the village; and in the operations of war on a large scale, a supreme war chief presides over a

council of lesser chiefs. And it is to be expected that the social system of the superior powers should be

On the other hand, none of the facts, noted in connection with the minor gods as indicating their ancestral

origin, are found to be true of LAKI TENANGAN, except only his bearing the title LAKI, which, as we have

seen, is the title by which a man is addressed as soon as he becomes a grandfather. The name TENANGAN is

not a proper name borne by any Kayans, nor, so far as we know, does it occur amongst the other peoples.

CHAPTER 13. Ideas of Spiritual Existences and the Practices Arising From Them 111

LAKI in Malay means a male. The name is possibly connected with the Kayan word TENANG which means

correct, or genuine. The termination AN is used in several instances in Malay (though not in Kayan) to make

a substantive of an adjective. The name then possibly means he who is correct or allknowing; but this is

It is possible that the Kayans owe their conception of a supreme god to their contact. with the Mohammedans.

But this is rendered very improbable by the facts: firstly, that the Kayans have had such intercourse during

but a short period in Borneo, probably not more than 300 years, (though they may have had such intercourse

at an earlier period before entering Borneo); secondly, that among the Sea Dayaks, who have had for at least

150 years much more abundant intercourse with the Mohammedans of Borneo than the Kayans have had, the

The Kenyah gods and the beliefs and practices centering about them are very similar to those of the Kayans.

This people also recognises a principal god or Supreme Being, whose name is BALI PENYLONG, and a

number of minor deities presiding over special departments of nature and human life. The Kenyahs recognise

the following minor deities: BALI ATAP protects the house against sickness and attack, and is called upon in

cases of madness to expel the evil spirit possessing the patient. A rude wooden image of him stands beside

the gangway leading to the house from the river's brink; it holds a spear in the right hand, a shield in the left;

it carries about its neck a fringed collar made up of knotted strips of rattan; the head of each room ties on one

such strip, making on it a knot for each member of his roomhold. Generally a wooden image of a hawk,

The Kenyahs carve such images more elaborately than the Kayans, who are often content merely to indicate

the eyes, mouth, and four limbs, by slashing away with the sword chips of wood from the surface of the log,

leaving gashes at the points roughly corresponding in position to these organs. The Kenyahs treat these rude

images with rather more care than do the Kayans; and they associate them more strictly with particular

deities. The children of the house are not allowed to touch such an image, after it has been once used as an

altar post; it is only when it is so used, and blood of fowls or pigs sprinkled upon it, that it seems to acquire

BALI UTONG brings prosperity to the house. BALI URIP is the god of life; he too has a carved altarpost,

BALI SUNGEI is the name given to a being which perhaps cannot properly be called a god. He is thought of

as embodied in a huge serpent or dragon living at the bottom of the river; he is supposed to cause the violent

swirls and uprushes of water that appear on the surface in times of flood. He is regarded with fear; and is held

to be responsible for the upsetting of boats and drownings in the river. It is not clear that he is the spirit of the

river itself; for floods and the various changes of the river do not seem to be attributed to him.

BALI PENYALONG, like Laki Tenangen, has a wife BUNGAN. She is not so distinctly the special deity of

A special position in the Kenyah system is occupied by BALI FLAKI, the carrion hawk, which is the

principal omen bird observed during the preparation for and conduct of war. Something will be said of the

cult of BALI FLAKI in a later chapter; but we would note here that this bird is peculiar among the many

omenbirds of the Kenyahs, in that an altarpost before the house is assigned to him, or at least one of the

posts rudely carved to suggest the human figure is specially associated with BALI FLAKI, and in some cases

is surmounted by a wooden image of the hawk. It seems to us probable that in this case the Kenyahs have

carried further the tendency we noted in the Kayans to allow the omen birds to figure so prominently in their

rites and prayers as to obscure the gods whose messengers they are; and that BALI FLAKI has in this way

driven into the background, and more or less completely taken the place of, a god of war whose name even

CHAPTER 13. Ideas of Spiritual Existences and the Practices Arising From Them 112

Peculiar adjuncts of the altarposts of the Kenyahs are the DRACAENA plant (whose deep red leaves are

generally to be seen growing in a clump not far from them) and a number of large spherical stones, BATU

TULOI. These are perpetual possessions of the house. Their history is unknown; they are supposed to grow

gradually larger and to move spontaneously when danger threatens the house. When a household removes

and builds for itself a new home, these stones are carried with some ceremony to the new site (Pl. 144).

We reproduce here a passage from a paper published by us some ten years ago[103] in which we ventured to

We cannot conclude without saying something as to, the possible origin of their conception of a beneficent

Being more powerful than all others, who sends guidance and warnings by the omen birds, and receives and

answers the prayers carried to him by the souls of the fowls and pigs. It might be thought that this conception

of a beneficent Supreme Being has been borrowed directly or indirectly from the Malays. But we do not think

that this view is tenable in face of the fact that, while the conception is a living belief among the Madangs, a

Kenyah tribe that inhabits a district in the remotest interior and has had no intercourse with Malays, the Ibans,

who have had far more intercourse with the Malays than have the Kayans and Kenyahs, yet show least trace

of this conception. As Archdeacon Perham has written of the Ibans, there are traces of the belief in one

supreme God which suggest that the idea is one that has been prevalent, but has now almost died out. We are

inclined to suppose that the tribes of the interior, such as the Kenyahs and Kayans, have evolved the

conception for themselves, and that in fact Bali Penyalong of the Kenyahs is their god of war exalted above

all others by the importance of the department of human activity over which he presides; for we have seen

that they had been led to conceive other gods Balingo, the god of thunder, Bali Sungei, the god of the

rivers, whose anger is shown by the boiling flood, and Bali Atap, who keeps harm from the house, while the

Kayans have gods of life, a god of harvesting, and other departmental deities. It seems to us that the only

difficult step in such a simple and direct evolution of the idea of a beneficent Supreme Being is the

conception of gods or spirits that perform definite functions, such as Bali Atap, who guards the house, and the

gods that preside over harvesting and war, as distinct from such gods or naturespirits as Balingo and Bali

Sungei. But there seems to be no doubt that this step has been taken by these peoples, and that these various

gods of abstract function have been evolved by them. And it seems to us that, were a god of war once

conceived, it would be inevitable that, among communities whose chief interest is war and whose prosperity

and very existence depend upon success in battle, such a god of battles should come to predominate over all

others, and to claim the almost exclusive regard of his worshippers. Such a predominance would be given the

more easily to one god by these people, because the necessity for strict subordination to their chiefs has

familiarised them with the principles of obedience of subjects to a single ruler and of subordination of minor

chiefs to a principal chief; while the beneficence of the Supreme Being thus evolved would inevitably result;

for the god of battles must seem beneficent to the victors, and among these people only the victors survive.

Again, this conception is one that undoubtedly makes for righteousness, because it reflects the character of

the people who, within the community and the tribe, are decent, humane, and honest folk.

We are conscious of presumption in venturing to adopt the view that the conception of a beneficent Supreme

Being may possibly be neither the end nor the beginning of religion, neither the final result of an evolution,

euhemeristic, totemistic, or other, prolonged through countless ages and generations, nor part of the

stockintrade of primitive man mysteriously acquired. Yet we are disposed to regard this conception as one

that, amid the perpetual flux of opinion and belief which obtains among peoples destitute of written records,

may be comparatively rapidly and easily arrived at under favourable conditions (such as seem to be afforded

by tribes like the Kenyahs and Kayans, warlike prosperous tribes subordinated to strong chiefs), and may as

rapidly fall into neglect with change of social conditions; and we suggest that it may then remain as a vestige

in the minds of a few individuals only to be discerned by curious research, as among the Ibans or the

Australian blacks, until another turn of Fortune's wheel, perhaps the birth of some overmastering personality

CHAPTER 13. Ideas of Spiritual Existences and the Practices Arising From Them 113

or a revival of national or tribal vigour, gives it a new period of life and power.

We still regard as highly plausible the view suggested in this passage. We would add to what we have written

only a few words in explanation of what may seem to be a difficulty in the way of this view. It was

mentioned above that the Kayans recognise a god of war, TOH BULU. This fact may seem incompatible with

the view that the idea of LAKI TENANGAN has been reached by exalting the god of war above his

fellowdepartmental deities; but it is not, we think, a fatal objection. For TOH BULU seems to be a god of

but small account with the Kayans; his name figures but little in their rites; and the name itself indicates his

subordinate position; for TOH is, as we have seen, the generic name for spirits of minor importance, and

BULU is the Kayan word for feather; TOH BULU, literally translated, is then the featherspirit or spirit of

the feathers. It seems possible, therefore, that TOH BULU was nothing more than the spirit concerned with

the hornbill's feathers, which are the emblems or badges of acknowledged prowess in battle; and that with the

exaltation of the original god of war above his fellows, this minor spirit concerned in warfare has acquired a

With the Kenyahs similar processes, we suggest, have led to the exaltation of BALI PENYALONG, the

original god of war, into the position of the Supreme Being, and of BALI FLAKI, his special messenger, into

the position, or almost into the position, of the god of war. This view derives, we think, considerable support

from the fact that the Kenyahs recognise no special god of war; and in view of their tendency to create deities

to preside over each of the great departments of nature and of human activity, the absence from their system

of a special god of war requires some special explanation such as we have offered above.

The Klemantan gods are more numerous and more vaguely conceived, and the whole system seems more

confused than that of the Kayans or Kenyahs. It is probable that the Klemantan tribes have borrowed freely

from these more powerful neighbours. Many of them are very skilful in woodcarving, and it is probably

largely owing to this circumstance that they make a larger number of images in human form. Some of these

are kept in the house, while others stand before the house like those before the Kayan houses. The former are

generally more highly regarded, and it is before them that their rites are generally performed. It seems not

improbable that these stand for the gods proper to these people, and those outside the house for the borrowed

The supernatural beliefs and cults of the Sea Dayaks differ so widely from those described above that we

think it best to bring together in one place (vol. ii., p. 85) what we have to say about them.

In the second of the three classes of spiritual beings distinguished above (vol. ii., p. 4) we put the souls of

men and of some of the animals. Some account of beliefs connected with these will be given in the following

two chapters. We conclude this chapter by describing the spirits of the third class, spirits or intelligent powers

vaguely conceived, of minor importance, but imperfectly individualised and not regularly envisaged in any

visible forms or embodied in any material objects. The generic Kayan name for spirits of this class is TOH.

All the spirits of this class seem to be objects of fear, to be malevolent, or, at least, easily offended and

The most important of these TOH are perhaps those associated with the dried human heads that hang in every

house. It seems that these spirits are not supposed to be those of the persons from whose shoulders the heads

have been taken. Yet they seem to be resident in or about the heads, though not inseparable from them. They

are said to cause the teeth of the heads to be ground together if they are offended or dissatisfied, as by neglect

of the attentions customarily paid to the heads or by other infringement of custom. The heads are thus

supposed to be animated by the TOH; if a head falls, through the breaking of the rattan by which it is

suspended, it is said to have thrown itself down, being dissatisfied owing to insufficient attention having been

CHAPTER 13. Ideas of Spiritual Existences and the Practices Arising From Them 114

paid to it. This animation of the heads by the TOH is illustrated by the treatment accorded by the people to

the heads from the time they are brought into the house. Having been dried and smoked in a small hut made

for the purpose, they are brought up to the house with loud rejoicings and singing of the war chorus. For this

ceremony all members of the village are summoned from the fields and the jungle, and, when all are

assembled in the houses, every one puts off the mourning garments which have been worn by all since the

death of the chief for whose funeral rites the heads have been sought. Everyone having donned the ordinary

attire, the men carry the heads in procession adorned with DAUN SILAT, the dried and frayed leaves of a

palm, before one of the altar posts that stand between the house and the river. There fowls and pigs are

sacrificed in the usual way, and their blood is scattered upon the assembled men with a wisp of shredded

Then the procession carries the heads into the house and up and down the gallery. The men dressed in their

war coats, carrying shields and swords, drawn up in a long line, sing the war chorus, and go through a

peculiar evolution, known as SEGA LUPAR. Each man keeps turning to face his neighbours, first on one

side, then on the other, with regular steps in time with all the rest. This seems to symbolise the alertness of

the warriors on the warpath, looking in every direction. The heads, which have been carried by old men, are

then hung up over the principal hearth on the beam on which the old heads are hanging; they are suspended

by means of a rattan, of which one end is knotted and the other passed upward through the FORAMEN

MAGNUM and a hole cut in the top of the skull. After this the men sit down to drink, and the chief describes

the taking of the heads, eulogising the warrior who drew first blood in each case, and who is credited with the

glory of the taking of the head. Then follows a big feast, in every room a pig or fowl being killed and eaten;

after which more BORAK is drunk, the war chorus breaking out spontaneously at brief intervals. BORAK is

offered to the heads by pouring it into small bamboo cups suspended beside them; and a bit of fat pork will

be pushed into the mouth of each. The heads, or rather the TOH associated with them, are supposed to drink

and eat these offerings. The fact that the bits of pork remain unconsumed does not seem to raise any difficulty

in the minds of the Kayans; they seem to believe that the essence of the food is consumed.

At all times the heads hanging in the house are treated respectfully and somewhat fearfully. When it is

necessary to handle them, some old man undertakes the task, and children especially are prevented from

touching them; for it is felt that to touch them involves the risk of madness, brought on by the offended TOH

The fire beneath the heads is always kept alight in order that they shall be warm, and dry, and comfortable.

On certain special occasions they are offered BORAK and pork in the way mentioned above.

On moving to a new house the heads are temporarily lodged in a small shelter built for the purpose, and are

brought up into the house with a ceremony like that which celebrates their first installation. The Kayans do

not care to have in the house more than twenty or thirty heads, and are at some pains occasionally to get rid of

some superfluous heads a fact which shows clearly that the heads are not mere trophies of valour and

success in war. The moving to a new house is the occasion chosen for reducing the number of heads. Those

destined to be left are hung in a hut built at some distance from the house which is about to be deserted. A

good fire is made in it and kept up during the demolition of the great house, and when the people depart they

make up in the little headhouse a fire designed to last several days. It is supposed that, when the fire goes

out, the TOH of the heads notice the fact, and begin to suspect that they are deserted by the people; when the

rain begins to come in through the roof their suspicions are confirmed, and the TOH set out to pursue their

deserters, but owing to the lapse of time and weather are unable to track them. The people believe that in this

way they escape the madness which the anger of the deserted TOH would bring upon them.

The precautions described in the foregoing paragraph illustrate very well the power for harm attributed to the

TOH of the heads and the fear with which they are regarded. Nevertheless these beings are not wholly

malevolent. it is held that in some way their presence in the house brings prosperity to it, especially in the

CHAPTER 13. Ideas of Spiritual Existences and the Practices Arising From Them 115

form of good crops; and so essential to the welfare of the house are the heads held to be that, if through fire a

house has lost its heads and has no occasion for war, the people will beg a head, or even a fragment of one,

from some friendly house, and will instal it in their own with the usual ceremonies.

The TOH of the heads are but a few among many that are conceived as surrounding the houses and infesting

the tombs, the rivers, the forests, the mountains, the caves, and, by those who live near the coast, the sea; in

fact every locality has its TOH, and, since they are easily offended and roused to bring harm, the people are

careful to avoid offence and to practise every rite by which it is thought possible to propitiate them. Death

and sickness, especially madness, accidental bodily injuries, failure of crops, in fact almost any trouble may

be ascribed to the malevolent action of Toh. Examples of the way conduct is influenced by this belief are the

In clearing a patch of jungle in preparation for sowing PADI, it is usual to leave a few trees standing on some

high point of the ground in order not to offend the TOH of the locality by depriving them of all the trees,

which they are vaguely supposed to make use of as restingplaces. Such trees are sometimes stripped of all

their branches save a few at the top; and sometimes a pole is lashed across the stem at a height from the

ground and bunches of palm leaves hung upon it; a "bullroarer," which is used by boys as a toy, is

Again, young children are held to be peculiarly subject to the malevolent influence of the TOH. We have

already mentioned that no name is given to a child until it is two or three years of age, in order to avoid

attracting to it the attention of the TOH. For the same reason the parents dislike any prominent person to

touch an infant; and if for any reason such contact has taken place, it is usual to give the mother a few beads,

which she ties about the wrist or ankle of the child, "to preserve its homely smell" as they say, and so, it

would seem, avoid the risk of the TOH being attracted by the unusual odour of the child. Parents who have

lost several young children will give to a child, when the time comes for naming it, some such name as TAI

(dung), or TAI MANOK (birds' dung), or JAAT (bad), in order that it may have a better chance of escaping

the unwelcome attention of the TOH. If for any reason it is suspected that the attention of some evildisposed

TOH has been drawn to a child (and the same practice is sometimes observed by adults under similar

circumstances), a sooty mark is made upon the forehead, consisting of a vertical median line and a horizontal

band just above the eyebrows. This is thought to render it difficult for the TOH to recognise his victim. Such

a black mark is worn more especially on going away from the house. Sea Dayaks sometimes go farther under

such circumstances. They place the newborn child in a small boat and allow it to float down river, and

standing upon the bank call upon all the evil spirits to take the child at once, if they mean to take it, in order

that the parents may be spared the greater bereavement of losing it some years later. If, after floating some

distance down stream, the child is found unhurt, it is carried home, the parents feeling some confidence that it

Again, on going to the territory of people who have recently come to friendly terms with their village, men

will make a black mark across the forehead with soot in order to disguise themselves from the TOH of this

region. In the main, although all regions are infested with TOH those of the locality in which a man dwells

are regarded by him as less dangerous than those of other parts; for experience has shown him that in the

neighbourhood of his own village he may behave in certain ways with impunity, whereas in distant regions

all is uncertain. It is for this reason that, when boys enter any river or branch of the river for the first time, a

special rite is performed. An old man will take them apart from the company to some spot on the bank of the

river, and, calling all the spirits of the place, will ask them to favour the boys and to give them vigorous life.

An egg (which on this occasion is spoken of only by the name OVE = sweet potato) is offered to the spirits

on behalf of each boy (or sometimes merely a fowl's feather) by placing it in the split end of a bamboo stick

thrust into the ground. Not until this rite has been performed are the boys considered to be safe in the strange

CHAPTER 13. Ideas of Spiritual Existences and the Practices Arising From Them 116

The more remote and inaccessible the region, the more are the TOH of it feared; rugged hill tops and

especially mountain tops are the abodes of especially dangerous TOH, and it was only with difficulty that

parties of men could be induced to accompany us to the summits of any of the mountains.

The influence of the TOH is not always pernicious; certain spots become credited with the presence of TOH

of benign influence. Thus, tradition relates of a streamlet (Telang Ading) falling over the rocky bank of the

Baram river some little distance below the mouth of the AKAR, that a wild pig recently killed with spears fell

into it and was allowed to lie there, and that after a little while it jumped up and made off Through this event

the streamlet has acquired a great reputation, and passing boats generally stop in order that the crews may

splash some of the water on their heads and faces, and so be cured of any ailments they may happen to have

The TOH play a considerable part in regulating conduct; for they are the powers that bring misfortunes upon

a whole house or village when any member of it ignores tabus or otherwise breaks customs, without

performing the propitiatory rites demanded by the occasion. Thus on them, rather than on the gods, are

founded the effective sanctions of prohibitive rules of conduct. For the propitiation of offended TOH fowls'

eggs and the blood of fowls and of young pigs are used, the explanations and apologies being offered

generally by the chief or some other influential person, while the blood is sprinkled on the culprit or other

The beliefs and practices of the Kenyahs and Klemantans in regard to spirits of this class are very similar to

We are doubtful whether the Sea Dayaks can properly be said to have any religion. They believe in a number

of mythical and legendary heroes in whose honour they indulge in heavy feasting; but none of these seem to

be credited with the attributes of a god, or to evoke on the part of the people the specifically religious

emotions and attitudes awe, reverence, supplication, trust, gratitude, and hope. Their cult of the PETARA

seems to show traces of Javanese and Hindu influence or origin. They believe in a multitude of illdefined

spirits which they speak of as ANTU, and towards which their attitude is very similar to that of the Kayans

towards the TOH. Some further account of Iban superstitions will be found in Chapter XV.

As among ourselves, several very different systems for the cure of sickness are practised among the Kayans,

and these seem to imply very different theories of the cause of disease. But the Kayans, less consistent or

more openminded than ourselves, are not divided into sects, each following one system of therapeutics, but

rather the various systems are held in honour by all the people, and one or the other is applied according to

the indications of each case. Thus, bodily injuries received accidentally or in battle are treated surgically by

cupping, splints, bandaging, and so forth. Familiar disorders, such as malarial fever, are treated medically,

I.E. by rest and drugs. Cases of severe pain of unknown origin are generally attributed to the malign influence

of some TOH,[105] and the method of treatment is usually that of extraction.[106] Madness also is generally

attributed to possession by some TOH. But in cases of severe illness of mysterious origin that seems to

threaten to end mortally, the theory generally adopted is that the patient's soul has left his body, and the

treatment indicated is therefore an attempt to persuade the soul to return. The first two modes of treatment are

not considered to demand the skill of a specialist for their application, but the third and fourth are undertaken

Among the Kayans the professional soulcatcher, the DAYONG, is generally a woman who has served a

considerable period of apprenticeship with some older member of the profession, after having been

CHAPTER 14. Ideas of the Soul Illustrated by Burial Customs, SoulCatching, and Exorcism 117

admonished to take up this calling by some being met with in dreams often a dream experienced during

sickness. The DAYONG does not necessarily confine his or her activities to this one calling; for in a large

village there are usually several DAYONGS, and the occasions demanding their services recur at

considerable intervals of time. The relatives of the sick man usually prefer to call in a DAYONG from some

other village. The DAYONG is expected to make the diagnosis and to determine upon the line of treatment to

be practised. If he decides that the soul or BLUA of the patient has left his body, and has made some part of

the journey towards the abode of departed souls, his task is to fall into a trance and to send his own soul to

overtake that of his patient and to persuade it to return. The ceremony is usually performed by torchlight in

the presence of a circle of interested relatives and friends, the patient being laid in the midst in the long public

The DAYONG struts to and fro chanting a traditional form of words well known to the people, who join in

the chorus at the close of each phrase, responding with "BALIDAYONG," [107] I.E. "Oh powerful

DAYONG;" the meaning and intention of this chorus seem to be that of the "Amen" with which a Christian

congregation associates itself with the prayer offered by its pastor. For the chant with which the DAYONG

begins his operations is essentially a prayer for help addressed to LAKI TENANGAN, or, in case of a

The DAYONG may or may not fall and lie inert upon the ground in the course of his trance; but throughout

the greater part of the ceremony he continues to chant with closed eyes, describing with words and mimic

gestures the doings of his own soul as it follows after and eventually overtakes that of the patient. When this

point is reached his gestures generally express the difficulty and the severity of the efforts required to induce

the soul to return; and the anxious relatives then usually encourage him by bringing out gongs or other

articles of value, and depositing them as additions to the DAYONG'S fee. Thus stimulated, he usually

succeeds in leading back the soul towards the patient's body. One feature of the ceremony, not quite logically

consistent with its general scheme, is that the DAYONG takes in his hand a sword and, glancing at the

polished blade with a startled air, seems to catch in it a glimpse of the wandering soul.[108] The next step is

to restore the soul to the body. The DAYONG comes out of his trance with the air of one who is suddenly

transported from distant scenes, and usually exhibits in his palm some small living creature, or it may be

merely a grain of rice, a pebble, or bit of wood, in which the captured soul is in some sense contained. This

he places on the top of the patient's head, and by rubbing causes it to pass into the head. The soul having been

thus restored. to the body, it is necessary to prevent it escaping again; and this is done by tying a strip of

A fowl is then killed, or, in very severe cases of sickness, a pig, and its blood is sprinkled or wiped by means

of the sword or knife upon this confining bracelet. In mild cases the fowl may be merely waved over the head

of the patient without being killed. The DAYONG then gives directions as to the MALAN (the tabus) to be

observed by the patient, especially in regard to articles of diet, and retires, leaving his fee to be sent after him.

This ceremony clearly involves a curious confusion of symbolical and descriptive acts, which are not ordered

in strict consistency with any clearly defined theory of the nature of the soul and of its relations to the body,

The catching of souls is practised in very similar fashion among all the peoples of Borneo, even by the

Mental derangement is commonly attributed to possession by evil TOH, and exorcism is practised among

some of the tribes, but very little by the Kayans, who generally content themselves with confining any

CHAPTER 14. Ideas of the Soul Illustrated by Burial Customs, SoulCatching, and Exorcism 118

No doubt the catching of the soul does make strongly for the recovery of the patient, through inspiring him

with hope and confidence. But it cannot always stave off death. If, in spite of the operations of one

soulcatcher, the patient's strength still sinks, some other practitioner is usually called in for consultation. In

the case of a chief the help of three or even four may be invoked successively or together; and the ceremony

of catching the soul may be repeated again and again with greater elaboration of detail, and may be prolonged

When all these efforts prove unavailing, despairing relatives sometimes put the end of a blowpipe to the

dying or dead man's ear (or merely their lips) and shout through it, "Come back, this is your home, here we

have food ready for you." Sometimes the departed soul is believed to reply, "I am far from home, I am

If, in spite of all these efforts, the patient dies, a drum is loudly beaten (or in case of a female a TAWAK) in

order to announce the decease to relatives and friends gone before, the number of strokes depending upon the

rank and sex of the departing spirit. The corpse is kept in the house during a period which varies from one

night for people of the lower class, to three nights for middle class folk, and ten days for a chief. During this

time the dead man lies in state. The corpse has a bead of some value under each eyelid;[109] it is dressed in

his finest clothes and ornaments, and is enclosed within a coffin hollowed from a single log, the lid of which

The coffin is covered with a particular design in red and black and white, and is placed in the gallery on a low

platform, surrounded by the most valuable personal property of the dead man, whose family will take pains to

make the display of property as imposing as possible. A fire is kept burning near the coffin, and small packets

of cooked rice and of tobacco are placed upon it for the use of the dead man's soul. Hundreds of cigarettes are

hung in bundles about the platform by people of the house, sent by them as tokens of kindly remembrance to

their departed friends, who are believed to be able to recognise by smell the hands that made each bundle.

During the whole period the dead man is attended continuously by at least two or three mourners, either

relatives or, more rarely, hired mourners, who from time to time throughout both day and night wail loudly,

These parties come in from neighbouring villages in response to news of the death sent them by special

messengers, and in the case of an influential chief several thousand men and women sometimes congregate in

Upon the arrival of any person of importance, gongs and drums are beaten, and the dead man is informed of

the fact by the DAYONG or by a relative. The visitor is led to a scat near the coffin, where he will sit silently

or join in the wailing, until after a few minutes he enters into conversation with his hosts. When all the

While the coffin lies in the house all noises other than the wailing are avoided in its immediate

neighbourhood, and the children, dogs, and fowls are kept away from it. The DAYONG will sit beside the

coffin occasionally brandishing a sword above it in order to keep in check the TOH who, attracted to the

On the day appointed for the removal of the corpse it is the duty of the DAYONG to instruct the dead man's

soul how to find his way to the other world; this he does, sitting beside the coffin and chanting aloud in

doleful tones. For (curiously enough in view of the theory implied by the soulcatching ceremony) the man's

soul is regarded as remaining in, or in the proximity of, the body so long as it remains in the house. This is

one of several indications that the Kayans vaguely distinguish two souls on the one hand the ghostsoul or

shade, which in dreams wanders afar, on the other hand the vital principle. It would seem that so long as this

vital spark remains in the body the ghostsoul may return to it; but that, when death is complete, this vital

CHAPTER 14. Ideas of the Soul Illustrated by Burial Customs, SoulCatching, and Exorcism 119

The use of the word URIP further bears out this interpretation. In common speech URIP means alive, but it is

applied also as a prefix to the names of those recently deceased, and seems to mark the speaker's sense of the

continuance of the personality as that which has life in spite of the death of the body.

Thus BLUA and URIP seem to mark a distinction which in Europe in different ages has been marked by the

words soul and spirit, ANIMA and ANIMUS, psyche and pneuma, and which was familiar also to the

Hebrews. In this, of course, Kayan thought on this subject does but follow on the lines of many other peoples

When the DAYONG has completed his instructions, the rattan lashings about the head of the coffin are

loosed. Since this is the moment at which the soul is believed to take its final departure from the body, it is

probable that this custom of unlashing the coffin is connected with the idea of facilitating its escape, although

we have obtained no definite statement to this effect. At the same time the fire that has been kept burning by

the coffin is allowed to die out. To the coffin, which is shaped roughly like a boat, two small wooden figures

are attached a figure of a woman at the head, a male figure at its foot. These figures are not improbably a

vestige of a bygone custom of killing slaves, whose souls would row the boat of the dead man on his journey

to the other world. This interpretation is borne out by the fact that a live fowl is usually tied to one of these

wooden figures. The coffin is then conveyed out of the house by lowering it to the ground with rattans, either

through the floor, planks being taken up for the purpose, or under the caves at the side of the gallery. In this

way they avoid carrying it down the houseladder; and it seems to be felt that this precaution renders it more

difficult for the ghost to find its way back to the house.[110] All this is done with great deliberation, the

coffin being brought by easy stages to the river bank. There it is laid in a large boat gaily decorated with

brightcoloured cloths, which is paddled down river to the graveyard, followed by the boats of the mourning

friends, who refrain from speaking to any persons encountered on the way. The tombs of the village are on

the river bank some quarter of a mile below the house, generally on the opposite bank. Here the final

restingplace of the coffin has been prepared by erecting a great log of timber, which is large in proportion to

the social standing of the dead man. In the case of a chief the log is of ironwood, some three feet or more in

diameter and some thirty feet in length. One end of this is sunk some four or five feet into the ground. The

erecting of such a massive support is a task of some difficulty, achieved by first digging the pit at the foot of

the log and then hauling up the other end with a rough windlass. The upper end, which is always the rootend

of the log, is cut in the form of a deep cleft, just wide enough to receive the coffin. Above the cleft a large

slab of hardwood forms a cover for the coffin, and this is often elaborately carved (see Pls. 152, 153). In

some cases two, and in others even four, smaller poles are used for the support of the coffin, but this usually

only to avoid the labour of erecting one very large one. The coffin is lifted into this cleft by the aid of a

scaffolding which is built around the large pole, and which afterwards falls away when the lashings are cut.

On landing at the graveyard the mourners carry the coffin between the two parts of a cleft pole which are

fixed in the ground so as to make a large V (this is called NYRING, the wall), and all the mourners are

expected to pass through this cleft, each, in doing so, placing his foot upon a fowl which is laid bound upon

the ground. The coffin is then lifted to its cleft, and the weapons, implements, and war clothes, the large hat,

the cookingpot, and in fact any articles of personal property that may be of use to the departing soul, are

hung upon the tomb.[111] If a gong is hung up, it may be cracked or pierced beforehand, but it is not usual

among Kayans to spoil other articles before hanging them on the tomb.[112] The scaffolding about the tomb

is then caused to fall away, and it only remains for the mourners to purify themselves. This they do with the

help of the lower jaws of the pigs that were consumed at the funeral feast. The jaws are placed together with

water in a gong or other basin, and the DAYONG, taking a fowl's feather, sprinkles drops of water from the

basin upon all the assembled mourners, pouring out the while a stream of words, the purport of which is

may all evil things, all sickness and such things be kept away from you. Then the mourners return in a single

file through the V formed by the cleft pole, each one again placing his foot on the fowl (which dies before the

end of the ceremony), spitting as he goes through, and exclaiming, "Keep off evil" (BALI JAAT, I.E.

CHAPTER 14. Ideas of the Soul Illustrated by Burial Customs, SoulCatching, and Exorcism 120

literally, spiritual or supernatural evil). When all have passed through, the upper ends of the two parts of the

cleft pole are brought together and lashed round with rattans; and a small tree, pulled up by the roots, and

having its branches cut away, is laid beside the pole with its roots turned towards the grave (this is called

SELIKANG); and on the other side of the pole is put another vertical pole with a crosspiece tied at its upper

end. Fire is left burning beside these structures. In this way the Kayans symbolically prevent any of the

uncanny influences of the graveyard following the party back to the house; though they do not seem to be

clear as to whether it is the ghosts of the dead, or the TOH of the neighbourhood, or those which may have

contributed to his death, against whom these precautions are taken. This done, the whole party returns as

The whole household of which the dead man was a member continues in mourning for a period which is long

in proportion to his social standing; the mourning rules are observed most strictly by the nearest relatives.

The signs of mourning are the wearing of barkcloth or of clothes made yellow with clay, allowing the hair

to grow on the parts of the head and face usually kept shaved,[113] and the putting aside of ornaments such

as earrings, necklaces, or the substitution of wooden earrings for the metal ones commonly worn by the

women. All music, feasts, and jollifications are avoided. The period of mourning can only be properly

terminated by a ceremony in which a human head plays an essential part. Where the influence of the

European governments has not made itself felt, the death of a chief necessitates the procuring of a fresh head,

and a party may be sent out to cut off in the jungle, on the farms, or on the river, some small party of a hostile

village. The common people must postpone the termination of their mourning until some such occasion

presents itself. Nowadays in the districts in which head hunting has been suppressed, an old head, generally

one surviving from an earlier period, is borrowed or begged for the purpose from another village, and is

brought home with all the display properly belonging to a return from successful war (see Chap. X). As soon

as the head is brought into the house the period of mourning terminates amid general rejoicing. The head, or a

fragment of it, or the bundle of palm leaves (DAUN ISANG) with which it has been decorated, is hung upon

In case of any dispute regarding the division of the property of a dead man, his ghost may be called upon by a

DAYONG and questioned as to the dead man's intentions; but this would not be done until after the harvest

following upon the death. The ceremony is known as DAYONG JANOI. A small model of a house, perhaps a

yard in width and length, is made and placed in the gallery beside the door of the dead man's chamber. Food

and drink of various kinds as prepared for a feast are placed in this house, together with cigarettes. The

DAYONG chants beside the house, calling upon the soul of the dead man to enter the soulhouse, and

mentioning the names of the members of his family. From time to time he looks in, and after some time

announces that all the food and drink has been consumed. The people accept this statement as evidence that

the ghost has entered the soulhouse.[115] The DAYONG acts as though listening to the whispering of the

soul within the house, starting and clucking from time to time. Then he announces the will of the ghost in

regard to the distribution of the property, speaking in the first person and reproducing the phraseology and

peculiarities of the dead man.[116] The directions so obtained are usually followed, and the dispute is thus

terminated. But in some cases the people apply a certain test to verify the alleged presence of the ghost. A

shallow dish (often a gong) of water is placed near the soulhouse, and a ringshaped armlet of shell is

placed vertically in this basin, the water covering its lower half. A few fine fibres of the cottonseed are

thrown on to the surface of the water, and by tapping on the planks the people keep these in movement. If the

threads float through the ring, that is conclusive evidence of the presence of the ghost; but so long as the

threads cannot be got to pass through the ring, the people are not satisfied that the ghost is present.

The soul of the dead man is supposed to wander on foot through the jungle until he reaches the crest of a

mountain ridge. From this point he looks down upon the basin of a great river, the LONG MALAN, in which

five districts are assigned as the dwellingplaces of souls, the destination of each being determined by the

CHAPTER 14. Ideas of the Soul Illustrated by Burial Customs, SoulCatching, and Exorcism 121

mode of death. The ghosts of those who die through old age or disease go to APO LEGGAN, the largest of

these districts, where they live very much as we do in this life. Those who die a violent death, whether in

battle or or by accident, go to the basin of a tributary river, LONG JULAN, where is BAWANG DAHA (lake

of blood); there they live in comfort, and become rich though they do no work: they have for wives the ghosts

of women that have died in childbed. Those that have been drowned find a home beneath the rivers, and are

supposed to become possessed of all property lost in the water by their surviving friends; this place (or

places) bears the name of LING YANG. The souls of stillborn children dwell in TENYU LALU; they are

believed to be very brave, owing to their having experienced no pain in this world. Finally, suicides[117]

have assigned to them a special district, TAN TEKKAN, where they live miserably, eating only roots,

Other districts of this great country are vaguely assigned to the souls of Malays and other peoples. It is

generally said that the left bank of the river is the place of the tribes of Borneo, while the right bank is

assigned to all other peoples; and the soul is especially warned by the DAYONG to avoid the right bank lest

it should find itself among foreigners. These beliefs seem to involve some faint rudiment of the doctrine of

POSTMORTEM retribution or, at least, compensation, a rudiment which does not appear in the beliefs

The departed soul standing on the mountain ridge surveys these regions; and it is not until he stops here to

rest that he becomes aware that he is finally separated from his body. This fact is brought home to him by the

arrival of the ghostsouls of the various articles hung upon his tomb, which hurry after him, but only

There are current among Kayans several versions of the further journey of the soul. The ghost descends the

mountain to the banks of LONG MALAN, which river he must cross to reach his appointed place. The river

must be crossed by means of a bridge consisting of a single large log suspended from bank to bank. This log,

BITANG SEKOPA, is constantly agitated by a guardian, MALIGANG by name. If the ghost has during the

earthly life taken a head, or even merely taken part in a successful headhunting raid, a fact indicated by the

tatuing of the hands, he crosses this bridge without difficulty; but if not, he falls below and is consumed by

maggots or, according to another version, is devoured by a large fish, PATAN, and so is destroyed. When the

ghost reaches the other bank, he is greeted by those of his friends who have gone before, and they lead him to

their village. Some part of the journey is generally regarded as made by boat, though it is not possible to

make this fit consistently into the general scheme. Another point on which opinion is very vague is the part

played by LAKI JUP URIP, a deity or spirit whose function it is to guide the souls to their proper

In many Kayan villages stories are told of persons who are believed to have died and to have come to life

again. This belief seems to have arisen in every case from the person having lain in a trance for some days,

during which he was regarded as dead. The Kayans accept the cessation of respiration as evidence of death,

It seems that such persons usually give some account of their experiences during the period in which they

have deserted their bodies. They usually allege that they have traversed a part of the road to the land of

shades, and describe it in terms agreeing more or less closely with the traditional account of it current among

the Kayans. Since in these cases the person is thought to be dead, no efforts are made by the DAYONG to

lead back his departing soul, and its return has to be explained in some other way. In some cases the returned

soul describes how he was turned back by MALIGANG, the awful being who guards the bridge across the

Mr. R. S. Douglas, Resident of Baram, has recently reported a similar belief held by the Muriks, a Klemantan

tribe, where it is supported by the following legend. The soul or spirit of a certain man, UKU PANDAH by

CHAPTER 14. Ideas of the Soul Illustrated by Burial Customs, SoulCatching, and Exorcism 122

name, left his body two years before the time appointed as the term of its incorporate life, and gained

admittance to the land of shades in the shape of a pig. It was, however, recognised by the ruler of that land,

and ordered by him to return to its mortal body. The command was obeyed, and UKU PANDAH, having

been dead for two days, came to life again and lived for two years, during which he described to his friends

the country of the dead of which he had thus obtained a glimpse; and this knowledge has been preserved by

The beliefs and traditions of the various tribes in regard to the other world seem to have been confused

through the intercourse between them, so that it is not possible to mark off clearly what features properly

belong to each of the tribes. The general features are. similar with all the peoples. The Kenyah story is very

similar to that of the Kayans, though the names of the various places are different, and they usually conceive

TAMA KAJAN ODOH, the MADANG chief whose line of descent from BALINGO is given on p. 12, vol.

ii., made us a rough map of the land of the shades (Fig. 78) and of the country traversed by the ghost on its

journey thither. This was done in the way maps of their own country are always made by the Borneans,

namely, he laid upon the floor bits of stick and other small objects to represent the principal topographical

features and relations. We tested the trustworthiness of his account by asking him to repeat it on a subsequent

occasion; when he did so without any noteworthy departure from the former description. A point of special

interest is the appearance in the land of shades of the house of BALI PENYALONG and of OKO

PERBUNGAN (which seems to be the MADANG name for the wife of the Supreme Being). This map brings

out clearly what seems to be the essential feature of all these schemes, namely, that the land of shades is the

basin of a river divided by a mountain ridge from that from which the ghost departs.

The Punans add some picturesque incidents. According to their version, a huge helmeted hornbill[120]

(RHINOFLAX VIGIL) sits by the far end of the bridge across the river of death, and with its screams tries to

terrify the ghost, so that it shall fall from the bridge into the jaws of the great fish which is in league with the

bird. On the other side of the river IS UNGAP, a woman with a cauldron and spear. UNGAP, if appeased

with a gift, aids the ghost to escape from the monstrous bird and fish. Pebbles or beads are put in the nostrils

The Punans recite or sing a story in blank verse descriptive of this passage of the soul. It is sometimes sung in

very dramatic fashion, the performer acting the principal incidents and pitching his voice in a doleful, though

musical, minor key. Such a recitation of the passage of the soul, delivered by a wild and tragic figure before

an intently listening group of squatting men and women illuminated by flickering torchlight, is by no means

unimpressive to the European observer. The following lines are a rough literal translation of a fragment of the

CHAPTER 14. Ideas of the Soul Illustrated by Burial Customs, SoulCatching, and Exorcism 123

Some of the Malanaus, one of the many branches of the Klemantan people, hold peculiar views about the

soul. Each man is credited with two souls. After his death one of these goes to some region in the heavens

where it becomes a good spirit that assists at the BAYOH ceremonies.[121] The other makes a journey to a

world of the dead much like APO LEGGAN of the Kayans; and the journey involves the crossing of the river

on a single log, the passage of which is disputed by a malign being, who tries to shake the nerve of the ghost

by flinging ashes at him as he traverses the bridge. Other Malanaus (of Muka) describe this opposing power

as a twoheaded dog, MAIWIANG by name, whom it is necessary to propitiate with the gift of a valuable

bead. For this reason a bead of some value is fastened to the right arm of the corpse before the coffin is

closed. It is said of the Malanaus that they were formerly in the habit of killing several slaves at the tomb of a

chief; and, since it was believed that, if the victims died a violent death, their souls would not go to the same

place as the dead chief, and would thus be of no service, they were allowed to die from exposure to the sun

while bound to the tomb. Now that homicide is prohibited, these people arrange a great cockfight; and there

can be little doubt that the death of many of the birds is felt to compensate in some degree for the enforced

The last case on record of the killing of a slave at the entombment of a chief occurred about fifteen years ago

among the Orang Bukits (Klemantans) in Bruni territory. The son of the dead chief (Datu Gunong) went to

Bruni city, and there bought an aged slave from one of the principal officers of state. The slave was kept in a

bamboo cage until the day of entombment, when he was killed, each of the funeral guests inflicting a small

wound with a spear. His head was hung on the tomb. From circumstantial accounts of this incident which

reached one of us, we infer that those who took part in this brutal act were moved only by a sense of duty and

The Kayans, as well as most of the peoples, regard madness as due to possession by an evil spirit,[123] but

the Malanaus extend this theory to many other forms of disease, and practise an elaborate rite of exorcism.

This will be described in the chapter (XVI.) dealing with charms and magical practices.

It will be gathered from what has been said in the foregoing pages that the life after death is regarded as not

in any way very different from this life, as neither a very superior nor an inferior condition; although, as we

have said, those who die a violent death are believed to have a rather better lot, and suicides a worse fate,

than others. Social distinction and consideration, especially such as is achieved by the taking of heads in war,

is carried over into the life after death; and men are anxious that outward marks of such distinction should go

with them. This is undoubtedly one of the grounds for tatuing the body. Among the Kayans a man's hands are

only fully tatued when he has taken a head; while the social status of a woman is marked by the degree of

fineness of the tatuing.[124] It follows that death is neither greatly feared nor desired; but an old man will

sometimes affirm that he is quite ready or even desirous to die, although he may seem cheerful and fairly

The Kayans believe in the reincarnation of the soul, although this belief is not clearly harmonised with the

belief in the life in another world. It is generally believed that the soul of a grandfather may pass into one of

his grandchildren, and an old man will try to secure the passage of his soul to a favourite grandchild by

CHAPTER 14. Ideas of the Soul Illustrated by Burial Customs, SoulCatching, and Exorcism 124

holding it above his head from time to time. The grandfather usually gives up his name to his eldest

grandson, and reassumes the original name of his childhood with the prefix or title LAKI, and the custom

seems to be connected with this belief or hope. There is no means of discovering whether the hope is realised.

The human soul may also, in the belief of all the peoples, be reincarnated in the body of almost any animal;

but opinions in regard to this matter are very vague. Thus the Kayans believe that the objection of the

Mohammedan Malays to the eating of pig is due to reincarnation of their souls in animals of that species,

Among the Kayans and other peoples sceptics are to be found, and, as no inquisitorial methods are in vogue

among them, such persons will on occasion give expression to their doubts about the accepted dogmas,

although speech about such topics is generally repressed by some touch of awe. One man, for example,

argued in our hearing that he could hardly believe that man continues to exist after death, for, said he, if men

and women still lived after death, some of those who have been very fond of their children would surely

return to see them, and would be in some way perceived by the living. But all such discussions are usually

The Kenyahs' disposal of their dead is very similar in all respects to the Kayan practice. But the burial

customs of most of the Klemantan tribes are different. Their usual practice is to keep the coffin containing the

corpse in the gallery of the house until the period of mourning is terminated. A bamboo tube carried down

through the floor to the ground permits the escape of fluids resulting from decomposition. The coffin itself is

sealed closely with wax, and elaborately decorated with carved and painted woodwork. After several

months or even years have elapsed a feast is made (the feast of the bones); the coffin is opened and the bones

taken out and cleaned. They are then packed into a smaller coffin or a large ovoid jar, which is carried to the

village cemetery. There it is placed either in the hollowed upper end of a massive post, or into a large wooden

chamber containing, or to contain, the remains of several persons, generally near relatives. These tombs are in

Since the Klemantans who use the jar to contain the bones are not capable of making such large jars, but

procure jars of IndoChinese and Chinese manufacture, it seems probable that the jars are comparatively

modern substitutes for the smaller wooden coffin or bonebox. Only the richer folk can afford the luxury of a

A rather different procedure is sometimes adopted by the same Klemantans who use the wooden coffins,

namely, the corpse is placed in a jar a few days after death. Since the mouth of the jar is generally too small

to admit the corpse the jar is broken horizontally into two parts by the following ingenious procedure. The jar

is sunk in the water of the river until it is full of water and wholly submerged; it is held horizontally by two

men, one at either end, just beneath the surface of the water. A third man strikes a sharp downward blow with

an axe upon the widest circumference of the jar; it is then turned over and he strikes a second blow upon the

same circumference at a spot opposite to the first. At the second stroke the jar falls in two, sometimes as

cleanly and nicely broken as though cut with a saw.[125] The corpse is then packed in with its knees tied

closely under the chin; the upper part of the jar is replaced and sealed on with wax. When the time of the feast

of the bones arrives, the jar is reopened, the bones cleaned, and replaced in the jar.

This mode of jar burial is commonly practised by the Muruts, and is commoner in the northern parts of the

island than elsewhere. It may be added that the jars used are generally valuable old jars, and that the cheap

The Klemantans put selected pieces of the property of the deceased within the tomb, but do not generally

CHAPTER 14. Ideas of the Soul Illustrated by Burial Customs, SoulCatching, and Exorcism 125

The Sea Dayaks bury their dead in the earth, generally in a village graveyard on the river banks not far from

the house. The body, together with personal property, is merely wrapped in mats and laid in a grave some

three feet in depth. It is not usual to keep it in the house for some days as the Kayans do, and the burial is

effected with comparatively little ceremony. The grave of the common man is not marked with any

monument, but that of a chief may be marked by a SUNGKUP; this consists of two pairs of stout posts, at

head and feet respectively; each pair is erected in the form of an oblique cross; the upper end of each post is

carved in decorative fashion. Two broad planks laid between the lower parts of these crossed posts form a

roof to the grave. In the case of a man noted for great success in farming or fighting, a bamboo tube may be

sunk through the earth to the spot just above the root of the nose, and through this they speak to him and pour

The Land Dayaks of upper Sarawak, as well as some other Klemantan tribes in South Borneo, are peculiar in

that they burn the dead, or the bones alone after the flesh has dropped away. The burning of the whole body is

in some tribes carried out by the richer families only; the bodies that are not burned are buried in the earth.

Many of the animals, both wild and domesticated, are held by the Kenyahs in peculiar regard; those that most

influence their conduct are the omenbirds, and among the omenbirds the common whiteheaded

carrionhawk (HALIASTER INTERMEDIUS) is by far the most important. The Kenyahs always observe

the movements of this hawk with keen interest, for by a wellestablished code of rules they interpret his

movements in the heavens as signs by which they must be guided in many matters of moment, especially in

the conduct of warlike or any other dangerous expeditions.[127] The hawk is always spoken of and addressed

as BALI FLAKI, and is formally consulted before any party of Kenyahs sets out from home for distant parts.

To illustrate the formalities with which they read the omens we will transcribe here a passage from a journal

kept by one of us. The occasion of the incidents described was the setting out of a large body of Kenyahs

from the house of Tama Bulan (Pl. 27), a chief who by his personal merits had attained to a position of great

influence among the other Kenyah chiefs, and who had been confirmed in his authority by His Highness the

Rajah of Sarawak. The object of the expedition was to visit and make peace with another great fighting tribe,

the Madangs, who live in the remotest interior of Borneo.[128] Tama Bulan, whose belief in the value of the

omens had been slightly shaken, was willing to start without ceremonies, and to make those powers which he

believed to protect us responsible for himself and his people also. But the people had begged him not to

At break of day, before I was up, Tama Bulan was washed by the women at the river's brink with water and

the blood of pigs to purify him for his journey, and later in the morning the people set to work to seek omens

and a guarantee of their safety on the journey from the hawks that are so numerous here. A small shelter of

sticks and leaves was made on the riverbank before the house, and the women having been sent to their

rooms, three men of the upper class[129] sat under this leafshelter beside a small fire, and searched the sky

for hawks. After sitting there silently for about an hour the three men suddenly became animated; one of them

took in his right hand a small chick and a stick frayed by many deep cuts with a knife, and waved them

repeatedly from left to right, at the same time pouring out a rapid flood of words. They had caught sight of a

hawk high up and far away from them, and they were trying to persuade it to fly towards the right. Presently

the hawk, a tiny speck in the sky, sailed slowly out of sight behind a hill on the right, and the men settled

themselves to watch for a second hawk which must fly towards the left, and a third which must circle round

and round. In the course of about halfanhour two hawks had obligingly put in an appearance, and behaved

just as it was hoped and desired that they should behave; and so this part of the business was finished, and

about a score of men bustled about preparing for the next act. They brought many fowls and several young

pigs, and a bundle of long poles pointed at either end. Before the house stand upright two great boles of

timber; the upper end of each of them is carved into a rude face and crowned with a brass gong (Pl. 157).

These are two images of the one Supreme Being, Bali Penyalong, and they seem to be at the same time the

altars of the god. A tall young tree, stripped of all but its topmost twigs, stands beside one of them, and is

supposed to reach to heaven or, at least, by its greater proximity to the regions above, to facilitate intercourse.

As to the meaning of this and many other features of these rites it is impossible to form any exact idea, for the

opinions of these people in such matters are hardly less vague and diversified than those of more civilized

worshippers. Tama Bulan, in his character of high priest,[130] took his stand before one of these images,

while a nephew, one of the three men who had watched the hawks, officiated before the other and went

through exactly the same ceremonies as his uncle, at the same time with him. Tama Bulan held a small

bamboo watervessel in his left hand, and with a frayed stick in his right hand sprinkled some of the water on

the image, all the time looking up into its face and rapidly repeating a set form of words. Presently he took a

fowl, snipped off its head and sprinkled its blood upon the image, and so again with another and another

fowl. Then he held a young pig while a follower gashed its throat, and as the blood leapt out he scattered it on

the image, while the score of men standing round about put their hands, some on him, some on one another;

maintaining in this way physical contact with one another and with their leader, they joined in the prayer or

incantation which he kept pouring forth in the same rapid mechanical fashion in which many a curate at home

reads the Church service. In the house, meanwhile, four boys were pounding at two big drums to keep away

from the worshippers all sounds but the words of their own prayers.[131] Then another fowl and another pig

were sacrificed in similar fashion at each altar, and the second part of the rite was finished by the men

sticking the carcases of the slaughtered beasts each one on the point of a pole, and fixing the poles upright in

Tama Bulan now came up into the house to perform the third and last act. A pig was brought and laid bound

upon the floor, and Tama Bulan, stooping, with a sword in his right hand, kept punching the pig gently

behind the shoulder as though to keep its attention, and addressed it with a rapid flow of words, each phrase

beginning "O Bali Bouin." The pig's throat was then cut by an attendant, and Tama Bulan, standing up,

diluted its blood with water and scattered it abroad over all of us as we stood round about him, while he still

kept up the rapid patter of words. Then he pulled off the head of a fowl and concluded the rites by once more

sprinkling us all with blood and water. Everyone seemed relieved and well satisfied to have got through this

important business, and to have secured protectors for all the party during the forthcoming journey. For the

three hawks will watch over them, and are held to have given them explicit guarantees of safety. The frayed

stick that had figured so largely in the rites was stuck under the rafters of the roof among a row of others

previously used, and there it will remain, a sign and a pledge of the piety of the people, as long as the house

shall stand. And then as Tama Bulan, pretty well covered with blood, went away to wash himself, I felt as

though I had just lived through a book of the AENEID, and was about to follow Father Aeneas to the shores

This elaborate rite, so well fitted to set agoing the speculative fancy of any one acquainted with the writings

of Robertson Smith and Messrs. Jevons and Frazer, was one of the first that we witnessed together. After

giving all our facts we shall return to discuss some of the interesting questions raised by it, but it will be seen

that we are far from having discovered satisfactory explanations of all its features. Obscure features to which

we would direct attention are the use of the fire and the frayed stick, for these figure in almost all rites in

which the omenbirds are consulted or prayers and sacrifices made. The Kenyahs seem to feel that the

purpose of fire is to carry up the prayers to heaven by means of the ascending flame and smoke, in somewhat

the same way as the tall pole planted by the side of the image of Bali Penyalong facilitates communion with

Before going out to attack an enemy, omens are always sought in the way we have described, and if the

expedition is successful the warriors bring home not only the heads of the slain enemy, but also pieces of

their flesh, which they fix upon poles before the house, one for each family, as a thankoffering to Bali Flaki

for his guidance and protection. It seldom occurs that a hawk actually takes or eats these pieces of flesh, and

that does not seem to be expected. Without favourable omens from the hawks Kenyahs will not set out on any

expedition, and even when they have secured them, they still anxiously look out for further guidance, and

may be stopped or turned back at any time by unfavourable omens. Thus, should a hawk fly over their boat

going in the same direction as themselves, this is a good omen; but if one should fly towards them as they

travel, and especially if it should scream as it does so, this is a terribly bad omen, and only in case they can

obtain other very favourable omens to counteract the impression made by it will they continue their journey.

If one of a party dies on the journey, they will stop for one whole day for fear of offending Bali Flaki. If a

hawk should scream just as they are about to deliver an attack, that means that some of the elder men will be

Bali Flaki is also consulted before sowing and harvesting the rice crop, but besides being appealed to publicly

on behalf of the whole community, his aid may be sought privately by any man who wishes to injure another.

For this purpose a man makes a rough wooden image in human form, and retires to some quiet spot on the

river bank where he sets up a TEGULUN, a horizontal pole supported about a yard above the ground by a

pair of vertical poles. He lights a small fire beside the TEGULUN, and, taking a fowl in one hand, he sits on

the ground behind it so as to see through it a square patch of sky,[132] and so waits until a hawk becomes

visible upon this patch. As soon as a hawk appears he kills the fowl, and with a frayed stick smears its blood

on the wooden image, saying, "Put fat in his mouth" (which means "Let his head be taken and fed with fat in

the usual way"), and he puts a bit of fat in the mouth of the image. Then he strikes at the breast of the image

with a small wooden spear, and throws it into a pool of water reddened with red earth, and then takes it out

and buries it in the ground. While the hawk is visible, he waves it towards the left; for he knows that if it flies

to the left he will prevail over his enemy, but that if it goes to the right his enemy is too strong for him.

When a new house is built, a wooden image of Bali Flaki with wings extended is put up before it, and an

offering of mixed food is put on a little shelf before the image, and at times, especially after getting good

omens from the hawks, it is offered bits of flesh and is smeared with pig's blood. If the people have good luck

in their new house, they renew the image; but if not, they usually allow it to fall into decay. If, when a man is

sitting down to a meal, he espies a hawk in the heavens, he will throw a morsel of food towards it,

We have seen that during the formal consultation of the hawks the women are sent to their rooms.

Nevertheless many women keep in the cupboards in which they sleep a wooden image of the hawk with a

few feathers stuck upon it. If the woman falls sick she will take one of these feathers and, waving it to and

fro, will say, "Tell the bad spirit that is making me sick that I have a feather of Bali Flaki." When she

Although Kenyahs will not kill a hawk, they wouldnot prevent us from shooting one if it stole their

chickens; for they say that a hawk who will do that is a lowclass fellow, a cad, in fact, for there are social

Although the Kenyahs thus look to Bali Flaki to guide them and help them in many ways, and express

gratitude towards him, we do not think that they conceive of him as a single great spirit, as some of the other

tribes tend to do; they rather look upon the hawks as messengers and intermediators between themselves and

Bali Penyalong,[133] to which a certain undefined amount of power is delegated. No doubt it is a vulgar error

with them, as in the case of professors of other forms of belief, to forget in some degree the Supreme Being,

and to direct their prayers and thanks almost exclusively to the subordinate power, which, having

concrete forms, they can more easily keep before their minds. They regard favourable omens as given for

their encouragement, and bad omens as friendly warnings.[134] We were told by one very intelligent Kenyah

that he supposed that the hawks, having been so frequently sent by Bali Penyalong to give them warnings,

had learnt how to do this of their own will, and that sometimes they probably do give them warning or

All Kenyahs hold Bali Flaki in the same peculiar regard, and no individuals or sections of them claim to be

Kenyahs obtain omens of less importance from several other birds. When favourable omens have been given

by the hawks, some prominent man is always sent out to sit on the riverbank beside a small fire and watch

and listen for these other birds. Their movements and cries are the signs which he interprets as omens,

confirming or weakening the import of those given by the hawks. Of these other omens the most regarded are

those given by the three species of the spiderhunter (ARACHNOTHERA CHRYSOGENYS, A.

MODESTA, and A. LONGIROSTRIS). All three species are known as "Sit" or "Isit." When travelling on the

river, the Kenyahs hope to see "Isit" fly across from left to right as they sit facing the bow of the canoe. When

this happens they call out loudly, saying, "O, Isit on the left hand! Give us long life, help us in our

undertaking, help us to find what we are seeking, make our enemies feeble." They usually stop their canoes,

land on the bank, and, after making a small fire, say to it, "Tell Isit to help us." Each man of the party will

light a cigarette in order that he may have his own small fire, and will murmur some part at least of the usual

formulas. After seeing "Isit" on their left, they like to see him again on their right side.

Next in importance to the spiderhunters are the three varieties of the trogan (HARPACTES DIARDI, H.

DUVAUCELII, and H. KASUMBA). They like to hear the trogan calling quietly while he sits on a tree to

their left; but if he is on their right, the omen is only a little less favourable.[135] On hearing the trogan's cry,

they own it, as they say, by shouting to it and by stopping to light a fire just as in the case of "Isit."

KIENG, the woodpecker (LEPOCESTES PORPHYROMELAS), has two notes, one of which is of good, the

other of had omen. If they have secured good omens from the birds already mentioned, they will then try to

avoid hearing KIENG, lest he should utter the note of evil omen; so they sing and talk and rattle their paddles

Other omenbirds of less importance are ASI (CARCINEUTES MELANOPS), whose note warns them of

difficulties in their path, and UKANG (SASIA ABNORMIS), whose note means good luck for them.

TELAJAN, the crested rainbird (PLATYLOPHUS CORONATUS), announces good luck by its call and

KONG, the hornbill (ANORRHINUS COMATUS), gives omens of minor importance by his strange deep

cry. The handsome feathers of another species of hornbill (BUCEROS RHINOCEROS), with bold bars of

black and white, are worn on warcoats and stuck in the warcaps by men who are tried warriors, but may

not be worn by mere youths. The substance of the beak of the helmeted hornbill (RHINOFLAX VIGIL) is

sometimes carved into the form of the canine tooth of the tigercat, and a pair of these is the most valued

kind of earornament for men. Only elderly men, or men who have taken heads with their own hands, may

wear them. One of the popular dances consists in a comical imitation of the movements of the hornbill, but

no special significance attaches to the dance; it seems to be done purely in a spirit of fun. Young hornbills are

We know of no other bird that plays any part in the religious life of the Kenyahs or affects them in any

All Kenyahs keep numerous domestic pigs, which roam beneath and about the house, picking up what

garbage they can find to eke out the scanty meals of ricedust and chaff given them by the women. It seems

that they seldom or never take to the jungle and become feral, although they are not confined in any way.

The domestic pig is not treated with any show of reverence, but rather with the greatest contumely, and yet it

plays a part in almost all religious ceremonies, and before it is slaughtered explanations are always offered to

it, and it is assured that it is not to be eaten. We have seen that, in the rites preparatory to an important and

dangerous expedition, the chief was washed with pig's blood and water, and that young pigs were slain before

the altarpost of Bali Penyalong, and their blood sprinkled on the post and afterwards upon all or most of the

men of the household. It is probably true that Bali Penyalong is never addressed without the slaughter of one

or more pigs, and also that no domestic pig is ever slaughtered without being charged beforehand with some

message or prayer to Bali Penyalong, which its spirit may carry up to him. But the most important function of

the pig is the giving of information as to the future course of events by means of the markings on its

Whenever it becomes specially interesting or important to ascertain the future course of events, when, for

example, a household proposes to make war, or when two parties are about to go through a peacemaking

ceremony, a pig is caught by the young men from among those beneath the house, and is brought and laid,

with its feet lashed together, before the chief in the great gallery of the house. And it would seem that the

more important the ceremony the larger and the more numerous should be the pigs selected as victims. An

attendant hands a burning brand to the chief, and he, stooping over the pig, singes a few of its hairs, and then,

addressing the pig as "Bali Bouin," and gently punching it behind the shoulder, as we have already depicted

him, he pours out a rapid flood of words. The substance of his address is a prayer to Bali Penyalong for

guidance and knowledge as to the future course of the business in hand, and an injunction to the soul of the

Sometimes more than one chief will address one pig in this way; and then, as soon as these prayers are

concluded, some follower plunges a spear into the heart or throat of the pig, and rapidly opens its belly in the

middle line, drags out the liver and lays it on a leaf or platter with the underside uppermost, and so carries it

to the chief or chiefs. Then all the elderly men crowd round and consult as to the significance of the

appearances presented by the underside of the liver. The various lobes and lobules are taken to represent the

various districts concerned in the question on which light is desired, and according to the strength and

intimacy of the connections between these lobes, the people of the districts represented are held to be bound

in more or less lasting friendship. While spots and nodules in any part betoken future evils for the people of

that part, a clean healthy liver means good fortune and happiness for all concerned.

The underside of the liver, which alone is significant, varies considerably from one specimen to another, and

this must prevent any very definite and consistent identification of the parts with the different districts of the

country. The rule generally observed is to identify the under surface of the right lobe (ARTI TOH) with the

territory of the party that kills the pig and makes the enquiry; the adjacent part of the left lobe (SUNAN) with

the territory of any party involved in the question which adjoins that of the first party; and the under surface

of the caudal extremity (ARTI ARKAT) with that of any remoter third party (see Fig. 79). If the ridge that

runs up between the right and left lobes is sharp, it indicates that there will still be some bad feeling (or, as

they say, the swords are still sharp). A gallbladder which is long and overlapping indicates more trouble

between the parties to the right and left; but one which is sunk almost out of sight in the substance of the liver

is a sign that no further trouble is to be expected. The grooves on the under surface of the right lobe stand for

the waterways and, if they are strongly marked, imply freedom of intercourse. Notches at the free edges stand

for past injuries suffered (the scars of wounds received, as it were); and if these are equally marked in the

several parts they indicate peace, because it is implied that no balance of old scores remains to any one of the

parties concerned. A sore or abscess in any part foretells the speedy death of one of the chiefs of the people of

It is obvious that this system of interpretation, which is common to nearly all the peoples, gives much scope

for the operation of prejudice, suggestion, and ingenuity. But the group of interpreting chiefs and elder men

The omens thus obtained are held to be the answer vouchsafed by Bali Penyalong to the prayers which have

If the answer obtained in this way from one pig is unsatisfactory, they will often kill a second, and on

important occasions even a third or fourth, in order to obtain a favourable answer. Unless they can thus obtain

a satisfactory forecast, they will not set out upon any undertaking of importance.

After any ceremony of this kind the body of the pig is usually divided among the people, and by them cooked

and eaten without further ceremony. But we have seen that, after the ceremony in preparation for an

expedition, the bodies of the young pigs whose blood was scattered on the altarpost of Bali Penyalong were

fixed upon tall poles beside this altarpost and there left; and this seems to be the rule in ceremonies of this

sort, though it is not clear whether the carcases are left there as offerings to the hawks or to Bali Penyalong,

or because they are in some sense too holy to be used as food after being used in such rites.

Probably Kenyahs never give to the spirits in this way the whole body of a large pig, but only of quite small

It may be said generally that Kenyahs do not kill domestic pigs simply and solely for the sake of food. The

killing of a pig is always the occasion for, or occasioned by, some religious rite. It is true that on the arrival of

honoured guests a pig is usually killed and given to them for food; but its spirit is then always charged with

some message to Bali Penyalong. It is said that, when the pig's spirit comes to Bali Penyalong, he is offended

if it brings no message from those who killed the pig, and he sends it back to carry off their souls.

On many other occasions also pigs are killed; thus, on returning from a successful attack on enemies, a pig is

usually killed for each family of the household, and a piece of its flesh is put up on a pole before the house;

and during the severe illness of any person of high social standing, pigs are usually killed, and friendly chiefs

may come from distant parts, bringing with them pigs and fowls that they may sacrifice them, and so aid in

restoring the sick man to health. On the death of a chief, too, a great feast is made, and many pigs are

slaughtered, and their jawbones are hung up on the tomb. A pig is sometimes used in the ceremony by

which a newlymade peace is sealed between tribes hitherto at bloodfeuds, but a fowl is more commonly

The wild pig which abounds in the forest is hunted by the Kenyahs, and when brought to bay by the dogs is

killed with spears, and it is eaten without ceremony or compunction by all classes. The wild pig is never used

as messenger to the gods, and its liver is not consulted. The lower jaws of all wild pigs that are killed are

cleaned and hung up together in the house, and it is believed that if these should be lost or in any way

The domestic fowls are seldom killed for food, and their eggs too can hardly be reckoned as a regular article

of diet, though the people have no prejudice against eating them. And it would seem that the fowls are kept in

the main for ceremonial Purposes, and that their table use is of very secondary importance.

Fowls are killed on many of the occasions on which pigs are sacrificed, and, as we have seen in the

description of the ceremony at Tama Bulan's house, their blood may be poured upon the altarposts of Bali

Penyalong. It would seem that fowls and pigs are to some extent interchangeable equivalents for sacrificial

purposes. Perhaps the most important occasion on which the fowl plays a part is the performance of the rite

by which a bloodfeud is finally wiped away. The following extract from the journal previously quoted

In the evening there was serious business on hand. Two chiefs, who some years ago were burned out of their

homes in the Rejang district by the government, have settled themselves with their people in the Baram

district. They had made a provisional peace with the Kayans some years ago, but the final ceremony was to

be performed this evening. The two chiefs of the immigrants, who had remained hitherto in a remote part of

the house, seated themselves at one side, and the Kayan chiefs at the other, and Tama Bulan and ourselves

between the two parties. First, presents of iron were exchanged. In the old days costly presents of metalwork

used to be given; but, as this led sometimes to renewed disputes, the government has forbidden the giving, in

such ceremony, of presents of a greater value than two dollars. So now old swordblades are given, and the

other essential part of the present has been proportionately reduced from a fullgrown fowl to a tiny chick.

After much preliminary talking, two chicks were brought and a bundle of old swordblades, which Tama

Bulan, in his character of peacemaker, carries with him whenever he travels abroad. A chief of either party

took a chick and a sword and presented them to the other. Then one led his men a little apart and began to

rattle off an invocation beginning, "O sacred (Bali) chick," snipped off its head with the sword, and with the

bloody blade smeared the right arm of his followers as they crowded round him. The old fellow kept up the

stream of words until every man was smeared; and then they all stamped together on the floor raising a great

shout. Then the other party went through a similar performance; and the peace being thus formally ratified,

Another ceremony in which the fowl plays a prominent part is that by which the wandering soul of a sick

person is found and led back to his body by the medicineman. This is described in Chapter XIV.

It seems clear that the fowl, like the pig, is used on these occasions as a messenger sent by man to the

Supreme Spirit. In most cases when a fowl is slaughtered in the course of a ceremony, it is first waved over

the heads of the people taking part in it, and its blood is afterwards sprinkled upon them.

In the bloodbrotherhood ceremony, when each of the two men drinks or smokes in a cigarette a drop of the

other's blood drawn with a bambooknife, a fowl is in many cases waved over them and then killed, and

occasionally a pig also is killed. In such a case the man who has killed the fowl will carry its carcase to the

door of the house, and there he will wave towards the heavens a frayed stick moistened with its blood, while

he announces the facts of the ceremony to Bali Penyalong. So that here again the fowl seems to play the part

of a messenger. The carcase and the bloody stick are afterwards put up together on a tall pole before the

house. After going through this ceremony a man is safe from all the members of the household to which his

bloodbrother belongs; and in the case of two chiefs all the members of either household are bound to those

Fowls' eggs are sometimes put on the cleft poles as sacrifices. In one instance, when we were engaged in

fishing a lake with a large party in boats, we came upon a row of eight poles stuck upright at the edge of the

lake, each holding a fowl's egg in its cleft upper end. These had just been put there by the crew of one of the

canoes as an offering to the crocodiles, which were regarded as the most influential of the powers of the lake

In such cases the eggs are probably economical substitutes for fowls, as seems to be indicated by the

following facts: When Kenyah boys enter a strange branch of the river for the first time, they go, each one

taking a fowl's egg in his hand, into the jungle with some old man, who takes the eggs, puts them into the

cleft ends of poles fixed upright in the earth, and thus addresses all the omenbirds collectively, "Don't let

any harm happen to these children who are coming for the first time to this river; they give you these eggs."

Sometimes instead of eggs the feathers of a fowl are used; and both the eggs and feathers would seem to be

substituted for fowls, as being good enough in the case of mere children performing a minor rite.

When the belly of a fowl is opened there are prominent two curved portions of the gut. The state of these is

examined in some cases before the planting of PADI, and sometimes before attempting to catch the soul of a

sick man. If the parts are much curved, it is a good omen; if straight or but slightly curved, it is a bad omen.

Like all other races of Sarawak, the Kenyahs regard the crocodiles that infest their rivers as more or less

friendly creatures. They fear the crocodile and do not like to mention it by name, especially if one be in sight,

and refer to it as "old grandfather." But the fear is rather a superstitious fear than the fear of being seized by

the beast. They regard those of their own neighbourhood as more especially friendly, in spite of the fact that

members of their households are occasionally taken by crocodiles, either while standing incautiously on the

bank of the river or while floating quietly at evening time in a small canoe. When this happens, it is believed

either that the person taken has in some way offended or injured one or all of the crocodiles, or that he has

been taken by a stranger crocodile that has come from a distant part of the river, and therefore did not share in

the friendly understanding usually subsisting between the people and the local crocodiles. But in any case it is

considered that the crocodiles have committed an unjustifiable aggression and have set up a bloodfeud

which can only be abolished by the slaying of one or more of the aggressors. Now it is the habit of the

crocodile to hold the body of his victim for several days before devouring it, and to drag it for this purpose

into some muddy creek opening into the main river. A party is therefore organised to search all the

neighbouring creeks, and the first measure taken is to prevent the guilty crocodile escaping to some other part

of the river. To achieve this they take long poles, frayed with many cuts, and set them up on the riverbank at

some distance above and below the scene of the crime and at the mouths of all the neighbouring creeks and

streamlets; and they kill fowls and pray that the guilty crocodile may be prevented from passing the spots

thus marked. They then search the creeks, and if they find the criminal with the body of his victim they kill

him, and the feud is at an end. But, if they fail to find him thus, they go out on the part of the river included

between their charmed poles, and, with their spears tied to long poles, prod all the bed of this part of the river,

and thus generally succeed in killing one or more crocodiles. They then usually search its entrails for the

bones and hair of the victim so as to make sure that they have caught the offending beast. But, even if they do

not obtain conclusive evidence of this kind, they seem to feel that justice is satisfied, and that the beast killed

Except in the meting out of a just vengeance in this way, no Kenyah will kill a crocodile, and they will not eat

its flesh under any circumstances. But there is no evidence to show that they regard themselves as related by

When Kenyahs go on a journey into strange rivers or to the lower part of the main river, they fear the

crocodiles of these strange waters, because they are unknown to them, and any one of them might easily be

mistaken by the crocodiles for some one who has done them an injury. Some Kenyahs tie the red leaves of

the DRACAENA below the prow of their boat whenever they go far from home, believing that this protects

In all Kenyah houses are large numbers of dogs, which vary a good deal in size and colour, but roughly

resemble large, mongrelbred, smoothhaired terriers. Each family owns several, and they are fed with rice

usually in the evening; but they seem to be always hungry. The best of them are used for hunting; but besides

these there is always a number of quite useless, illfed, illtempered curs; for no Kenyah dare kill a dog,

however much he may wish to be rid of it. Still less, of course, will he eat the flesh of a dog. The dogs prowl

about, in and around the house, much as they please, but are not treated with any particular respect. When a

dog intrudes where he is not wanted it is usual to click with the tongue at him, and this is usually enough to

make him pass on; but blows with a stick follow quickly if the animal does not obey. They display little

affection for their dogs, and they do not like children to touch or play with the dogs, but of course cannot

One young Kenyah chief, on being questioned, said that the reason they will not kill dogs is that they are like

children, and eat and sleep together with men in the same house; and he added that, if a man should kill a

If a dog dies in the house, the men push the carcase out of the house and into the river with long poles, and

will on no account touch it with their hands. The spot on the floor on which the dog died is fenced round with

It is usual for the Kenyah men to have one or more designs tatued on their forearms and shoulders. Among

the commonest of these designs are those known as the prawn and the dog (see Chap. XII). They seem to be

conventionalised derivatives from these animal forms. It is said that the dog's head design was formerly much

Very few Kenyahs of the upper class will kill or eat deer and wild cattle. They believe that if they should eat

their flesh they would vomit violently and spit out blood. They have no domestic cattle, and the buffalo does

not occur in their districts. Lowerclass Kenyahs and slaves, taken as warcaptives from other tribes, may eat

deer and horned cattle, but they must take the flesh some little distance from the house when they cook it. A

woman who is pregnant, or for any other reason is in the hands of a physician, has to observe the restrictions

with regard to deer and cattle more strictly than other people, and she will not touch or allow to be brought

The warcoats of the men are often made of the skin of goats or deer, and any man may wear such a

warcoat. But when a man has a young son, he is particularly careful to avoid contact with any part of a deer,

lest through such contact he should transmit to his son in any degree the timidity of the deer. On one occasion

when we had killed a deer, a Kenyah chief resolutely refused to allow its skin to be carried in his boat,

The cry or bark of the deer (CERVULUS MUNTJAC) is a warning of danger, and the seeing or hearing of

The only large species of the FELIDAAE that occurs in Borneo is the tigercat (FELIS NEBULOSA).

Kenyahs will not eat it, as men of some tribes do, but will kill it; and they fashion its handsome spotted skin

into warcoats. Such coats are worn only by men who have been on the warpath. The canine teeth of the

tigercat are much prized as ornaments; they are worn thrust through holes in the upper part of the shell of

the ear, but only by fullgrown men. KULEH, the name of this beast, is sometimes given to a boy.

The true tiger does not now occur in Borneo, and it is doubtful whether it ever was a native of the island.

Nevertheless the Kenyahs know it by name (LINJAU) and by reputation, and a few skins are in the

possession of chiefs. No ordinary man, but only a distinguished and elderly chief, will venture to wear such a

skin as a warcoat, or even to touch it. These skins have been brought from other lands by Malay traders, and

it is probable that whatever knowledge of the tiger the Kenyahs possess has come from the same source.

A carnivore (ARCTOGALE LEUCOTIS) allied to the civetcat warns of danger when seen or heard.

There is a certain large lizard (VARANUS) that is eaten freely by other tribes, but Kenyahs may not eat it,

They regard the seeing of any snake as an unfavourable omen, and will not kill any snake gratuitously.

Kenyahs, like all, or almost all the other natives of Borneo, are more or less afraid of the Maias (the

orangutan) and of the longnosed monkey, and they will not look one in the face or laugh at one.

In one Kenyah house a fantastic figure of the gibbon is carved on the ends of all the main crossbeams of the

house, and the chief said that this has been their custom for many generations. He told us that it is the custom,

when these beams are being put up, to kill a pig and divide its flesh among the men who are working, and no

woman is allowed to come into the house until this has been done. None of his people will kill a gibbon,

though other Kenyahs will kill and probably eat it. They claim that he helps them as a friend, and the carvings

In other parts of the same house are carvings of the bangat, SEMNOPITHECUS HOSEI, but the old chief

We do not know of any other animals to which especial respect or attention is paid by the Kenyahs.

The whiteheaded hawk (Bali Flaki) of the Kenyahs has its equivalent among the Kayans in the large

darkbrown hawk, which they call Laki Neho. But as it is not possible to distinguish these two kinds of

hawks when seen flying at some distance, they address and accept all large hawks seen in the distance as Laki

The function and powers of Laki Neho seem to be almost identical with those of Bali Flaki. He is a giver of

omens and a bringer of messages from Laki Tenangan. The following notes of a conversation with an

intelligent Kayan chief will give some idea of his attitude towards Laki Neho. It must be remembered that

these people have no priesthood and no dogmatic theologians to define and formulate beliefs, so that their

ideas as to the nature of their gods and their abodes and powers are, though perhaps more concrete, at least as

various in the minds of different individuals as are the corresponding ideas among the average adherents of

more highly developed forms of religion; and perhaps no two men will agree exactly on these matters, and

Laki Tenangan is an old man with long white hair who speaks Kayan and has a wife, Doh Tenangan. They

sometimes see him in dreams, and if fortunate they may then see his face,[137] but if unlucky they see his

back only. In olden times powerful men sometimes spoke with him, but now this never occurs. He dwells in a

house far away. Laki Neho also has a house that is covered with palm leaves and frayed sticks. It is in a

treetop, yet it is beside a river, and has a landingplace before it like every Kayan house. This house is

sometimes seen in dreams. It is not so far away as the house of Laki Tenangan. At first our informant said

that help is asked directly of Laki Neho; but, when pressed, he said that Laki Neho may carry the message to

Laki Tenangan. Some things Laki Neho does of his own will and power; for example, if a branch were likely

to fall on a Kayan boat he would prevent it, for Laki Tenangan long ago taught him how to do such things.

When a man is sick, Kayans appeal to Laki Neho; but if he does not make the patient well they then appeal to

Laki Tenangan directly, killing a pig, whose spirit goes first to the house of Laki Neho, and then on to the

more distant house of Laki Tenangan. For they believe that in such a case the patient has somehow offended

Laki Neho by disregarding or misreading his omens. A man suffering from chronic disease may himself pray

to Laki Tenangan. He lights a fire and kills a fowl, and perhaps a pig also, and calls upon Laki Neho to be his

witness and messenger. He holds an egg in one hand and says, "This is for you to eat, carry my message

direct to Laki Tenangan that I may get well and live and bring up my children, who shall be taught my

occupations and the true customs." The fire is lighted to make Laki Neho warm and energetic.

It will be seen from the above account that the Kayans have formed a concept of the power of the hawks in

general, and have given it a semianthropomorphic character, and we shall see below that the Sea Dayaks

The Kayan's attitude towards the crocodile is practically the same as the Kenyah's. We append the following

notes of a conversation with a young Kayan chief, Usong, and his cousin Wan:There are but very few Kayans

who will kill a crocodile except in revenge. But if one of their people has been taken by a crocodile they go

out together to kill the criminal, and they begin by saying, "Don't run away, you've got to be killed, why don't

you come to the surface? You won't come out on the land because you have done wrong and are afraid."

After this he will perhaps come on land; and if he does not, he will at least float to the surface of the water,

and is then killed with spears. In olden days Kayans used to make a crocodile of clay and ask it to drive away

evil spirits; but now this is not done. A crocodile may become a man just like themselves. Sometimes a man

dreams that a crocodile calls him to become his bloodbrother, and after they have gone through the regular

ceremony and exchanged names (in the dream), the man is quite safe from crocodiles. Usong's uncle has in

this way become bloodbrother to a crocodile, and is now called "Baya" (the generic name for the crocodile),

while some crocodile unknown is called Jok, and Usong considers himself the nephew of the crocodile Jok.

Usong's father has also become bloodbrother to a crocodile, and Usong calls himself a son of this particular

unknown crocodile. Sometimes he asks these two, his uncle and his fathercrocodiles, to give him a pig

when he is out hunting, and once they did give him one. After relating this, Usong added, "But who knows if

Wan's greatgreatgrandfather became bloodbrother to a crocodile, and was called "Klieng Baya." Wan has

several times met this crocodile in dreams. In one dream he fell into the river when there were many

crocodiles about. He climbed on to the head of one, which said to him, "Don't be afraid," and carried him to

the bank. Wan's father had charms given him by a crocodile and would not on any account kill one, and Wan

The Kayans regard the pig and the fowl in much the same way as the Kenyahs do, and put them to the same

uses. The beliefs and customs with regard to deer, horned cattle, dogs, and the tigercat, are similar to those

of the Kenyahs save that they will not kill the last of these. They are perhaps more strict in the avoidance of

deer and cattle. One old chief, who had been ailing for a long time, hesitated to enter the Resident's house

because he saw a pair of horns hanging up there. When he entered he asked for a piece of iron, and on

returning home he killed a fowl and a pig, and submitted to the process of having his soul caught by a

DAYONG, lest it should have incurred some undefined injury in the neighbourhood of the horns.

The Kayans avoid the skin of the tiger even more strictly than the Kenyahs or any other tribe; even a great

chief will not touch a tigerskin, and we have known one refuse to enter a house because he knew that it

Like the Kenyahs, the Kayans entertain a superstitious dread of the Maias and the longnosed monkey, but

the DOK (MACACUS NEMESTRINUS), the coconut monkey of the Malay States, has special relations to

them. It is very common in their district, but they will kill it only when it is stealing their ricecrop; and they

will never eat it as other peoples do. There is a somewhat uncertain belief that it is a bloodrelative, and the

following myth is told to account for this. A Kayan woman of high class was reaping PADI with her

daughter. Now it is against custom to eat any of the rice during reaping; and when the mother went away for

a short time leaving the girl at work, she told her on no account to eat any of the rice. But no sooner was the

mother gone than the girl began to husk some PADI and nibble at it. Then at once her body began to itch, and

hair began to grow on her arms like the hair of a DOK. Soon the mother returned and the girl said, "Why am I

itching so?" The mother answered, "You have done some wicked thing, you have eaten some rice." Then hair

grew all over the girl's body except her head and face, and the mother said, "Ah, this is what I feared, now

you must go into the jungle and eat only what has been planted by human hands." So the girl went into the

The DOK does not help them in any way, but only spoils their crops. A very popular dance is the DOK

dance, in which a man imitates very cleverly the behaviour of the DOK. It is a very ludicrous performance,

In one Kayan house the ends of all the main crossbeams that support the roof are ornamented with fretwork

designs, which are clearly animal derivatives and apparently all of the same animal. The form suggests a

crocodile, and some of the men agreed that that was its meaning, while others asserted that it was a dog. No

doubt it was originally one or other of these, but has now become a conventional design merely, and its true

A pattern which seems to be derived from the outline of a dog, and which goes by the name KALANG ASU (

= dogpattern), occurs in a great variety of forms in the decorative art of the Kayans, and also, though to a

less extent, in that of the Kenyahs. It is tatued on arm and thigh, is reproduced in beadwork, and carved in

Neither Kayans nor Kenyahs make much use of snakes of any kind, but there is one snake with red head and

tail (BATANG LIMA) which, when they see it in the course of a journey, they must kill, else harm will befall

them. Again, if they see a certain snake just as they are about to enter a strange river or a strange village, they

will stop and light a fire on the bank in order to communicate with Laki Neho. Kayans will not eat any

The following notes of a conversation with the Orang Kaya Tumonggong, the influential chief of the Long

Pata people (one of the many groups of Klemantans), show that these people regard the hawk in much the

same way as the Kenyahs do: The hawk, BALI FLAKI, is the messenger of "Bali Utong," the Supreme

Being. When a party is about to set out on any expedition they explain their intentions to BALI FLAKI, and

then observe the movements of the hawks. If a hawk circles round over their heads, some of the party will fall

sick on the journey and probably will die. If the hawk flies to the right when near at hand, it is a good omen;

but if it flies to the right when at a distance, or to the left, whether near or far, that is a bad omen. The people

then light a fire and entreat the hawk to give a more favourable sign, and if it persists in going to the left they

give up the expedition. If, while the omens are being read, the hawk flaps his wings, or screams, or swoops

down and settles on a tree, the omen is bad. But if it swoops down and up again, that is good. If two or three

hawks are visible at the same time, and especially if they all fly to the right, that is very good; but if many are

visible, and especially if they fly off in different directions, that is very bad, for it means that the enemy will

scatter the attacking force. If the hawk should capture a small bird while it is under observation, that means

that they will be made captives if they persist in their undertaking. The hawk is not claimed as a relative by

Klemantans. They take omens from various other birds in matters of minor importance.

Klemantans use the domestic pig and fowl as sacrificial animals just as the Kenyahs and Kayans do, and they

have the same superstitious dread of killing a dog. One group of them, Malanaus, use a dog in taking a very

solemn oath, and sometimes the dog is killed in the course of this ceremony. Or instead of the dog being

killed, its tail may be cut off, and the man taking the oath licks the blood from the stump; this is considered a

most binding and solemn form of oath. The ceremony is spoken of as KOMAN ASU, I.E. "the eating of the

Most Klemantans will kill and eat both deer and cattle freely. But there are exceptions to this rule. Thus

Damong, the chief of a Malanau household, together with all his people, will not kill or eat the deer

CERVULUS MUNTJAC, alleging that an ancestor had become a deer of this kind, and that, since they

cannot distinguish this incarnation of his ancestor from other deer, they must abstain from killing all deer of

this species. We know of one instance in which one of these people refused to use again his cookingpot,

because a Malay who had borrowed it had used it for cooking the flesh of deer of this species. This

superstition is still rigidly adhered to, although these people have been converted to Islam of recent years.

On one occasion another chief resolutely refused to proceed on a journey through the jungle when a

mousedeer, PLANDOK, crossed his path; he will not eat this deer at any time.[139]

The people of Miri, who also are Mohammedan Malanaus, claim to be related to the large deer, CERVUS

EQUINUS, and some of them to the muntjac deer also. Now, these people live in a country in which deer of

all kinds abound, and they always make a clearing in the jungle around a tomb. On such a clearing grass

grows up rapidly, and so the spot becomes attractive to deer as a grazing ground; and it seems not improbable

that it is through frequently seeing deer about the tombs that the people have come to entertain the belief that

their dead relatives become deer, or that they are in some other way closely related to the deer.

The Bakongs, another group of Malanaus, hold a similar belief with regard to the bearcat (ARTICTIS) and

the various species of PARADOXURUS; in this case the origin of the belief is admitted by them to be the

fact that, on going to their graveyards, they often see one of these beasts coming out of a tomb. These tombs

are roughly constructed wooden coffins raised a few feet only from the ground, and it is probable that these

carnivores make their way into them, in the first place, to devour the corpse, and that they make use of them

The relations of the Klemantans to the crocodiles seem to be more intimate than those of other tribes. One

group, the Long Patas, claim the crocodile as a relative. The story goes that a certain man named Silau

became a crocodile. First he became covered with itch, and he scratched himself till he bled and became

rough all over. Then his feet began to look like a crocodile's tail; as the change crept up from his feet to his

body, he called out to his relatives that he was becoming a crocodile, and made them swear that they would

never kill any crocodile. Many of the people in olden days knew that Silau became a crocodile; they saw him

at times and spoke to him, and his teeth and tongue were always like those of a man. Many stories are told of

his meeting with people by the riverside. On one occasion a man sat roasting a pig on the riverbank, and,

when he left it for a moment, Silau took it and divided it among the other crocodiles, who greatly enjoyed it.

Silau then arranged with them that he would give a sign to his human relatives by which the crocodiles might

always be able to recognise them when travelling on the river. He told his human friends that they must tie

leaves of the DRACAENA below the bows of their boats; this they always do when they go far from home,

If a man of the Long Patas is taken by a crocodile, they attribute this to the fact that they have intermarried to

some extent with Kayans. When they come upon a crocodile lying on the riverbank, they say, "Be easy,

grandfather, don't mind us, your are one of us." Some of the Klemantans will not even eat anything that has

been cooked in a vessel previously used for cooking crocodile's flesh, and it is said that if a man should do so

If a crocodile is seen on their left hand by Long Patas on a war expedition, that is a bad omen; but if on their

The Orang Kaya Tumonggong tells us that in the olden times the crocodiles used to speak to his people,

warning them of danger, but that now they never speak, and he supposes that their silence is due to the fact

that his people have intermarried with other tribes. The Long Patas frequently carve a crocodile's head as the

The Batu Blah people (Klemantans) on returning from the warpath make a huge effigy of a crocodile with

cooked rice, and they put fowl's eggs in its head for eyes and bananas for teeth, and cover it with scales made

from the stem of the banana plant. When all is ready it is transfixed with a wooden spear, and the chief cuts

off its head with a wooden sword. Then pigs and fowls are slaughtered and cooked, and eaten with the rice

from the ricecrocodile, the chiefs eating the head and the common people the body. The chief of these

people could give us no explanation of the meaning of this ceremony; he merely says they do it because it is

One community of Klemantans, the Lelak people, lived recently on the banks of a lake much infested with

crocodiles. Their chief had the reputation of being able to induce them to leave the lake. To achieve this he

would stand in his boat waving a bundle of charms, which included among other things teeth of the real tiger

and boars' tusks, and then address the crocodiles politely in their own language. He would then allow his boat

to float out of the lake into the river, and the crocodiles would follow him and pass on down the river.

Many, probably all, Klemantans put up wooden images of the crocodile before their houses, and many of

them carve the prow of their warcanoes into the form of a crocodile's head with gaping jaw.

Some of the Muruts make an effigy of the crocodile from clay for use on the celebration of a successful

The Punans make use of all the omenbirds that are used by the Kenyahs, and they regard them as in some

degree sacred, and not to be killed or eaten. They seem to read the omens in much the same way as the

Kenyahs do; but they are not so constant in their cult of the omenbirds, and Punans of different districts

differ a good deal from one another in this respect. In fact, it is doubtful whether those that have mixed least

with the other peoples pay any attention to the omenbirds; and it seems not unlikely that the cult of the

With the exception of these birds there is probably no wild animal of the jungle that the Punans do not kill

and eat. They refuse to eat the domestic pig, but this, they say, is because they know nothing of it, it is

strange to them. Having no domestic pigs and fowls, they of course do not sacrifice them to their gods, nor do

They give the names of various animals to their children, and they use these names in the ordinary way.

The crocodile seems to be regarded as a god by the Punans they speak of it as Bali Penyalong. (This, as

we have already said, is the name of the Supreme Spirit of the Kenyahs.) They sometimes make a wooden

image of it, and hang it before the leaf shelter or hut in which they may be living at any time; and if one of

their party should fall ill, they hang the blossom of the betelnut tree on the figure, and the medicineman

Punans certainly ascribe significance to the behaviour of a few animals other than those observed by the other

peoples. Thus, if they see a lizard of any kind upon a branch before the shelter in which they are encamped,

and especially if it utters its note, they regard this as a sign that enemies are near.

The Ibans do not seem to have any conception that corresponds closely to the Supreme Spirit of the races

with which we have already dealt. Archdeacon Perham[140] has given an account of the Petara of these

people, showing how it is a conception of one god having very many manifestations and functions, each

special function being conceived vaguely as an anthropomorphic deity. He has described also the mythical

warriorhero and demigod Klieng, and the god of war, Singalang Burong. As Archdeacon Perham has said,

this last deity has a material animal form, namely, the whiteheaded hawk, which is the Bali Flaki of the

Kenyahs, and plays a somewhat similar part in their lives. But Singalong Burong is decidedly more

anthropomorphic than Bali Flaki; he is probably generally conceived as a single being of human form living

in a house such as the Ibans themselves inhabit; whereas Bali Flaki, even if sometimes conceived in the

singular as the great Bali Flaki, is very birdlike. We have seen that the Kayans describe their hawkgod,

Laki Neho, as dwelling in a house, which, though in the top of a tree, has a landingstage before it on the

In the case of the Kayans, the conception is only halfway on the road to a full anthropomorph; whereas with

the Ibans the change has been completed and the hawkgod is completely anthropomorphic. Corresponding

with this increased importance and definition of the anthropomorphic hawkgod, we find that for the Mans

the virtue has departed out of the individual hawks, and that they are no longer consulted for omens; for the

Ibans say that Singalang Burong never leaves his house, and that for this reason they do not take omens from

the hawks when going on the warpath. Nevertheless, he is the chief or ruler over all the other omen birds,

who are merely his messengers. He thus seems to have come to occupy almost the supreme position accorded

to Bali Penyalong by the Kenyahs. The following notes are the statements made upon this subject by a very

intelligent Iban of the Undup district: Once a year they make a big feast for Singalang Burong and sing for

about twelve hours, calling him and Klieng and all the Petara to the feast. (This is the ceremony known as

BURONG GAWAI. It is a most tedious and monotonous performance after the first few hours.) In olden days

Singalang Burong used to come to these feasts in person as a man just like an Iban in appearance and

behaviour. At the end of the feast he would go out, take off his coat, and fly away in the form of a

whiteheaded hawk. Now they are not sure that he comes to their feast, because they never see him,

Singalang Burong is greater than Klieng, although, it is Klieng that gives them heads in war. Singalang

Burong married an Iban woman, Kachindai Lanai Pantak Girak, and he gave all his daughters in marriage to

the omenbirds. Dara Inchin Tembaga Monghok Chelabok married Katupong (SASIA ABNORMIS); Dara

Selaka Utih Nujut married Mambuas (CARCURENTIS); Pingai Tuai Nadai Mertas Indu Moa Puchang

Penabas married Bragai (HARPACTES); Indu Langgu Katungsong Ngumbai Dayang Katupang Bunga

Nketai married Papau (HARPACTES DIARDI); and, lastly, Indu Bantok Tinchin Mas Ndu Pungai Lelatan

Pulas married Kotok (LEPOCESTES). He had also one son, Agi Melieng etc., who married the daughter of

Pulang Gana, the god of agriculture, her name being Indu Kachanggut Rumput Melieng Kapian.

It was amusing and instructive to hear this Iban rattle off these enormous names without any hesitation, while

In the olden days, it is said, there were only thirtythree individuals of each kind of omenbird (including

Singalang Burong). But although these thirtythree of each kind still exist, there are many others which

cannot be certainly distinguished from them, and these do not give true omens. It would be quite impossible

to kill any one of these thirtythree true representatives of each kind, however much a man might try.

Nevertheless, if an Iban kills an omenbird by mistake, he wraps it in a piece of cloth and buries it carefully

in the earth, and with it he buries rice and flesh and money, entreating it not to be vexed and to forgive him,

because it was all an accident. He then goes home and will speak to no one on the way, and stays in the house

The Ibans read omens not only from the birds mentioned above as the soninlaw of Singalang Burong, but

also from some other animals. And it is interesting to note that they have made a verb from the substantive

BURONG (a bird), namely, BEBURONG (to bird), I.E. to take omens of any kind, whether from bird or

beast. An excellent account of the part played by omens in the life of the Ibans has been given by Archdeacon

Perham in the paper referred to above, and we have nothing further to add to that account.

The hornbill must be included among the sacred birds of the Iban, although it does not give omens. On the

occasion of making peace between hostile tribes, the Ibans sometimes make a large wooden image of the

hornbill and hang great numbers of cigarettes upon it; and these are taken from it during the ceremony and

smoked by all the men taking part in it. On the occasion of the great peacemaking at Baram in March 1899,

at which thousands of Kenyahs, Kayans, Klemantans, and Ibans were present,[141] the Ibans made an

elaborate image of the hornbill some nine feet in height, and hung upon it many thousands of cigarettes, and

these were smoked by the men of the different tribes, all apparently with full understanding of the value of

A special deity or spirit, Pulang Gana, presides over the riceculture of the Ibans, but the crocodile also is

intimately concerned with it. The following account was given us by an intelligent Iban from the Batang

Klieng first advised the Ibans to make friends with Pulang Gana, who is a PETARA and the grandfather

("AKI") of PADI. Pulang Gana first taught them to plant PADI and instructed them in the following rites:

On going to a new district Ibans always make a lifesize image of a crocodile in clay on the land chosen for

the PADIfarm. The image is made chiefly by some elderly man of good repute and noted for skilful

farming. Then for seven days .the house is MALI, I.E. under special restrictions no one may enter the

house or do anything in it except eat and sleep. At the end of the seven days they go to see the clay crocodile

and give it cloth and food and ricespirit, and kill a fowl and a pig before it. The ground round about the

image is kept carefully cleared and is held sacred for the next three years, and if this is not done there will be

poor crops on the other farms. When the rites have been duly performed this clay crocodile destroys all the

pests which eat the rice. If, in a district where Ibans have been long settled, the farmpests become very

noxious, the people pass three days MALI and then make a tiny boat of bark, which they call UTAP. They

then catch one specimen of each kind of pest one sparrow, one grasshopper, etc. and put them into the

small boat, together with all they need for food, and set the boat free to float away down the river. If this does

not drive away the pests, they resort to the more thorough and certainly effectual process of making the clay

Many Ibans claim the live crocodile as a relative, and, like almost all the other peoples, will not eat the flesh

of crocodiles, and will not kill them, save in revenge when a crocodile has taken one of their household. They

say that the spirit of the crocodile sometimes becomes a man just like an Iban, but better and more powerful

Another reason given for their fear of killing crocodiles is that Ribai, the rivergod, sometimes becomes a

crocodile; and he may become also a tiger or a bear. Klieng, too, may become any one of five beasts, namely,

the python, the maias, the crocodile, the bear, or the tiger, and it is for this reason that Ibans seldom kill these

animals. For if a man should kill one which was really either Ribai or Klieng, he would go mad.

The Ibans are by nature a less seriousminded and less religious people than the Kenyahs and Kayans, and

they have a greater variety of myths and extravagant superstitions; nevertheless, they use the fowl and the pig

as sacrificial animals in much the same way as the other tribes. They eat the fowl and both the wild and

domestic pig freely, except in so far as they are restrained by somewhat rigid notions of economy in such

matters. The fowl plays a larger part than the pig in their religious practices, and its entrails are sometimes

Ibans will kill and eat all kinds of deer, but there are exceptions to this rule. The deer are of some slight value

to them as omengivers. Horned cattle they will kill and eat, but they are not accustomed to their flesh, and

Ibans have numerous animal fables that remind one strongly of AEsop's fables and the Brer Rabbit stories of

the Africans. In these KORA, the landtortoise, and PLANDOK, the tiny mousedeer, figure largely as

cunning and unprincipled thieves and vagabonds that turn the laugh always against the bigger animals and

An important institution among some of the Ibans, which occurs but in rare instances among the other

peoples, is the NGARONG[143] or secret helper. The NGARONG IS one of the very few topics in regard to

which the Ibans display any reluctance to speak freely. So great is their reserve in this connection that one of

us lived for fourteen years on friendly terms with Ibans of various districts without ascertaining the meaning

of the word NGARONG, or suspecting the great importance of the part played by the notion in the lives of

some of these people. The NGARONG seems to be usually the spirit of some ancestor or dead relative, but

not always so, and it is not clear that it is always conceived as the spirit of a deceased human being. This

spirit becomes the special protector of some individual Iban, to whom in a dream he manifests himself, in the

first place in human form, and announces that he will be his secret helper; and he may or may not inform the

dreamer in what form he will appear in future. On the day after such a dream the Iban wanders through the

jungle looking for signs by which he may recognise his secret helper; and if an animal behaves in a manner at

all unusual, if a startled deer stops a moment to gaze at him before bounding away, if a gibbon gambols about

persistently in the trees near him, if he comes upon a bright quartzcrystal or a strangely. contorted root or

creeper,[144] that animal or object is for him full of a mysterious significance and is the abode of his

NGARONG. Sometimes the NGARONG, then assumes the form of an Iban and speaks with him, promising

all kinds of help and good fortune. If this occurs the seer usually faints away, and when he comes to himself

again the NGARONG will have disappeared. Or, again, a man may be told in his dream that if he will go into

the jungle he will meet his NGARONG in the form of a wild boar. He will then, of course, go to seek it, and

if by chance other men of his house should kill a wild boar that day, he will go to them and beg for its head or

buy it at a good price if need be, carry it home to his bedplace, offer it cooked rice and kill a fowl before it,

smearing the blood on the head and on himself, and humbly begging for pardon. Or he may leave the corpse

in the jungle and sacrifice a fowl before it there. On the following night he hopes to dream of the NGARONG

again, and perhaps he is told in his dream to take the tusks from the dead boar and that they will bring him

good luck. Unless he dreams something of this sort, he feels that he has been mistaken, and that the boar was

Perhaps only one in a hundred men is fortunate enough to have a secret helper, though it is ardently desired

by many of them. Many a young man goes to sleep on the grave of some distinguished person, or in some

wild and lonely spot, and lives for some days on a very restricted diet, hoping that a secret helper will come

When, as is most commonly the case, the secret helper takes on the form of some animal, all individuals of

that species become objects of especial regard to the fortunate Iban; he will not kill or eat any such animal,

and he will as far as possible restrain others from doing so. A NGARONG may after a time manifest itself in

some new form, but even then the Iban will continue to respect the animalform in which it first appeared.

In some cases the cult of a secret helper will spread through a whole family or household. The children and

grandchildren will usually respect the species of animal to which a man's secret helper belongs, and will

perhaps sacrifice fowls or pigs to it occasionally, although they expect no help from it; but it is asserted that if

the greatgrandchildren of a man behave well to his secret helper, it will often befriend them just as much as

The above general account of the secret helper is founded on the descriptions of many different Ibans, and we

Anggus (an Ulu Ai Iban of the Batang Lupar) says that every Iban who has no NGARONG hopes to get some

bird or beast as his helper at the BEGAWAI, the feast given to the PETARA. He himself has none, but he

will not kill the gibbon because the NGARONG of his grandfather, who died twenty years ago, was a gibbon.

Once a man came to his grandfather in a dream and said to him, "Don't you kill the gibbon," and then turned

into a grey gibbon. This gibbon helped him to become rich and to take heads, and in all possible ways. On

one occasion, when he was about to go on the warpath, his NGARONG came to him in a dream and said,

"Go on, I will help you," and the next day he saw in the jungle a grey gibbon which was undoubtedly his

NGARONG. When he died he said to his sons, "Don't you kill the gibbon," and his sons and grandsons have

obeyed him in this ever since. Anggus adds that when a man dreams of a NGARONG. for the first time he

does not accept it, and will still kill animals of that kind; nor is a second dream enough; but when he dreams

the same dream a third time, then his scepticism is overcome and he can no longer doubt his good fortune.

Anggus himself once shot a gibbon when told to do so by one of us. He first said to it, "I don't want to kill

you, but the TUAN who is giving me wages expects me to, and the blame is his. But if you are really the

NGARONG of my grandfather, make the shot miss you." He then shot and missed three times, and on

shooting a fourth time he killed a gibbon, but not the one he had spoken to. Anggus does not think the gibbon

Payang, an old Katibas Iban, tells us that he has been helped by a python ever since he was a youth, when a

man came to him in a dream and said, "Sometimes I become a python and sometimes a cobra, and I will

always help you." It has certainly helped him very much, but he does not know whether it has helped his

children; nevertheless he has forbidden them to kill it. He does not like to speak of it, but he does so at our

request. Payang concluded by saying that he had no doubt that we white men have secret helpers, very much

more powerful than the Iban's, and that to them we owe our ability to do so many wonderful things.

Imban, an Iban who had recently moved to the Baram river from the Rejang, had once when sick seen in a

dream the LABILABI, the large riverturtle (TRIONYX SUBPLANUS), and had made a promise that if he

should recover he would never kill it. So when he settled on the Baram river as head of a household, he

attempted to impose a fine on his people for killing the LABILABI, insisting that it was MALI to kill it or

bring its carcase into his river. They appealed to one of us as the resident magistrate, and it was decided that

if Imban wished to insist on this observance he must remove to a small tributary stream. This he has done,

and a few of his people have followed him; and on them he enforces a strict observance of his cult of the

A still more interesting case is the following one: A community of Ibans were building a new house on

the Dabai river some years ago, and one day, while they were at work, a porcupine ran out of a hole in the

ground near by. During the following night one of the party was told by the porcupine in a dream to join their

new house with his (the porcupine's). So they completed their house; and ever since that time they have made

yearly feasts in honour of the porcupines that live beneath the house, and no one in the house dare injure one

of them, though they will still kill and eat other porcupines in the jungle. They have had no death in the house

during the seven years that it has been built, and this they attribute to the protecting power of the porcupines;

and when any one is sick, they offer food to them, and regard their good offices as far more important than

the ministrations of the MANANG (the medicineman). Last year some relatives of these Ibans moved to

this village, and for three months the knowledge of the part played by the porcupines was hidden from them

as a mysterious secret. At the end of that time this precious mystery was disclosed to the newcomers, and

the porcupines were feasted with every variety of cooked rice, some of it being made into a rude image of a

porcupine, and with ricespirit and cakes of sugar and riceflour, salt and dried fish, oil, betelnut, and

tobacco. Several fowls were slain, and their blood was daubed on the chin of each person in the house, a

ceremony known as ENSELAN. The liver of one fowl was carefully taken out and put with the food offered

to the porcupines, that they might read the omens from it; and they were then informed of the arrival of the

newcomers. The fowls were waved over the heads of the people by the old men, while they prayed the

porcupines to give them long life and health, and a token of their goodwill in the form of a smooth rounded

pebble. On an occasion of this sort it is highly probable that the required token will be found; for the secret

helper would no doubt be surreptitiously helped by some member of the household who, being deficient in

faith, prefers to make a certainty of so important a matter rather than leave it entirely to the NGARONG.

Inquiries made since the publication of the facts reported in the foregoing paragraphs have shown us that the

cult of the NGARONG or secret helper is probably not common to all branches of the Sea Dayaks people.

We have heard of its occurrence amongst the Ulu Ai Dayaks both of the Batang Lupar and Rejang districts,

but we have no positive knowledge of its occurrence among other branches unless the custom known as

We have now to discuss some problems suggested by a review of the facts set forth above, and to bring

The question that we will first discuss is this: Are all or any of the instances of peculiar regard paid to

animals, or of animals sacrificed to gods or spirits, or of the ceremonial use of their blood, to be regarded as

institutions surviving from a fully developed system of totemism now fallen into decay? It will have been

noticed that many of the features of totemism, as it occurs in its best developed forms, occur among the

people of one or other of the tribes of Sarawak. We have, in the first place, numerous cases in which a whole

community refuses to kill or eat an animal which is believed to protect and aid them by omens and warnings

and in other ways, and in which the animal is worshipped with prayer and sacrifice (E.G. the hawk among

various tribes); we have at least one instance of a community claiming to be related to a friendly species

(Long Patas and the crocodile), and having as usual an extravagant myth to account for the belief; we have

the domestic animal that is sacrificially slain, its blood being sprinkled on the worshippers and its flesh eaten

by them, and that is never slain without religious rites (pig of the Kenyahs and Kayans); we have the animal

that must not be killed tatued on the skin of the men (the dog), or its skin worn by fully grown men only (the

tigercat), or images of it made of clay or carved in wood and set up before the house (the hawk and

crocodile); we have also the animal that is claimed as a relative imitated in popular dances (the Dokmonkey

of the Kayans); the belief that the souls of men assume the form of some animal that must not be killed or

eaten (deer and the ARCTOGALE among Klemantans); the observance by invalids of a very strict avoidance

of contact with any part of an animal that must not be killed or eaten in any case (horned cattle among many

Not only do we see these various customs, which in several parts of the world have been observed as living

elements of totemcults, and which in other parts have been accepted as evidence of totemworship in the

past, but in the agricultural habits of the people we may see an efficient cause of the decay of totemism, if at

some time in the past it has flourished among them. For it has been pointed out, especially by Mr. Jevons in

his INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF RELIGION, that totemism seems to flourish most naturally

among tribes of hunters, and that the introduction of agriculture must tend towards its decay. Now there is

some reason to suppose that the introduction to Borneo of rice and of the art of cultivating it is of

comparatively recent date. Crawford reckoned that the cultivation of PADI was introduced to the southern

parts of Borneo from Java some 300 years ago, and into the northern parts from the Philippine Islands about

150 years ago. But whatever the date of the occurrence may have been, it seems to be certain that, by the

introduction of PADI cultivation from some other country, most of the tribes of Sarawak were converted,

probably very rapidly, from hunting to agriculture. This conversion must have caused great changes in their

social conditions and in their customs and superstitions; and, if totemism flourished among them while they

were still simple hunters, its decay may well have been one of the chief of these changes.

A second factor that would have tended to bring about this change is the prevalence of a belief in a god or

beneficent spirit more powerful than all others, and more directly concerned with the welfare of his

worshippers, however this belief may have come into being. And a third factor that may have tended in the

same direction is the custom of headhunting, and the important part played by the heads in the religious life

of the people. For there is some reason to think that headhunting is a comparatively young institution among

But in spite of all this, and although we do not think it is possible completely to disprove the truth of the

hypothesis that some or all of these animal cults are vestiges of a once fully developed totemic system, we are

inclined to reject it. We are led to do so by four considerations. In the first place, if by totemism we mean a

social organisation consisting in the division of a people into groups or clans, each of which worships or

holds in superstitious regard one or more kinds of animal or plant, or other natural objects to which the

members of the group claim to be related by blood or by descent, then it seems to us sufficiently wonderful

that this system should have existed among peoples so remote from one another in all things, save certain of

the external conditions of life, as the Indians of North America and the natives of Australia. And it seems to

us that to invoke the aid of the hypothesis of totemism in the past to explain the existence of a set of animal

or plant superstitions in any particular case is but to increase the mystery that shrouds their origin; for unless

it can be shown that the adoption or development of totemism by any people brings with it immense

advantages for them in the struggle for existence, every fresh case in which the evidence compels us to admit

its occurrence, whether in the past or as a still flourishing institution, can but increase the wonder with which

Secondly, we have in the total absence of totemism among the Punans very strong ground for rejecting the

suggestion of its previous existence among the Kenyahs. For in physical characters, in language, and, as far

as the difference in the mode of life permits, in customs and beliefs, the Punans resemble the Kenyahs so

closely that we must assume them to be closely allied by blood; and it seems probable that the Punans have

merely persisted in the cultural condition from which the Kenyahs and other tribes have been raised by the

adoption of agriculture and the practice of building substantial houses. Yet, as we have said, the Punans,

although in that condition of nomadic hunters which is probably the most favourable to the development and

persistence of totemism, observe hardly any restrictions in their hunting, and in fact seem to kill and eat with

equal freedom almost every bird and beast of the jungle, shooting them with the blowpipe and poisoned

darts with consummate skill. The only exceptions to this rule are, so far as we know, the omenbirds, a

carnivore, and a lizard, and, as we have said, it seems doubtful whether even these are excepted in the case of

Thirdly, although it may be said that even at the present time many of the features of the religious side of

totemism are present, we have not been able to discover any traces of a social organisation based upon

totemism. There is no trace of any general division of the people of any tribe into groups which claim

specially intimate relations with different animals, except in the case of the Klemantans; and in their case

such special relations seem to be the result merely of the different conditions under which the various

scattered groups now live. There are no restrictions in the choice of a wife that might indicate a rule of

endogamy or exogamy. There are no ceremonies to initiate youths into tribal mysteries; certain ceremonies in

which the youths take a leading part are directed exclusively to training them for war and the taking of heads

in battle. We know of no instance of any group of people being named after an animal or plant which is

claimed as a relative; and in the case of the more homogeneous tribes, such as the Kenyahs and Kayans, all

prohibitions with regard to animals and all benefits conferred by them are shared equally by all the members

of any one community, and, with but very few exceptions, are the same for all the communities of the tribe.

Lastly, we think it unnecessary to regard the various animal superstitions of these tribes as survivals of

totemism, because it seems possible to find a more direct and natural explanation of almost every case. The

numerous cases seem to fall into two groups: the superstitious practices concerned with the sacrificial

animals, the pig and fowl on the one hand, and all those concerned with the various other animals on the

other hand. These latter may, we think, be regarded as the expression of the direct and logical reaction of the

mind of the savage to the impression made upon it by the behaviour of the animals.

It has been admirably shown by Professor Lloyd Morgan[145] how we ourselves, and even professed

psychologists among us, tend to overestimate the complexity of the mental processes of animals; and there

can be no doubt that savages generally are subject to this error in a very much greater degree, that, in fact,

they make, without questioning and in most cases without explicit statement even to themselves, the practical

assumption that the mental processes of animals their passions, desires, motives, and powers of reasoning

are of the same order as, and in fact extremely similar to, their own. That the Kenyahs entertain this belief

in a very practical manner is shown by their conduct when preparing for a hunting or fishing excursion. If, for

example, they are preparing to poison the fish of a section of the river with the "tuba" root, they always speak

of the matter as little as possible, and use the most indirect and fanciful modes of expression. Thus they will

say, "There are many leaves floating here," meaning, "There are plenty of fish in this part of the river." And

these elaborate precautions are taken lest the birds should overhear their remarks and inform the fish of their

intentions when, of course, the fish would not stay to be caught, but would swim away to some other part

Since this belief seems to be common to all or almost all savages and primitive peoples, it would be a strange

thing if prohibitions against killing and eating certain animals and various superstitious practices in regard to

animals were not practically universal among them. Bearing in mind the reality of this belief in the minds of

these peoples, it is easy to understand why they should shrink from killing any creature so malignantlooking

and powerful for harm as a snake, and why they should feel uneasy in the presence of, and to some extent

dread, the MAIAS and the longnosed monkey, creatures whose resemblance to man seems even to us

somewhat uncanny. Their objection to killing their troublesome and superfluous dogs seems to be due to a

somewhat similar feeling a recognition of intelligence and emotions not unlike their own, but

mysteriously hidden from them by the dumbness of the animals. In the same way it is clear that it is but a

very simple and logical inference that the crocodiles are a friendly race, and but the clearest dictate of

prudence to avoid offending creatures so powerful and agile; for if the crocodiles were possessed of the

mental powers attributed to them by the imagination of the people, they might easily make it impossible for

men to travel upon the rivers or dwell on their banks. A similar process would lead to the prohibition against

The origin of the prohibitions against killing and eating deer and horned cattle is perhaps not so clear. But it

must be remembered that until very recently the only horned cattle known to the tribes of the interior were the

wild cattle (the Seladang of the Malay peninsula), very fierce and powerful creatures. These wild cattle hide

themselves in the remotest recesses of the forests, and, as they are but very rarely seen, they may well be

regarded as somewhat mysterious and awful. Deer, on the other hand, abound in the forests, and, like most

deer, are very timid; and it is perhaps their timidity that has led in some cases to the prohibition against their

flesh, for we have seen how a Kenyah chief feared lest his little son, safe at home, should be infected with the

deer's timidity if he himself a hundred miles away should come in contact with the skin of one. In another

case we have seen that by the people of one community deer are regarded as relatives, or as containing the

souls of their ancestors, and that this belief probably had its origin in the fact that deer are in "the habit of

frequenting the grassy clearings made about the tombs by the people. And we saw that a similar belief in

We think that even the elaborate cult of the hawk and of the other omenbirds is to be explained on these

lines. If we think of the hawk's erratic behaviour, how he will come suddenly rushing down out of the

remotest blue of the sky to hover overhead, and then perhaps to circle hither and thither in an apparently

aimless manner, or will keep flying on before a boat on the river, or come swiftly to meet it, screaming as he

comes, if we think of this, it is easy to understand how a people whose whole world consists of dense

forests and dangerous rivers, a people extremely ignorant of natural causation, yet intelligent and speculative,

and always looking out for signs that shall guide them among the mystery and dangers that surround them,

may have come to see in the hawk a messenger sent to them by the beneficent Supreme Being. For this Being

is vaguely conceived by them as dwelling in the skies whence the hawk comes, and whither he so often

returns. And then we may suppose that the messenger himself has come to be an object of worship in various

degrees with the different tribes, as seems to be the rule in all religious systems in which servants of a deity

The origin of the various rites in which the fowl and pig are sacrificed, and their blood smeared or sprinkled

on men or on the altarposts of gods, or on the image of the hawk, and their souls charged with messages to

the Supreme Being the origin of this group of customs must be sought in a different direction. To any one

acquainted with Robertson Smith's RELIGION OF THE SEMITES, and with Mr. Jevon's INTRODUCTION

TO THE HISTORY OF RELIGION, the idea naturally suggests itself that these animals are or were true

totems, of which the cult has passed into a late stage of decay. It might be supposed that, being originally

totem animals, they thereby became domesticated by their worshippers; that they were occasionally slain as a

rite for the renewal of the bond between them and their worshippers, their blood being smeared or sprinkled

on the latter, and their flesh ceremonially eaten by them; and that the eating of them has become more and

more frequent, until now every religious rite, of however small importance, is made the occasion for the

killing and eating of them. It might also be supposed that, with the development or the adoption of the

conception of a Supreme Being, the original purpose and character of the rites had become obscure, so that

the slaughtered animals are now regarded in some cases as sacrifices offered to the deity.

But we do not think that this tempting hypothesis as to the origin of the rites can be upheld in this case. In the

first place, the wild pig of the jungle is hunted in sport and killed and eaten freely by all the various tribes,

and is, in fact, treated on the whole with less respect and ceremony than perhaps any other animal. Secondly,

the domestic pig differs so much from the wild pig that Mr. Oldfield Thomas has pronounced it to be of a

different species, and it seems possible that it has been introduced to Borneo by the Chinese at a

comparatively recent date. Further, there is reason to suppose that the custom of sacrificing pigs and fowls

arose through the substitution of them for human beings in certain rites. For there is a number of rites of

which it is admitted by the people that the slaughter of human beings was formerly a central feature; of these,

the most important and the most widely spread are the funeral rites of a great chief, the rites at the building of

a new house, and those on returning from a successful war expedition. In all these fowls or pigs are now

substituted as a rule, but we know of instances in which in recent years human beings were the victims. Thus

some years ago, on the death of the chief of a community of Klemantans (the Orang Bukit), a slave was

bought by his son, and a feast was made, and the slave was killed through each man of the community giving

him a slight wound. This was said to be the revival of an old and almost obsolete custom. In another recent

case, when a mixed party of Kayans and Kenyahs returned from a successful war expedition, only the

Kenyahs had secured heads. The Kayans therefore took an old woman, one of the captives, and killed her by

driving a long pole against her abdomen, as many of them as possible taking part by holding and helping to

thrust the pole. The head was then divided among the parties of Kayans, and pieces of the flesh were hung on

poles beside the river, just as is done with the flesh of slain enemies and with the flesh of the pigs that are

always slaughtered on such occasions. It was said that this killing of a human being was equivalent to killing

Kayans tell us that they used to kill slaves at the death of a chief, usually three, but at least one, and that they

nailed them to the tomb, in order that they might accompany the chief on his long journey to the other world

and paddle the canoe in which he must travel. This is no longer done, but a wooden figure of a man is put up

at the head and another of a woman at the foot of the coffin of a chief as it lies in state before the funeral. And

a small wooden figure of a man is usually fixed on the top of the tomb, and it is said that this is to row the

canoe for the chief. A live fowl is usually tied to this figure, and although it is said to be put there merely to

eat the maggots, we think there can be no doubt that we see here going on the process of substitution of fowl

In building a new house it is customary among almost all these tribes to put a fowl into the hole dug to

receive the first of the piles that are to support the house, and to allow the end of the pile to fall upon the fowl

so as to kill it. The Kenyahs admit that formerly a girl was usually killed in this way, and there is reason to

believe that in all cases a human victim was formerly the rule, and that the fowl is a substitute merely.[146]

In the following cases, too, we see the idea of substitution of fowls or pigs for men.

It is customary with the Malanaus of Niah to kill buffalo, and also to kill fowls, and put them together with

eggs on poles in the caves in which the swifts build the edible nests, in order to secure a good crop of nests.

One year, when the nests were scanty they bought a slave in Brunei, and killed him in the cave, in the hope of

It was formerly the custom to exact a fine of one or more slaves as punishment for certain offences, E.G. the

accidental setting fire to a house. At the present time, when slaves are scarcer than of yore, they are rarely

given in such cases, but usually brass gongs; and the gongs are always accompanied by a pig.

Now, when slaves were killed and nailed to the tomb of a chief, the purpose was perfectly clear and simple. It

Was done in just the same spirit in which the weapons and shield and clothing are still always hung on the

tomb of a deceased warrior, in order, namely, that his shade may not be without them on the journey to the

other world. On the introduction of the domestic pig it may well have become customary for the poorer

classes, who could not afford to kill a slave, or for families which owned no slaves, to kill a pig as in some

degree a compensation for the want of human victims. If such a custom were once introduced, it may well

have spread rapidly from motives of both economy and humanity; for a slave is as a rule very kindly treated

by his master, and in many cases comes to be regarded as a member of the family.

We may suppose, too, that it was formerly the custom to kill a slave when prayers of public importance were

made to the Supreme Being, in order that the soul of the slave might carry the prayer to him. If this was the

case, the substitution of pig for slave, on the introduction of the domestic pig, may be the more readily

conceived to have become customary, when we remember that these people regard the souls of animals as

essentially similar to their own.[147] If such a custom of substitution once gained a footing, it would

naturally become usual to take the opportunity of communicating with the higher powers whenever a pig was

This view, that in all sacrifices of the pig and fowl these are but substitutes for human victims, finds very

strong support in the following facts: The Kalabits, a tribe inhabiting the northwestern corner of the

Baram district, breed the waterbuffalo and use it in cultivating their land. It has probably been introduced to

this area from North Borneo at a recent date. The religious rites of this people closely resemble those of the

tribes with which we have been dealing above; but in all cases in which pigs are sacrificed by the latter,

The rite of sprinkling the blood of pigs and fowls on men and on the altarposts and images may, we think,

be an extension or adaptation of the bloodbrotherhood ceremony. We have seen that with the Kayans and

Kenyahs the essential feature of this ceremony is the drawing of a little blood from the arm of the two men,

each of whom then drinks or consumes in a cigarette the blood of the other one. Such a rite calls for no

remote explanation; it seems to have suggested itself naturally to the minds of primitive people all the world

over as a process for the cementing of friendship. When two hostile communities wished to make a

permanent peace with one another, it would be natural that they should wish to perform a ceremony similar to

the rite of bloodbrotherhood. But the interchange of drops of blood between large numbers of persons

would obviously be inconvenient; and if the idea of substituting fowls and pigs for human victims had once

taken root in their minds, it would have been but a small step to substitute their blood for human blood in the

peacemaking ceremonies. We have seen above that in such a ceremony fowls are exchanged by the two

parties, so that the men of either party are smeared with the blood of the fowl originally belonging to the

other party. It may be that here, too, the blood of slaves was formerly used, but of this we have no evidence.

The custom of smearing the blood of fowls and pigs on the two parties to a friendly compact having been

arrived at in this way, the rite might readily be extended to the cases in which the hawk, represented by his

wooden image, or the Supreme Being, also represented by an image, is invoked as one of the parties to the

compact. We are inclined to think that in some such way as we have here suggested, namely, by the

substitution of pigs and fowls for human victims, and of their blood for human blood, the origin of the

customs of sacrificing fowls and pigs, and of ceremonially sprinkling their blood, may be explained.

We conclude, then, that the various superstitions entertained by these tribes in regard to animals are not to be

looked upon as survivals of totemism, but that they may all be explained in a simpler and more satisfactory

Before bringing this chapter to an end, we would point out that among the facts we have described there are

some which seem to suggest a possible and, indeed, as it seems to us, a very natural and probable mode of

origin of totemworship. We refer to the varieties of the NGARONG of the Ibans and sporadic analogous

cases among the other tribes. We have seen that the NGARONG may assume the form of some curious

natural object, or of some one animal distinguished from its fellows by some slight peculiarity, which

receives the attentions of some one man only. In such cases the NGARONG is hardly distinguishable from a

fetish. In other cases the man, being unable to distinguish the particular animal which he believes to be

animated by his NGARONG, extends his regard and gratitude to the whole species. In such a case it seems

difficult to deny the name "individual totem" to the species, if the term is to be used at all. In other cases,

again, all the members of a man's family and all his descendants, and, if he be a chief, all the members of the

community over which he rules, may come to share in the benefits conferred by his NGARONG, and in the

feeling of respect for it and in the performance of rites in honour of the species of animal in one individual of

which it is supposed to reside. In such cases the species approaches very closely the clantotem in some of its

varieties. (In speaking of the "Kobong" of certain natives of Western Australia, Sir G. Grey[148] says, "This

arises from the family belief that some one individual of the species is their nearest friend, to kill whom

Of similar cases among other tribes of guardiananimals appearing to men in dreams and claiming their

respect and gratitude, we must mention the case of Aban Jau, a powerful chief of the Sebops, a Klemantan

subtribe. He had hunted and eaten the wild pig freely like all his fellowtribesmen, until once in a dream a

wild boar appeared to him, and told him that he had always helped him in his fighting. Thereafter Aban Jau

refused, until the day of his death, to kill or eat either the wild or the domestic pig, although he would still

We have described above (vol. ii., p. 76) how a Kayan may become bloodbrother to a crocodile in a dream,

and may thereafter be called Baya (crocodile), and how in this way one Kayan chief had come to regard

himself as both son and nephew to crocodiles, and how he believed that they brought him success in hunting

and carried him ashore when (in a dream) he had fallen into the river. The cousin of this chief, too, regarded

himself as specially befriended by crocodiles because his greatgrandfather had become bloodbrother to

one in a dream. So it is clear that the members of the family to which these young men belong are likely to

continue to regard themselves as related by blood to the crocodiles, and bound to them by special ties of

In another case we saw how all the people of one household regard themselves as related to the crocodiles

and specially favoured by them, explaining the relation as due to one of their ancestors having become a

crocodile. In another case we saw that some illdefined relation to the gibbon is claimed by a community of

Kenyahs whose house is decorated with carvings of the form of the gibbon, and whose members will not kill

the gibbon. And in yet another case we saw that a Kayan house is decorated with conventionalised carvings

of some animal whose species has been forgotten by the community. In each of these last three cases, it

seems highly probable that the special relation to the animal was established by some such process as we see

going on in the preceding case; so that we seem to have in this series one case of incipient totemism and

others illustrating various stages of decay of abortive beginnings of totemism. And it is easy to imagine how

in the absence of unfavourable conditions such beginnings might grow to a fully developed totemsystem.

For suppose that in any one community there happened to be at one time two or more prosperous families,

each claiming to be related with and protected by some species of animal as the result of friendly overtures

made by the animals to members of the families in their dreams. It would then be highly probable that

members of other families, envious of the good fortune of these, would have similar dream experiences, and

so come to claim a similar protection; until very soon the members of any family that could claim no such

protection would come to be regarded as unfortunate and even somewhat disreputable beings, while the faith

of one family in its guardiananimal would react upon and strengthen the faith of others in theirs. So a

system of clantotems would be established, around which would grow up various myths of origin, various

It is well known that such dreams as convince the Iban, the Kayan, and the Kenyah of the reality of his

special relation to some animal, and lead him to respect all animals of some one species, produce similar

results in other parts of the world. We quote the following passages from Mr. Frazer's remarks on individual

totems in his book on totemism: "An Australian seems usually to get his individual totem by dreaming

that he has been transformed into an animal of that species." "In America the individual totem is usually the

first animal of which a youth dreams during the long and generally solitary fast which American Indians

observe at puberty." Such dream experiences are then the VERA CAUSA of the inception of faith in

individual totems among the peoples in which totemism is most highly developed; and among the tribes of

Sarawak we find cases which illustrate how a similar faith, strengthened by further dreams and by the good

fortune of its possessor, may spread to all the members of his family or of his household and to his

descendants, until in some cases the guardian animal becomes almost, though not quite, a clantotem. The

further development of such incipient totems among these tribes is probably prevented at the present time, not

only by their agricultural habits, but also by their passionate addiction to war and fighting and headhunting;

for these pursuits necessitate the strict subordination of each community to its chief, and compel all families

to unite in the cult of the hawk to the detriment of all other animalcults, because the hawk is, by its habits,

so much better suited than any other animal to be a guide to them on warlike expeditions.[150]

The prevalence of the belief in a Supreme Being must also tend to prevent the development of totemism.

In Chapter VI. we have described most of the superstitious beliefs and practices connected with the PADI

It is not clear that any other plants are regarded as besouled; but we mention here certain customs in

connection with some of them that seem to point in that direction. The SILAT, a common jungle palm,

figures most prominently in rites and beliefs of the Kayans. The leaves of this palm are used to decorate the

heads taken in war; and on the occasion of any ceremonial use of the heads, fresh leaves are always hung

upon or about them. No other leaves will serve this purpose, though it is difficult to say in what the special

virtue of this plant consists. The leaves of the same plant are hung about the doorway of a new house when

the people first take up their abode in it; but it is hung in such a way that passersby do not brush against it,

and children especially are kept away from it. It is commonly hung about the altarposts of the gods; and it is

a strip of this leaf that is tied about the wrist of a sick man to confine his soul to his body at the close of the

soulcatching ceremony. It is tied also about the wrists of men returning from any warlike expedition. When

applied for any ceremonial purpose it is called ISANG; and it is not until it has been so used that it becomes

an "unclean" object. It is used in its merely material aspect for roofing leaf shelters in the jungle, and is put to

other similar uses to which the broad tough leaves are well adapted. Most or all of the peoples use the leaves

LONG, a species of CALADIUM, is commonly hung, both root and leaves, upon the door of a room to mark

that it is LALI (tabu) owing to sickness, harvesting, or any other circumstance.

OROBONG, a weed (not unlike the foxglove in appearance) which always grows freely among the young

PADI, is gathered by the female friends of any woman passing through the ordeal of childbirth. They boil the

leaves and wash her body with the decoction on several days following the delivery. It is held that, if this is

not done, the woman's abdomen will not regain its normal state. This usage also is common to the Kayans

The leaves of the DRACAENA are sometimes tied beneath the prow of a boat during journeys to distant parts

(as mentioned on p. 70, vol. ii.); they are also hung upon the tombs and, with the ISANG, upon altar posts,

The Ibans and some of the Klemantans will not make the first stroke in cutting down the TAPANG tree

Since correcting the proofs of this chapter we have come upon a brief account of the guardian spirits of the

Iban, which corroborates our account of the Ngarong. It is contained in a series of papers entitled

by Leo Nyuak (an Iban educated in a mission school), and translated by the Very Rev. Edm. Dunn

(ANTHROPOS, vol. i. p. 182, 1905). In this account the guardian spirit is called TUA, and we are told that

,The TUA or guardian spirit of an Iban has its external manifestation in a snake, a leopard, or some other

denizen of the forest. It is supposed to be the spirit of some ancestor renowned for bravery, or some other

virtue, who at death has taken an animal form ... it is revealed in a dream what animal form the honoured

Magic is in a comparatively neglected and backward condition among the Kayans and Kenyahs, Punans,

Ibans, and the more warlike upcountry Klemantans. On the other hand, some of the coastwise tribes of

Klemantans, especially the Malanaus and Kadayans, cultivate magic with some assiduity.

The Kayans dislike and discourage all magical practices, with the exception of those which are publicly

In the old days they used to kill those suspected of working any evil by magic. There are no recognised

magicians among them other than the DAYONGS, and these, as we have seen, perform the functions of the

Some of the DAYONGS make use at certain ceremonies of a rough mask carved out OF wood, or made from

the shell of a gourd. The mask is merely an oval shell with slits for eyes and mouth, generally blackened with

age and use. It may be worn during the soulcatching ceremony, but not during attendance on the recently

deceased. This use of a mask is not known to us among any other of the peoples (Pl. 151).

The medicine man of the Ibans is known as MANANG; the MANANGS are more numerous than the

DAYONGS of the Kayans; they are more strictly professional in the sense that they do but little other work,

depending chiefly on what they can earn by their treatment of disease and by other ways of practising upon

the superstitions of their fellows. They generally work in groups of three or four, or more in cases of serious

illness, and, with the imitativeness and disregard for tradition characteristic of the IBAN, they have

developed a great variety of procedures,[151] into most of which the element of deliberate fraud enters to a

much greater extent than into the practice of the Kayan DAYONGS. The Sea Dayak MANANG is usually

covered with skin disease (tinea) and shirks all hard work with the other members of the village.

A peculiar and infrequent variety of Sea Dayak MANANG are the MANANG BALI. They are men who

adopt and continuously wear woman's dress and behave in all ways like women, except that they avoid as far

as possible taking any part in the domestic labour. They claim to have been told in dreams to adopt this mode

of life; they are employed for the same purpose as the more ordinary MANANGS, and they practise similar

Among the IBANS certain persons get a bad reputation for working harm by magic. They are said to be

cunning in sorcery (TAU TEPANG), and these persons may properly be said to be sorcerers or witches. They

are believed to work harm in many illdefined ways, especially to health; but their procedures are not

generally known; they probably include poisoning, but, like the practices of our European witches in recent

times, they probably have but little existence outside the timorous imaginations of the people. Such persons

are disliked and shunned, though not killed as they would be among Kayans or Kenyahs. They are not

professional sorcerers, I.E. their help is not called in by other persons who wish to work evil on their enemies,

for others do not dare to do this. At the present time in Sarawak, if a man accuses another of practising

The most important of the magical practices is one known and occasionally resorted to among all the peoples

for the purpose of bringing about the death of a personal enemy. We describe the procedure as carried out by

the Sebops (Klemantans), but in all essentials the account holds good for all or nearly all the peoples. It is not

usual to invoke the aid of any recognised magician. The man whose heart is filled with hatred against another

will retire secretly to a spot at the edge of a PADI field, or of some other clearing, where he can see a large

expanse of sky and yet feel sure of being unobserved. Here he sets up the BATANG PRA, a pole supported

horizontally some six or eight feet above the ground, its ends resting on two vertical poles. A little figure of a

man or woman (according to the sex of the person aimed at), which has been carved for the purpose out of

soft wood, is fixed upright in the ground beneath the BATANG PRA. This is called TEGULUN KALINGAI

USA, which, literally translated, is "the reflected image of the body." The operator makes a fire beside the

TEGULUN, digs a small hole in the ground, and fills it with water coloured with ferruginous earth. This pool

is called BAWANG DAAR,[153] the lake of blood. Sitting before the TEGULUN he scans the space of sky

framed by the BATANG PRA, searching for some hawk upon the wing. As soon as he sees a hawk within

this area, he addresses it, waving in one hand a small frayed stick, and saying, "Put fat in the mouth of

SoandSo," and he puts a bit of pork fat into the mouth of the TEGULUN. Then saying, "Send him to

BAWANG DAAR," he immerses the TEGULUN in his pool of reddened water; and taking it out again he

thrusts into it a little wooden spear. After this he buries the TEGULUN in a hole in the ground, covering it

with earth. (Only people who die by violence or of some muchfeared disease are normally buried in this

fashion.) This done he keeps shouting to the hawk to go to the left, at the same time waving his stick in that

direction. If the hawk passes out of the area of operations towards the right, he knows that his attempt will not

succeed, and he desists for the time being; if it flies out to the left he knows that his arts will prevail, and he

"BALI FLAKI TUAI MUSIT, OU MATEI IYA KALUNAN ITO TAMA ODOH (the name of the victim),

BAYA; MATEI SAKIT ULUN; MATEI SAKIT USOK." (Translation runs "O Bali Flaki, go your way,

let this man Tama Odoh die; go and put him in the lake of blood, O Bali Flaki; stab him in the chest, Bali

Flaki, put fat of pig in his mouth that he may die tomorrow (this is equivalent to let his head be taken;

for fat is always put in the mouth of the head taken in battle); let him be killed by a falling tree, tomorrow;

let him die from a wound; let him die by the hand of his enemy, tomorrow; let him be drowned, tomorrow;

let him die of a deadly disease; let him be caught by a crocodile; let him die of pain in the head; let him die of

pain in the chest.") It will be observed that the formula calls upon the hawks to give effect to the malevolent

wishes, so that the operation is not one of direct magical or sympathetic action, but rather is one by which the

aid of a higher power is invoked. This feature of the process renders it one which the strongest minded cannot

With this comprehensive curse the rite is concluded and the vengeful man returns home and secretly observes

his enemy. The latter may become aware that magic is being worked against him through dreaming that fat is

put into his mouth; and as he is probably more or less aware of the hatred of his enemy, it is not unlikely that

such a dream will come to him.[154] There can be no doubt that, if in this or any other way a man learns that

he has been made the object of a magical attempt of this sort, he, in many cases, suffers in health; and it is

probable that in some cases such knowledge has proved fatal. If it is discovered that any man has attempted

to injure another in this way, he falls into general reprobation, and, if the case can be proved against him,

heavy damages in the form of pigs, gongs, etc., may be awarded by the housechief.

A curse is sometimes imposed without formality, and in the heat of the moment, in the face of their enemy.

Under these circumstances the curse is usually muttered indistinctly, and seems then to work upon the victim

all the more powerfully. The words used are similar to those of the curse written out above.

A characteristic bit of Iban magic is the following: A man, angered by finding that some one has

deposited dirt in or about his property or premises, takes a few burning sticks and, thrusting them into the

It was said in Chapter XIV. that the Kayans treat disease by three distinct methods, namely, by

soulcatching, by drugs and regimen, and by extraction of the supposed cause of the trouble. This last

operation seems to fall under the head of magic and may be described here. It is usually performed by the

DAYONGS, and is applied more particularly in cases in which localised pain is a prominent feature of the

disorder. The DAYONG comes provided with a short tube, prepared by pushing out the core of a section of

the stem of a certain plant of the ginger family. After inquiring of the patient the locality of his pains, he

holds up the polished blade of a sword, and, gazing at it as one seeing visions, he sings a long incantation

The crowd of people, men and women, sitting round the central figure, join in the BALI DAYONG, which

recurs as the refrain at the end of each verse, intoning in loud deep voices. It seems clear from the use of the

words BALI DAYONG that the whole is addressed to some superior power; for no human DAYONG, and

indeed no human being, is addressed or spoken of with the title BALI. And it would perhaps be more correct,

therefore, to describe the address as a supplication rather than an incantation, and the whole operation as a

religious rite rather than a magical procedure. But we are here on the disputed borderland between magic and

religion, and other features incline us to regard the process as magical rather than religious.

During the singing of a number of verses in this way, the DAYONG seems to become more and more

distraught and unconscious of his surroundings; and when the singing ceases he behaves in a strange manner,

which strikes the attendant crowd with awe, starting suddenly and making strange clucking noises. Then he

produces the tube mentioned above, and pressing one end upon the skin of the part indicated by the patient as

the seat of the pain, he sucks strongly, and, presently withdrawing it, he blows out of it on to his palm a small

black pellet, which moves mysteriously upon his hand as he exhibits it to the patient and his friends as the

cause of the pain; and if the patient has complained of more than one seat of pain, the operation is repeated. It

only remains for the DAYONG to return gradually with some violent gestures and contortions to his normal

state, and to receive his fee, which properly consists of the sword used by him in the ceremony, and a live

fowl. The whole procedure is very well adapted to secure therapeutic effects by suggestion. The singing and

the atmosphere of awe engendered by the DAYONG'S reputation and his uncanny behaviour prepare the

patient, the suction applied through the tube gives him the impression that something is being drawn through

his skin, and the skilful production of the mysterious black pellet completes the suggestive process, under the

influence of which, no doubt, many an ache or pain has suddenly disappeared. On one occasion, one of us

being a little indisposed in a Klemantan house, we made an opportunity to examine the methods of the

DAYONG a little more closely than is usually possible, by inviting one to undertake the extraction of his

pains. We were then able to realise more vividly the suggestive force of the procedure, and to see that the

black pellets were bits of dark beeswax which were carried upon the fingernails of the DAYONG, and

surreptitiously introduced by him into his mouth as they were required for exhibition after being blown

through the tube; we could see also that the mysterious movements of the pellets upon his palm were

produced by the help of short fine hairs protruding from it. It seems impossible to deny the presence of a

certain element of fraud in this procedure, but we think that it would be hasty and uncharitable to assert that

the DAYONG'S attitude is wholly one of fraud; we must remember that our most orthodox medical

practitioners accord a legitimate place in their armamentarium to MISTURA RUBRA (solution of burnt

Most of the coastwise tribes seek to drive away epidemic disease by the following procedure: One or

more rough human images are carved from the pith of the sago palm and placed on a small raft or boat, or

fullrigged Malay ship, together with rice and other food carefully prepared. The boat is decorated with

ribbons of the leaves and with the blossoms of the areca palm, and allowed to float out to sea with the

Among the Ibans, if a man has deceived people in a serious matter by means of a malicious lie, and if the

untruth is discovered, one of the deceived party takes a stick and throws it down at some spot by which

people are constantly passing, saying in the presence of others, "Let any one who does not add to this liar's

heap (TUGONG BULA) suffer from pains in the head." Then others do likewise, and the nature of the

growing heap becoming known, every passerby throws a stick upon it lest he should suffer pains. In this

way the heap grows until it attains a large size, in some cases that of a small haystack, and, being known by

When any man has his hair cut or shaved, he sees that the hair cut off is burnt or otherwise carefully disposed

of. This is common to all the Borneans. It would seem that this is not prompted by fear of any definite harm,

nor is there, so far as we know, any recognised way of using the hair cut off to work injury to its former

owner. The custom seems rather to be due to the fact that shields and swords are decorated with the hair of

enemies by Kenyahs and others; therefore it is felt that to use a man's hair for this purpose is almost

equivalent to taking his head; and it is well to guard against this possibility. No doubt also it is vaguely felt

that if the hair of one's head should come into the possession of any other person, that person would acquire

Magical practices for the injury of enemies and rivals are more various and frequent among the coastwise

Klemantans, especially the Bisayas, Kadayans, and Malanaus. It is probable that they have learnt much of

this from the Malays. One variety is to hang up at the edge of a PADI field a yam or other root covered with

Another trick is to tie under a bench in the boat of one's enemy a pebble, generally of quartz. This is supposed

These practices involve the application of charms. Charms are extensively used by all the peoples, least so by

Kayans. In every house is at least one bundle of charms, known as SIAP AIOH by the Kenyahs, by whom

more importance is attached to it than by any of the other tribes. This bundle, which is the property of the

whole household or village, generally contains hair taken from the heads that hang in the gallery; a

crocodile's tooth; the blades of a few knives that have been used in special ceremonies; a few crystals or

pebbles of strange shapes; pig's teeth of unusual shape (of both wild and domestic pig); feathers of a fowl

(these seem to be substitutes for Bali Flaki's feathers, which they would hardly dare to touch); stone

axeheads called the teeth of Balingo;[156] and ISANG, I.E. palm leaves that have been put to ceremonial

The whole bundle, blackened with the smoke and dust of years, hangs in the gallery over the principal hearth

beside the heads, usually in a widemeshed basket. It constitutes the most precious possession of the

household, being of even greater value than the heads. No one willingly touches or handles the SIAP, not

even the chief. And when it becomes necessary to touch the bundle, as in transferring it to a new house, some

old man is specially told off for the duty; he who touches it brings upon himself the risk of death, for it is

very PARIT to touch it, I.E. strongly against custom and therefore dangerous.[157] Its function seems to be to

bring luck or prosperity of all kinds to the house; without it nothing would prosper, especially in warfare.

Many individuals keep a small private bunch of SIAP, made up of various small objects, of unusual forms,

generally without any human hair (Fig. 81). These are generally obtained through dreams. A man dreams that

something of value is to be given him, and then, if on waking his eye falls upon a crystal of quartz, or any

other slightly peculiar object, he takes it and hangs it above his sleepingplace; when going to bed he

addresses it, saying that he wants a dream favourable to any business he may have in hand. If such a dream

comes to him, the thing becomes SIAP; but if his dreams are inauspicious, the object is rejected. Since no one

can come in contact with another man's SIAP without risk of injury, the inconvenience occasioned by

multiplication of SIAP bundles puts a limit to their number. Nevertheless a man who possesses private SIAP

will carry it with him attached to the sheath of his sword, and special hooks are provided in most houses for

There are many instances of SIAP of specialised function. A man specially devoted to hunting with the

blowpipe will have a special blowpipe SIAP tied to his quiver (this is especially common among Punans).

He will dip this SIAP in the blood of every animal he kills, so that it becomes thickly encrusted. This is

Another special kind of SIAP is that which ensures a man against hurt from firearms, through causing any

The Ibans use personal charms which they call PENGAROH; but in accordance with their more

individualistic disposition, they have no important charm common to the whole household corresponding to

the household SIAP of the other peoples. The objects composing the PENGAROH are an assortment even

more varied and fantastic than the SIAP of other peoples. In many cases they are carried with small china

A curious object to be occasionally seen in some Sea Dayak houses is the empugau. It is a blackened bundle

hung in a basket among the heads above the hearth. It is covered with the smoke and soot of ages, and though

it is generally claimed as the property of some one man who has inherited it from his forefathers, even he

knows nothing of its history and composition, and is unwilling to examine it closely. It is regarded by the

Ibans as the head of some halfhuman monster. On careful examination of several specimens we have found

the EMPUGAU to consist of a large cocoanut in its husk, tricked out with a rude face mask having part of the

fibrous husk combed out to look like hair. The Ibans regard it with some awe, and it seems probable that it

Love charms are used by most of the peoples, though the Kayans and Kenyahs are exceptions, since they

prefer to rely chiefly upon the power of music and personal attractions. These charms are in almost all cases

strongly odorous substances. The Iban youth strings together a necklace of strongly scented seed known as

BUAH BALONG. This he generally carries about with him, and, when his inclination is directed towards

some fair one, he places it under her pillow, or endeavours to persuade her to wear it about her neck. If she

Klemantans, among whom love charms go by the generic name SANGKIL, make use of a variety of charms,

of which one of the most used is a scented oil that they contrive to smuggle on to the garments or other

Those that have had much contact with Malays make use of pieces of paper on which they scrawl certain

Charms are used by Ibans to ensure success in trapping. The trapper carries a stick one end of which is carved

to represent the human form (Fig. 83). He uses this to measure the appropriate height of the traps set for

All the peoples observe a large number of restrictions in regard to contact with objects, especially articles of

food. Some of these are mentioned in other chapters. Here we notice a few typical instances. In Chapter XV.

we related that each of the peoples avoid certain animals; in some cases they avoid not only killing or

touching these animals, but also even very remote relations with them: as, for example, taking food from a

vessel in which their flesh has been cooked on some previous occasion; coming within the range of the odour

of the object; coming into a house in which there is any part of such an animal.

The evil resulting from breach of any such prohibitions generally takes the form of wasting sickness with

pains in the head, chronic cough, dysentery, or spitting of blood. When a Kenyah has knowingly for any

reason, or unintentionally, come in contact with any one of the forbidden objects, or if he finds himself

suffering from any of these things, and therefore suspects that he has unwittingly come under their influence,

he subjects himself to a process of purification. At break of day he descends, with other members of his

family, to the brink of the river provided with a chicken, a swordblade, two frayed sticks, and a length of

spiky vine known as ATAT. This latter is bent into the form of a ring, within which he takes his stand and

awaits the appearance of Isit (the spider hunter one of the omenbirds). He calls it by name, Bali Isit; and

as soon as Isit calls in reply, he pours out a longwinded address, charging him to convey to Bali Penyalong

his prayer for recovery or protection. Then he snips off the head of the chicken, and wipes some of its blood

on the frayed sticks and on the ring. The ring, with the chicken and the frayed sticks, are then lifted above his

head by his attendants, and water is poured upon them from a bamboo, so that it drips from them on to his

head. Eight times the ring is lifted up, and each time the pouring out of the water is repeated. Then, standing

on the blade of the sword, he again addresses the omenbird as before. This completes the rite, which is

A similar rite of purification is practised by most of the other peoples. In some cases the principal feature of

It may be broadly said that all these peoples are constantly on the alert to provide against unknown dangers;

that, having no definite theories of causation, they are apt to accept every hint of danger or hurtful influence

suggested by the attributes and relations of things, and to seek to avoid these influences or to ward them off

or counteract them by every means that in any way suggests itself to their minds as possibly efficacious.

Although the Kayans regard a madman as possessed by an evil spirit, they seem to have no traditional

methods of casting out the spirit; but some of the Klemantans practise a rite of exorcism; this varies in detail

from tribe to tribe, and attains the greatest elaboration among the Malanaus. The rite is known as BAYOH,

and bears a general resemblance to the corresponding Malay rite known as BERHANTU. The Malanaus are

Klemantans of the coast regions of Sarawak, most of whom have recently become converted to Islam, while

all of them have been much influenced by contact with Malays. The following account is reproduced from a

paper published by one of us (C. H.) in the REVIEW OF THE FAR EAST (Feb. 1907), to the editor of which

The ceremony of casting out evil spirits is of frequent occurrence among Malanaus, and the noise of gongs

and drums throughout the night, lasting every night for sometimes a whole week, cannot fail to impress even

The natives of Niah, who are Malanaus, believe in a multitude of spirits, good and bad, great and small,

important and of little account. At the head of these is Ula Gemilang, the sea divinity, a power who works for

the good of man.[158] Adum Girang is another spirit of the sea, as also is Raja Duan, who has power over the

sun, a spirit who is distinguished, when he appears in human form, by his white headcloth. Majau is said to

be preeminently rich. Aiar Urai Arang is said to be a small child whose mother is Aiar. Besides these there

are other powerful spirits of the sea, the land, the upriver country, and so forth, and each is attended by

innumerable slaves and attendants of ghostly kind; they have influence of many kinds over the dwellers in

this world, some for good, others very much for evil. Madness is caused by various evil spirits throwing

themselves into mortals, ghosts with red eyes which flash like lightning. The "amok" devil which comes from

the swamp, differs from those which drive people to commit suicide these again being quite distinct from

It not infrequently happens that when a woman (or more rarely a man) is insane or is very ill, she is urged to

admit that a devil has possessed her, and to become a medicine woman. By this means she becomes well of

her complaint, and at the same time acquires the power of helping others to cast out devils. But she is not able

of her own accord to determine whether she shall become a medicine woman or not. For three nights she is

taken through the ceremony of BAYOH, afterwards to be described, without a rattan swing, and then for

three nights with the swing. If the indications are favourable, some three weeks are allowed to elapse before

she undergoes the final test of five nights with the swing. The first BAYOH is to satisfy the people, the

second to appease the demon; and if her malady is cured by the eleven nights of artificial hysteria, she is

considered to have been accepted both by men and spirits in her new role of exorciser.

As one woman expressed it, she is now "in with the demons." Even then, however, it does not follow that she

is able to see when an evil spirit has ceased to possess a person. One old female, who had worked at BAYOH

for fifteen years, admitted that if a devil went into herself she could turn it out, but only a more powerful

Two forms of BAYOH are known to the people of Niah, but it is only with the BAYOH SADONG that there

is any need to deal here. The other form is used by the Punans, or mixed Punans and Malanaus. If it is

supposed that some illness is due to possession by an evil spirit, it is decided to call the medicine women and

get the unwelcome visitant to depart, though it is not considered possible in all cases to turn a demon out of

his mortal abode. Offerings of eggs and fowls to the good spirits having proved fruitless, a day is fixed for the

BAYOH, preferably shortly after a good harvest, and the household begins its preparations for the occasion.

As powerful spirits are to be invited to the house, the room where they are to appear is decked with a

profusion of ornaments suited to such exalted guests. Great tassels of white shavings are hung upon the walls,

a white cloth adorned with the blossoms of the areca palm hides the rafters, and these graceful inflorescences

are spread out fanwise over the doors and among the shavings. In one corner a hollow cone of areca blossoms

and shavings spread over a framework of rattan is suspended from a rafter; and a model of a ship or raft is

placed just outside an open window. As the function takes place at night, candles of beeswax are set about to

give light. At the appointed time brass dishes are put on the floor with rice of many colours yellow, red,

and blue spread in patterns of crocodiles; popcorns of rice and maize, water, and washing utensils, boxes

of betel ready for chewing, tobacco, and cigarettes, to appease the varied appetites of the spirits invoked. just

after sundown the neighbours troop in and settle themselves round the room, the illmannered pushing

themselves in front. Certain of the villagers agree to form the band. Soon the house is full of people, boys and

old men contentedly chewing and smoking, women retiring to darker parts of the room to gossip. A person of

importance will be received with some show of civility, but without any definite ceremony. Arabian incense,

KAMANYAN, which is used nowadays because the native GARU has too high a value for export to be

consumed at home, disperses a not unpleasant smell through the gathering. Then the fun begins, gongs and

drums are struck, and the strains of music sound through the village. With intervals of a quarter of an hour

every two hours, the monotonous melody proceeds until seven the next morning, to be resumed, in all

probability, the next night for another twelve hours, and perhaps maintained night after night for a whole

The medicine women one, two, or three, rarely four in number have collected in the middle of the

room. Generally experienced by years of performing, they are often too old to be attractive, despite the

gorgeous raiment with which they conceal their aged frames and the hawkbells which jingle as they move. At

first they collect round the earthenware censers to warm their hands. They then begin to step with the music

and wave their arms, hissing loudly through their teeth the while, and occasionally breaking into a whistle.

After a time they sit down and nod this way and that to the music, as though engaged in training the muscles

of the neck. But the drums and gongs go faster, till the long hair of the woman flies round with her head. The

whistling is varied by a chant, SADONG, in an ancient language now barely understood.

"Why do you speak? Why do you SADONG? Why are you such a long time? As long as it takes a pinang

(areca) to become old? The fruit of the cocoanut has had time to reach maturity and drop. Come to this

country below the heavens. What do you wish? What is your desire? I have come to heal the sick one who

lies on the floor, feeble and unable to rise, thin and shrivelled like a floating log. Have pity from your heart

and prevent my soul from parting from my skin and my bones from failing away. This sickness is very severe

One of the women goes to the patient, who, clad in black, sits alone on a mat, and brings her a pinang

blossom to hold, covering her head with a cloth. The unfortunate being is then brought to the hollow cone of

shavings and seated within it; it is then whirled round till the white shreds rise like a ballet dancer's skirt.

Gradually the sick person is worked up to a frenzy, and, keeping time with the music, the medicine women

sway about and wag their heads. So the proceedings go on, with weird fantastic dancing, nodding, howling,

whistling, chanting, for all the hours of the tropical night. Then the medicine women are whirled round in the

cone, and one by one they fall into a faint, to be recovered by fanning with the pinang blossom. They dance

about and brush against the onlookers as though unable to control their movements, and are only kept at a

distance by finding handfuls of rice flung in their faces. The point of giddiness and hysteria eventually

The outsider will find it difficult to detect much method in the madness, but on more sober occasions the

performers can offer intelligible explanations of their behaviour. The account given by an old medicine

woman at Niah, and confirmed by the man who conducts the ceremonies at the same village, shows that the

part taken by the spirits is quite as definite as the performance of the exorcisers. Attracted by the music, the

followers of the chief evil spirits gather round the house when the BAYOH has begun, and hunt about. These

little demons ask the chief medicine woman, "Why have you called us?" She replies, "Tell your master that I

have called you because there is a person here sick." They then go back and fetch the more powerful spirit

whom they serve. This demon comes up from the sea to the JONG, a small ship or raft that stands behind the

house (Fig. 84), and finds his way up the rope ladder. He asks the BAYOH woman, "Why have you called

me, mother?" She answers, "I have called you because there is a sick person here. You can help him! See

whether you can help him or not." If the demon finds the sickness beyond his power to cure, he says, "I

cannot help you; get some one else"; and the next night another one is invoked, until the evil spirit is cast out

of the patient. If for seven nights the attempt is made in vain, the BAYOH is stopped and medicines are tried

again, but with little hope that they will do much good. One of the BAYOHS I saw at Niah was on behalf of a

slightly mad woman, who became very violent during the performance. She was said to be mad because she

had become a Mohammedan, and it was explained that the Malanau demons had no power over the evil

spirits of Islam. The poor woman was consequently put into stocks in her own room, and not long afterwards

When a big spirit comes into one of the medicine women, as they say, like a flash she feels its presence, but

does not see its form. If it agrees to help, the woman goes on with the regular BAYOH, and soon feels

confident that she is able to make the patient well. She asks for rice and other food, and spirit made from

fruit, which she eats and drinks to gratify the demon within her. She calls upon the people to see that the

viands are good, but not from any selfish motive, for it is said that she is not aware that she is eating at all.

The coloured rice, which has been prepared, is the spirit's share, and eggs are also given. The demon invoked

to help calls out to the evil spirit in possession of the sick person, "You stay in this craft whilst I sit here." "If

you don't wish to stay here you can go to the woods, or your former abode." The evil spirit then goes from the

patient into the basket prepared for his reception, and is then induced or ordered to depart by the demon in the

medicine woman. What remains of the food set apart for the spirit is scattered along the river. The BAYOH is

stopped, and thanksgiving offerings are floated out to sea that the exertions of the supernatural powers may

not have been in vain, or these gifts may be taken into the jungle, where the hollow cone and raft are also

The medicine women work for a fee, and it is likely enough that the length of the BAYOH is influenced to

some extent by their pay. Sometimes the ceremony is most gorgeous. A rattan swing, covered with a

beautiful cloth, is provided for the women and the patient to swing in, with a platform near at hand to receive

the evil, spirit. Sometimes Ula Gemilang himself is invoked. On these occasions the expenditure is profuse. A

box is placed in the middle of the room with a handsome covering. The walk up the floor is covered with

cloth of gold thread. There are seven candles in seven brass sticks, seven betel stands, and seven men

carrying spears. When the god arrives, seven people carry the umbrella over his head. If every thing is not

perfectly satisfactory in his judgment, he demands through the medicine woman whose body he has occupied

some expensive gift, and if this is refused she may fall in a dead faint. Rice is thrown on her and she is fanned

with the pinang blossoms, but the women who attend to her only share her fate and also become senseless.

Eventually they recover, but there is now but little hope for the patient, for Gemilang is angry. In a despairing

Needless to say, the women bear out their part of the pantomime with great skill, becoming "possessed" at the

proper time, snatching at the sick person's head as though to catch the evil spirit, and so forth. It is probable

that in some cases the ceremony works a cure by suggestion. In any case the villagers have not too many

occasions for social gatherings and feasts, and since those who hold BAYOHS must offer a good deal of

hospitality to their neighbours, such meetings in a village are exceedingly popular with all except those who

Among all the peoples of Borneo a number of myths are handed on from generation to generation by word of

mouth. These are related again and again by those who make themselves reputations as storytellers,

especially the old men and women; and the people are never tired of hearing them repeated, as they sit in

groups about their hearths between supper and bedtime, and especially when camping in the jungle. The

myths vary considerably in the mouths of different storytellers, especially of those that live in widely

separated districts; for the myths commonly have a certain amount of local colouring. Few or none of the

myths are common to all the peoples; but those of any one people are generally known in more or less

Although many of the myths deal with such subjects as the creation of the world, of man, of animals and

plants, the discovery of fire and agriculture, subjects of which the mythology has been incorporated in the

religious teachings of the classical and Christian worlds, the mythology of these peoples has little relation to

their religion. The gods figure but little in the myths, and the myths are related with little or no religious

feeling, no sense of awe, and very little sense of obligation to hand them on unchanged. They are related in

much the same spirit and on the same occasions as the animal stories, of which also the people are fond, and

they may be said to be sustained by the purely aesthetic or literary motive, rather than the religious or

scientific motives. In fact it is not possible to draw any sharp line between myths and fables. If it is asked, Do

the people believe the myths? no clear answer can be given; for few of the myths have any direct bearing

upon practical life, and therefore belief in them is not brought to the test of action, the only test that can

reveal the reality of belief, or indeed differentiate belief from merely unreflective acceptance of a story.

Where such practical bearing is not altogether wanting, we commonly see conduct regulated in conformity

with the myth or story, as in the case of the story of the bat carrying to the creatures in the river the news of

A certain number of the Bornean myths and legends have been published in Mr. Ling Roth's book and

elsewhere, especially those of the Ibans. We have chosen for reproduction some representative specimens

that have not hitherto appeared in wellknown publications. A few stories that properly belong to this chapter

We give first in a condensed form the substance of a long rambling creationmyth current among all

branches of the Kayan people. This myth is sung in rhymed blank verse, a fact which is partly responsible for

In the beginning there was a barren rock. On this the rains fell and gave rise to moss, and the worms, aided by

the dungbeetles, made soil by their castings. Then a sword handle (HAUP MALAT) came down from the

sun[159] and became a large tree. From the moon came a creeper, which hanging from the tree became mated

with it through the action of the wind.[160] From this union were born KALUBAN GAI and KALUBI

ANGAI, the first human beings, male and female. These were incomplete, lacking the legs and lower half of

their trunks, so that their entrails hung loose and exposed. Leaves falling from the tree became the various

species of birds and winged insects, and from the fallen fruits sprang the fourfooted beasts. Resin, oozing

from the trunk of the tree, gave rise to the domestic pig and fowl, two species which are distinguished by

their understanding of matters that remain hidden from all others, even from human beings. The first

incomplete human beings produced PENGOK NGAI and KATIRA MUREI; the latter bore a son, BATANG

UTA TATAI, who married AJAI AVAI and begot SIJAU LAHO, ODING LAHANG, PABALAN, PLIBAN,

and TOKONG, who became the progenitors of the various existing peoples. ODING LAKANG is claimed as

their ancestor by the Kayans, and also by the Kenyahs and some of the Klemantan tribes.

TOKONG is claimed as ancestor by the Sebops (a tribe of Klemantans) and by the Punans. The former

attribute to him the introduction of head hunting. The story goes that once upon a time, when TOKONG and

his people were preparing to attack a village, he was addressed by the frog, who called out, "WONG KA

KOK, TETAK BATOK." This fairly represents the cry of this species of frog (BUFO); and TETAK BATOK

in the Sebop language means "cut through the neck." At first the people, who hitherto had taken only the hair

of their enemies to adorn their shields, scoffed at this advice; but the frog assured them that the taking of

heads would bring them prosperity of every kind, and demonstrated the procedure he advised by decapitating

a small frog. TOKONG therefore determined to follow the frog's advice and carried away the heads of his

enemies; this was followed immediately by increased prosperity. As the party returned home and passed

through their fields the PADI grew very rapidly. As they entered the fields the PADI was only up to their

knees, but before they had passed through it was fullgrown with full ears. As they approached the house

their relatives came to meet them, rejoicing over various pieces of good fortune that had befallen them. The

words of the frog thus came true, and Tokong and his people continued to follow the new practice, and from

Although the help of the stars is not needed by the Borneans in directing their course when travelling, since

all but very short journeys are made on the rivers, most of them are familiar with the principal constellations,

and name them in accordance with the resemblances they discover to men, animals, and other objects. Some

of the tribes determine the arrival of the season for sowing PADI by the observation of the stars. Thus the

LONG KIPUTS (Klemantans) name the great square of Pegasus PALAI, the PADI storehouse (these houses

are generally square); the Pleiades they call a well; and the constellation of which Aldebaran is a member

they call a pig's jaw. They measure the altitude of a star by filling a tall bamboo vessel with water, inclining it

until it points directly to the star, and then setting it upright again, and measuring the height at which the

surface of the water remaining in the vessel stands above its floor. Orion is interpreted as the figure of a man,

LAFAANG, in much the same way as by Europeans; but his left arm is thought to be wanting. They tell the

The daughter of PALAI (the constellation Pegasus) fell in love with a Long Kiput youth, LAFAANG by

name, and invited him to ascend to the heavens, warning him at the same time that the customs in her

celestial home were very different from those of earth. The girl was very beautiful, and LAFAANG was not

slow to find his way to her father's house. PALAI, surprised to see this mortal visitor, enquired of his

daughter, "Who is this man, and why does he come here?" "It is the man I wish to wed," replied the girl. The

kindhearted father told her to give her lover food, and consented to the realisation of her hopes. So

LAFAANG took up his abode in the house of PALAI and was wedded to his daughter. But in spite of

repeated instructions, LAFAANG found it very difficult to conform to the customs of his adopted country.

He put his food into his mouth with his fingers instead of using a needle for the purpose, and by doing so

distressed his wife, who chid him for his disobedience to her instructions. On the morrow of his arrival he

was invited to clear a patch of jungle for a PADI field; and his wife told him that, in order to fell a tree, he

was merely to lay the axe she gave him at the foot of the tree, which would forthwith fall to the ground. But

habit was too strong to be controlled, and, when LAFAANG set his hand to the task, he fell to chopping at

the tree. But though he chopped with might and main he made no impression, and his gentle spouse was

horrified to see the crudeness of his methods. On the next day he was told to watch PALAI at work felling the

trees. Squatting in the jungle he saw how the great trees fell when PALAI merely laid the blade of the axe at

the foot of each one. This spectacle filled LAFAANG with terror and he would have ran away, but that his

wife reproached him for cowardice. On the following day he set to work again; and once more forgetting his

lesson, he began to chop at the stems of the trees. This gross breach of custom was punished by the fall of a

tree from the patch of jungle hard by that on which PALAI was at work; for the tree in falling cut off

LAFAANG'S left arm. Disgusted by these disagreeable incidents and by the awkward appearance of his wife,

who was now far advanced in pregnancy, LAFAANG made up his mind to return to his own people. His wife

reproached him for his intention; but, when she could not alter his determination, she gave him sugarcane

tops and banana roots, previously unknown to men, and let him down to earth by means of a long creeper.

Before he reached the ground he heard the cry of his newborn child, and begged to be allowed to go back to

see him. But his entreaties were unavailing, and weeping bitterly, he alighted on the earth at TIKAN ORUM

(a spot in the upper Baram district). Still his disobedience was not overcome; for, although he had been told

to plant the sugarcane and banana by merely throwing them on the ground, he planted them carefully in the

soil; and to this day a tall coarse grass (BRU) grows on the spot. Nevertheless some sugarcane and banana

plants grew up; but they were of an inferior quality, and such they have remained wherever they have spread

in this world. LAFAANG died among his own people on earth, but the bright constellation that bears his

name and shape still moves across the heavens, reminding men of his journey to the world above the sky and

The following myth, current under several forms among the Klemantans, accounts for a number of the

geographical features of the Baram district, in which it was told us. The story was evoked from an old man of

the Long Kiputs by a question as to his views about the nature of the stars. He explained that the stars are

holes in the sky made by the roots of trees in the world above the sky projecting through the floor of that

world. At one time, he explained, the sky was close to the earth, but one day USAI, a giant, when working

sago with a wooden mallet accidentally struck his mallet against the sky; since which time the sky has been

far up out of the reach of man. Our informant, warming up with the excitement of the recital, went on to give

USAI was the brother of the guardian of the shades of men. His wife desired to have a large prawn that lived

in the Baram river; so USAI built a dam across the river at LUBOK SUAN (a spot where the river is about

250 yards in width) and baled out the water below it, seizing the crocodiles with his fingers and whisking

them out on to the bank. While this operation was in progress, the dam gave way; and USAI'S wife was

drowned in the sudden rush of water. In vain he sought for his wife, weeping bitterly. Disconsolately he

waded down the river. At the mouth of the PELUTAN he wept anew, throwing aside the crocodiles as he

explored the bed of the river. At LONG SALAI he found his wife's coat and wept again. At LONG LAMA he

found his wife's waistcloth and gave up hope, and at TAMALA he clucked like a hen, so great was his grief.

Still he went on wading down the river. The water, which at LONG PLUSAN was only just above his ankles,

reached his middle at the mouth of the TUTAU, and covered all his body at the place where the Tinjar (the

largest tributary) flows into the Baram. At the mouth of the ADOI he wailed aloud, "ADOI, ADOI!" (a

sorrowful cry in common use, nearly the equivalent of our Alas!). He began to shiver with cold, but at the

mouth of the BAKONG he wept again. When he reached LUBOK KAJAMAN he was out of his depth (this

is a part known to be very deep) and colder than ever; but he kept on, and presently the water reached only to

his belly, and when he reached the sea it came only to his knees. (There is a shallow bar at the river mouth.)

On seeing the boundless ocean, USAI gave up the search and strode down the coast to Miri, where he lived

on charcoal and ginger. (The belief is widely held that the people of Miri, formerly ate charcoal in large

quantities.) The people of Miri seemed to him like maggots; and they, taking him to be a great tree, climbed

up on him. When he brushed them off, he killed ten men with each sweep of his hand. The Miri people set to

work to hew down this great tree, and blood poured from USAI'S foot as they worked. Then USAI spoke to

them, asking them what sort of creatures they might be, and said, "Listen to my words. I am about to die. My

brains are sago, my liver is tobacco. Where my head falls there the people will have much knowledge, where

my feet lie will be the ignorant ones." Then, his legs being cut through, he fell with a mighty crash, his head

falling towards the sea, his feet pointing up river. ("This accounts for the fact that white men and Chinese

know so many things, while the people of Borneo are ignorant" said our informant; but this was probably his

own comment.) The Miris, of whom a thousand were killed by the fall of USAI, have beautiful hair, because

his head fell in their district; but the other people have only such hair as grew on USAI'S limbs. The

mosquitoes that existed in the time of USAI were as big as fowls, and their bites were terribly painful. The

people hewed them into small pieces, so that now they are the smallest of the animals; but their bite is still

The following story, which is an old favourite among the Ibans (Sea Dayaks) of the Batang Lupar, will serve

to illustrate, with its many heterogeneous features, the mythmaking faculty of this imitative and funloving

people. It will be noticed that the story combines the characters of a creationmyth, an animal fable, and a

Once upon a time some people were looking for edible vegetables in the jungle, when they came upon a huge

python, which they took to be a log. Sitting upon it to cut up their vegetables, they by chance wounded it, and

caused the python's blood to flow out. Recognising then the nature of their restingplace, the people cut up

the python and began to cook its flesh. Then heavy rain began to fall, and it rained like anything for days and

days, so that all the land was covered with water, and only the top of TIANG LAJU (the highest peak of the

Batang Lupar district) stood out above the flood. All the people and animals were drowned except one

woman, a dog, a rat, and a few other small animals, which climbed to the top of this mountain. The woman,

seeking shelter from the rain, noticed that the dog seemed to have found a warm place beneath a creeper. The

creeper was swaying in the wind and rubbing against a tree, and thus was warmed by the friction. The

woman, taking the hint, rubbed the creeper hard on a piece of wood, and so for the first time produced fire.

Having no husband the woman took the creeper for her mate, and soon afterwards gave birth to a son, who

was but onehalf of a human being, having one arm, one leg, one eye, and so on. This child, SIMPANG

IMPANG, whose only companions were the animals, often complained bitterly to his mother of his

incompleteness. One day SIMPANG IMPANG discovered some PADI grain which the rat had hidden in a

hole. He spread it out to dry on a leaf, which he put on top of a stump. On this the rat demanded the PADI

back; and when SIMPANG IMPANG refused it, he grew very angry, and swore that he and all his race would

always retaliate by taking the PADI of men whenever they could get at it. While they were disputing,

SELULAT ANTU RIBUT, the windspirit, came by and scattered the PADI grains far and wide in the

jungle. SIMPANG IMBANG looked round in anger and astonishment, and could perceive nothing but the

noise of the wind. So he set out with some of his companions to get back his corn from the windspirit, or

know the reason why. After wandering for some days he came to a tree on which were many birds; they

picked off its buds as fast as the tree could push them out. SIMPANG IMPANG asked the tree to tell him the

way to the house of the windspirit; and the tree said, "Oh, yes, he came this way just now, and his house is

far away over there. When you come to it, please tell him I am tired of putting out my leaves to have them

bitten off by these rascal birds, and that I want him to come and end my miserable life by blowing me down."

SIMPANG IMPANG went on and came to a lake, which said, "Whither are you going, friend?" And when he

answered that he was going to find the windspirit, the lake complained that its outlet to the river was

blocked with a lump of gold, and told him to get the windspirit to blow away the obstruction. SIMPANG

IMPANG promised to put in a word for the lake, and, passing on, came to a cluster of sugarcanes and

bananas. "Whither are you going, friend?" said they. "I'm going to the windspirit" he answered. "Oh! then,

will you please ask him how it is we have no branches like other trees; we should like to have branches like

them."[162] "Yes, I'll remember it," said SIMPANG IMPANG, and, passing on, he soon came to the home of

the windspirit. There he heard a great noise of wind blowing, and the windspirit said, "What do you want

here, SIMPANG IMPANG." He answered angrily that he had come to demand the PADI that the windspirit

had carried away. "We'll settle the dispute by diving" said the windspirit,[163] and he dived into the water;

but being only a bubble, he very soon popped up to the surface. Then SIMPANG IMPANG called on his

companion the fish to dive for him; and when the windspirit saw that he had no chance of coming out the

winner in this ordeal, he said, "No, this is not fair, we'll settle the matter by jumping," and he leapt right over

the house. SIMPANG IMPANG called on the swift as his substitute, and the swift, rising from the ground,

jumped right out of sight. Still the windspirit would not give in. "We'll have another test; let's see who can

go through this blowpipe"; and he went whistling through. Then SIMPANG IMPANG did not know what to

do, for none of his companions seemed able to help him. But he had forgotten the ant, until a little squeaky

voice called out, "I can do it"; and forthwith the ant crawled through the blowpipe. Still the windspirit

would not give in, and SIMPANG IMPANG was very angry, and seizing his father, the firedrill, he set the

windspirit's house on fire. Then at last the windspirit called out that he would make compensation for the

PADI he had taken away. "But," said he, "I haven't any gongs or other things to pay you, so I'll make you a

whole man with two arms and two legs and two eyes." SIMPANG IMPANG accepted the bargain, and was

overjoyed to find himself a whole man. Then he remembered the messages he had brought from the tree and

the lake, and the windspirit promised to do as he was asked. And then SIMPANG IMPANG put to him the

question of the bamboo and of the banana plant; and the windspirit said, "They have no branches because

human beings are always offending against custom; they often utter the names of their fatherinlaw and

motherinlaw, and sometimes they walk before them in going through the jungle; that is why the bamboo

Animal fables are current among all the peoples of Borneo, and are frequently repeated and listened to with

much enjoyment; some individuals who acquire the reputation of being good storytellers are frequently

called upon to practise their art. Closely allied with this enjoyment of fables is the practice of describing

incidents of social or tribal intercourse in fables, parables, or allegories, which are made to suit the occasions

Once upon a time PLANDOK (the tiny mousedeer) and KELAP (the watertortoise) went out together to

find fruit. They found a tree laden with ripe fruit close by a house. "I can't climb up that tree," said

PLANDOK, "but I'll give you a leg up, and then you can get on to that branch." So he pushed up KELAP on

to the lowermost branch. KELAP threw down all the fruit, but then didn't know how to get down, and called

to PLANDOK for help. "Oh! get down anyway you like," said PLANDOK. "But I can't get down forwards

and I can't get down backwards." "Then throw yourself down," said PLANDOK, and KELAP threw himself

down and came to the ground with a great thud. The people in the house heard the sound and said," There's a

durian falling." Then PLANDOK began to divide the fruit into heaps. "This is for me and that's for you," he

kept calling out; and every time he put some more fruit to KELAP'S heap, he shouted louder than before.

"Hello," said the people in the house, "there's somebody dividing something," and they ran out to see what

was going on. PLANDOK skipped away with his share of the fruit, and left KELAP to hide himself as best

he could under the broad leaves of a Caladium plant. The people saw the tree stripped of its fruit, and

KELAP'S tracks on the ground soon led to the discovery of his hidingplace. "Here's the thief," said the

people, "let's put him in the fire." "Oh yes," said KELAP, "please put me in the fire; last time they put me in

the fire they only half did the thing, and left one side quite untouched by the fire."[164] "0h! that won't do,"

said the people, "let's squeeze him in the sugarcane press." "Oh yes, please squeeze me in the press," said

KELAP, "last time they put me in the press they only squeezed one side of me."[165] "Then that won't do

either," they cried, "let's throw him into the river." "Oh! don't throw me into the river," said KELAP, and

began to weep. So they threw him into the river. KELAP swam out to the middle of the river and, putting up

his head above the surface, called out, "That's alright, this is my home." At this the people saw that he had got

the better of them, and determined to turn the tables by poisoning the water with TUBA.[166] The bat

overheard what they were saying, and at once flew off to KELAP, and advised him to get out of the river.

"No, I shall stay here," said KELAP, "this is the safest place for me," and he went and stood quite still among

Presently the people began to beat out the TUBA root on the stones, and one man, taking KELAP'S back for

a stone, began to beat his TUBA upon it. Then KELAP made his back sink lower little by little, so that the

water began to cover it. "Hello!" said the man, "the water's rising, it's no good trying to poison the river when

The BELIRA is a fish that has an extraordinary number of bones. The following story accounts for this

exceptional number of bones and, in conjunction with the foregoing story, explains why Kenyahs, when

proposing to poison the river with TUBA in order to take the fish, speak of their intentions only in parables.

The fish began to complain that they were so often caught by men who poisoned the river. So they decided

they must have a DAYONG who could make rain for them[167] so as to prevent the poisoning of the water.

They asked one fish after another to become a DAYONG; but all refused until they came to the BELIRA,

who said he would do his best to become a DAYONG and to make rain for them, if each of the other fishes

would give him a bone. They accepted the bargain and each gave him a bone, and that is why the BELIRA

The following Klemantan story illustrates the taste of the people for the comic:

One day SALEH and his father set out in their boat for their farm. "Look out for logs" (I.E. floating timber),

said SALEH'S father. They had not gone very far when SALEH sings out, "I see some timber." ,Where?"

says his father. "Why, there on the bank," says SALEH, pointing to the jungle. "Oh! you silly," says his

father, "go on." So they went on and landed, and the father, leaving SALEH to cook some rice in the large

pot, began to cut down some trees. Presently he came back and found SALEH with the pot upside down over

the fire, and nothing cooked. "What are you at?" cries the father. "Well," says SALEH, "I put the pot over the

fire as you told me to do, but when I poured the water on it, it all ran into the fire and put it out." "You stupid

boy, you should have put the pot on the other way up." But you didn't tell me so," says SALEH.

The father had chipped his axe, so he sends SALEH home to fetch another. SALEH sets out gaily singing, the

blade of the axe lying in the bow of the boat. Soon the boat strikes a snag and overboard goes the axeblade.

"Oh, bother!" says SALEH, "but never mind, I'll mark the place," and he whips out his knife and cuts a notch

in the gunwale of the boat at the spot where the axe fell in. Arriving at the landing stage before his father's

house, he begins to dive into the water to find the lost axehead, and continues vainly seeking it till his

mother comes out to ask what he is doing. "I'm looking for the axe that fell into the water just at this notch, as

I was coming down river," says SALEH. "Oh! you are a stupid," says his mother, and fetches him a new axe.

SALEH goes back to his father, who has found a fruit tree. He tells SALEH to gather the fruit in his basket

while he goes on felling trees. Presently the father comes back and finds SALEH fastened with his back to

the tree by the shoulderbasket, which he has put right round its stem, and his legs going up and down.

"Hello! what ARE you up to now?" says the father. "Why, I'm carrying away the whole tree to save trouble,"

says SALEH, "and I'm watching the clouds up there to see how fast I'm walking with this tree on my back."

We conclude this chapter with an example of a fable which points a moral. It is told by the Barawans of their

neighbours, the Sebops (both are Klemantan tribes), who, they say, put off every task till the morrow.

One wet night KRA, the monkey, and RAONG, the toad, sat under a log complaining of the cold.

"KRRRH" went KRA, and "Hoottoottoot" went the toad. They agreed that next day they would cut

down a KUMUT tree and make themselves a coat. of its bark. In the morning the sun shone bright and warm,

and KRA gambolled in the treetops, while RAONG climbed on the log and basked in the sunlight. Presently

down comes KRA and sings out, "Hello, mate! How are you getting on?" "Oh! nicely," says RAONG. "Well,

how about that coat we were going to make?" says KRA. "Oh! bother the coat," says RAONG, "we'll make it

tomorrow; I'm jolly warm now." So they enjoyed the sunshine all day long. But, when night fell, it began to

rain again, and again they sat under the log complaining of the cold. "KRRRH," went KRA, and

"Hoottoottoot" went RAONG. And again they agreed that they must cut down the KUMUT tree and make

themselves a coat of its bark. But in the morning the sun was shining again warm and bright; and again KRA

gambolled in the treetops and RAONG sat basking in the sunshine; and again RAONG, said, "Oh! bother

the coat, we'll make it tomorrow." And every day it was the same, and so to this day KRA and RAONG sit

From the time that the parents of a Kayan become aware of his existence they faithfully observe, without

intermission until his appearance in the world, certain tabus. Or, in their own language, they are MALAN and

certain things and acts are LALI for them. The belief that the child will resemble in some degree the things

which arrest the glance of his mother while she carries him (LEMALI) is unquestioningly held and acted

upon; hence the expectant woman seeks to avoid seeing all disagreeable and uncanny objects, more

especially the Maias and the longnosed monkey; she observes also the tabus imposed upon sick women in

general, and besides these a number of other tabus peculiar to her condition, most of which apply to acts or

situations which may symbolise any difficulty in delivery of the child; for example, she must not tie knots,

she must not thrust her hand into any narrow hole to pull anything out. The tabus of the latter class are

observed by the husband even more strictly, if possible, than by the wife. The woman must also avoid certain

kinds of flesh and fish. It frequently happens that the woman begins to crave to eat a peculiar soapy earth

The woman will also take positive measures to ensure the prosperous course of her pregnancy and delivery.

At the quickening she sacrifices a young pig and charges it to convey her prayer to Doh Tenangan; and on the

occurrence of any untoward incident, such as a fall, the prayer and sacrifice are repeated. The carcases of the

victims are stuck upon poles before the house near her door, and the inevitable feathered sticks, smeared with

In every Kayan house are certain elderly women (not the DAYONGS) who have a reputation for special

knowledge and skill in all matters connected with pregnancy and childbirth. One of these is called in at an

early stage; she makes from time to time a careful examination of the patient's abdomen and professes to

She has also a number of charms, which she hangs in the woman's room, and various unguents, which she

applies externally. But all these procedures are surrounded by a veil of secrecy which we have failed to

penetrate. And, in fact, all information in regard to the processes of childbirth is difficult to obtain, for all

In all other respects the pregnant woman follows her ordinary mode of life until the pains of labour begin.

Then she is attended by the wise woman and several elderly relatives or friends. She sits in her room which is

LALI to all but her attendants and her husband; and she is hidden from the latter by a screen of mats. During

the pains she grasps and pulls on a cloth fixed to a rafter above and before her. The pains seem to be severe,

since the woman generally groans and cries out; but the duration of labour is commonly brief, perhaps two or

three hours only. The attendants' great anxiety is lest the child should go upward, and to prevent this they tie a

cloth very tightly round the patient about the upper part of her abdomen. During the pains two of them press

down with great force upon the uterus, one from each side. The wise woman professes to accomplish version

by external manipulation, if she judges that the feet are about to present. But we do not know whether her

claim to so much skill is well founded. If the afterbirth does not follow immediately upon the child, the

attendants become very anxious; two of them lift up the patient, and, if it does not soon appear, an axehead

is tied to the cord in order to prevent its return within the body, and possibly that the weight may hasten its

extrusion. We have no reason to suppose that any internal manipulation is attempted at this or any other stage

of labour or of pregnancy. Immediately after delivery the cord is tied and cut across with a bamboo knife. If

The afterbirth is usually buried or merely thrown away. But if the child is born enclosed in the membranes

(with a caul), they are dried and preserved by the mother. It is said that, when dried, it is pounded to a powder

If labour is unusually difficult or prolonged, or if accidents happen, the news spreads quickly through the

house; and, if the attendants begin to fear a fatal issue, the whole household is thrown into consternation, for

death in childbirth is regarded with peculiar horror. All the men of the house, including the chief and boys,

will flee from the house, or, if it is night, they will clamber up among the beams of the roof and there hide in

terror; and, if the worst happens, they remain there until the woman's corpse has been taken out of the house

for burial. In such a case the burial is effected with the utmost despatch. Old men and women, who are

The body, wrapped in a mat, is buried in a grave dug in the earth among the tombs, instead of being put in a

coffin raised on a tall post; for the soul of the woman who dies in childbirth goes, with the souls of those who

fall in battle, or die by violence of any kind, to Bawang Daha (the lake of blood).

If twins are born, one is chosen, generally the boy, if they are of different sexes. The other is got rid off by

exposure in the jungle. The avowed motive for this practice (which, of course, is rapidly passing away under

the influence of the European governments) is the desire to preserve the life of the survivor; for they hold that

his chances of life are diminished not only by the necessity of dividing the mother's care and milk between

the twins, if both survive, but also by the sympathetic bond which they believe to exist between twins, and

which renders each of them liable to all the ills and misfortunes that befall the other; and to Kayans the loss

of a child of some years of age is a calamity of the first magnitude, whereas the sacrifice of one of a pair of

At the moment the child is completely born, a TAWAK or a drum (according as it is male or female) is

beaten in the gallery with a peculiar rhythm. All members of the household (I.E. all whose rooms are under

the roof of the one long house, and who, therefore, are under the same omens and tabus) who are within the

house at this moment have the right to a handful of salt from the parents of the child; and all members who

are not under the roof at the moment are expected to make a present of some piece of iron to the child. This is

an ancient custom, which is no longer strictly observed, and which seems to be undergoing a natural decay.

During the confinement of a woman, Kayans (more especially those of the upper Rejang) sometimes perform

a dance which is supposed to facilitate delivery. It is commonly performed by a woman, a friend or relative of

the labouring woman, who takes in her arms a bundle of cloth, which she handles like a baby while she

dances, afterwards putting it into the cradle (HAVAT) in which a child is carried on the back. An old story

relates the origin of this dance as follows. A widow died in childbirth, and the child was given to a woman

who happened to be dancing at the time of its birth, and who afterwards became a very influential and

When the delivery has been normally accomplished and all goes well, the mother at once nurses the child;

and a woman of the lower class may resume her lighter household duties within twentyfour hours. A woman

of the upper class may remain recumbent for the most part of several days or even weeks. For seventeen days

the mother wears threads tied round the thumbs and big toes, and during this time she is expected to avoid

heavy labour, such as farmwork and the pounding of hadi. There seems to be no trace of any such custom as

the COUVADE, though the father observes, like the mother, certain tabus during the early months and years

of the child's life, with diminishing strictness as the child grows older. The child also is hedged about with

tabus. The general aim of all these tabus seems to be to establish and maintain about the child a certain

atmosphere (or, as they say, a certain odour)[168] in which alone it can thrive. Neither father nor mother will

eat or touch anything whose properties are thought to be harmful or undesirable for the child, E.G. such

things as the skin of the timid deer (see vol. ii. p. 72), or that of the tigercat; and the child himself is still

more strictly preserved from such contacts. Further, nothing used by or about the child toys, garments,

cradle, or beads must be lost, lent, sold, or otherwise allowed to pass out of the possession of the parents;

though, if one child has thriven, its properties are preferred to all others for the use of a younger brother or

sister. It is important also that no stranger shall handle or gaze too closely upon the child; and when it is put

down to sleep in the parents' room, the mat or rude wooden cradle on which it lies is generally surrounded by

a rough screen. The more influential the stranger, the more is his contact to be feared; for any such contact or

notice may attract to the infant the unwelcome and probably injurious attentions of the TOH. For the same

reason it is forbidden, or PARIT, to a child to lie down on the spot where a chief has been sitting or where he

usually reposes. And it is a grave offence for a child to, jump over the legs of a reclining chief; but in this

case the disrespect shown is probably the more important ground of the disapprobation incurred.

If any such contact has unwittingly occurred, or if, for example, a Kayan mother has consented to submit an

ailing child to inspection by a European medical man, the danger incurred may be warded off by the gift from

the stranger to the child of some small article of value. In a similar way the breach of other tabus, such as the

The infant is carried by the mother almost continuously during the waking hours of its first year of life; it is

generally suspended in a sling made of wood or of basketwork, resembling in shape the baby's swing

familiar in our nurseries; the child sits on a semicircular piece of board, its legs dependent, its knees and belly

against the mother's back, and its own back supported by the two vertical pieces of the cradle (see Pl. 166).

The mother nurses the infant in her arms during most of her leisure moments, and she hushes it to sleep by

crooning old lullabies as she rocks it in her arms or in a cradle suspended from a pliable stick.[169] The

father hardly handles it during its first year, but many fathers nurse and dandle the older infants for hours

together in the most affectionate manner; and, if the child's grandfather is living, he generally becomes its

About the end of its first year the infant begins to crawl and toddle about the room and gallery, to sprawl into

the hearth and eat charcoal, and to get into all sorts of mischief in the usual way. During the first year he lives

Towards the end of the first year the lobes of the ears are perforated, and a ring (or, in the case of a girl,

several small rings) is inserted in each. Of childish affections of health, the commonest at this age is yaws

(FRAMBOESIA) about the mouth. Kayan mothers believe that every child must go through this, and that one

attack protects against its recurrence; and the rareness of the disease in adults seems to bear out this belief.

During the next years, until the boy is five or six years of age, he remains always under the care of his

mother. He spends the day running about within and around the house and among the boats at the

landingplace, playing with his fellows, chasing the pigs and fowls, and bathing in the river. The children are

in the main what is commonly called good, they cry but little, and quarrels and outbreaks of temper are few.

During the boy's third year a hole is punched in the shell of each ear. A single blow with a bamboo punch

takes out a circular piece; into this a circular plug of wax or wood is inserted. The girl, on the other hand, has

more rings added to the lobes of her cars, which gradually yield to the weight, and begin to assume the

desired character of slender loops. During these years the boy normally takes the first step of his initiation as

a warrior by striking a blow at a freshly taken head, or, if need be, at an old one (see vol. ii. p. 169).

It is at some time in the course of these years, usually not earlier than the beginning of the child's third year,

that he first receives a name. The occasion of the rite is a general naming of all the children of the house of

suitable age; and the time is determined by the conclusion of a successful harvest; for a general feast is made

for which much rice and BURAK are required, and these cannot be spared in a year of poor harvest. For each

child who is to be named a small human image in soft wood is prepared. This is an effigy of Laki Pesong, the

god whose special function it is to care for the welfare of the children. A small mat is woven and a few strips

of rattan provided for each child. Each child sits with his (or her) mother in the gallery beside the door of

their room, and the parents announce the name they propose for the child. Then the father, or some other

man, after killing a chick or young pig, lays the image on the mat before the child, passes one of the rattan

strips beneath it, and, holding the image firmly with a big toe on each end of it, pulls the strip rapidly to and

fro, until it is made hot by its friction against the image, and smoke begins to rise. While this goes on, the

same man, or another, pours out a stream of words addressed to Laki Pesong, the sense of which is a

supplication for an answer to the question, "Is this a suitable name? Will he be prosperous under it? Will he

enjoy a long life?" etc. He continues the sawing movement until the strip breaks in two. The two pieces are

then compared; if they are of unequal length, this result is regarded as expressing the approval of the

proposed name by Laki Pesong; if they are of approximately equal length, the god is held to have expressed

his disapproval, and another name is proposed and submitted to the same test. If disapproval is thus expressed

several times, the naming of the child is postponed to another occasion (Pls. 53, 168).

If a name has been approved, the image, together with the knife used in killing the pig or chicken, is wrapped

up in the small mat; the bundle, which, as well as the ceremony, is called PUSA, is thrust behind the rafters

of the gallery opposite the door of the child's room, to remain there as a memento of the naming.

When the naming is accomplished a general feast begins, the parents of the newly named children

contributing the chief part of the good things; and a number of specially invited guests may participate.

The name so given at this ceremony is borne until the child becomes a parent; when he resigns it in favour of

the name given to his child with the title Taman (= father) prefixed (or Tinan in the case of a woman).

Among the Kayans of the upper Rejang the naming ceremonies differ widely from those described above,

and are even more elaborate. The following description was given us by Laki Bo, a Kayan

PENGHULU.[170] A child is named sometime between its third month and the end of its second year, the

date depending partly on the father's capacity to afford the expenses incidental to the ceremony. The father

and his friends obtain specimens of all the edible animals and fish, and after drying them over the fire, set

them up in his room in attitudes as lifelike as possible. He procures also the leaves of a species of banana tree

which bears very large hornlike fruit, known as PUTI ORAN; and having procured the services of a female

DAYONG, who has a reputation for skill in naming, he calls all the friends and relatives of the family to the

feast. The DAYONG enters the room where the child is, bearing a fowl's egg, while gongs and drums are

beaten and guns discharged. She strokes the child from forehead to navel with the egg, calling out some name

at each stroke, until she feels that she has found a suitable name. The whole company then pretends to fall

asleep; and presently some go out into the gallery. The DAYONG then calls upon sixteen of the women to

enter the room; they enter led by a woman who, pretending to be a fowl, clucks and crows, and says, "Why

are you all asleep here? It has been daylight for a long time. Don't you hear me crowing? Wake up, wake up."

The child, which has been kept in its parents' cubicle during this first part of the ceremony, is then brought

into the large room, and a fowl and small pig are slaughtered and their entrails examined. If these yield

favourable omens, the DAYONG begins to chant, invoking the protection of good spirits for the child. Then

sixteen men and sixteen women, whose parents are still living, are sent to fetch water for the use of the child

and its mother. The feasting then begins, some person eating on behalf of the child, if it is too young to

partake of the feast. Eight days later the DAYONG again invokes the protection of the beneficent spirits, and

the child is taken out into the gallery and shown to all the household. Some near relative makes a cross upon

its right foot with a piece of charcoal, and the child is taken to the door of each room to receive some small

present from each roomhold. The child must then return to its parents' room and remain there eight days.

After the next harvest a similar feast of pigs' flesh and dried animals is made, and the name is confirmed. But

if in the meantime the child has been ill, or any other untoward event has happened, a new name is given to it.

In this case it would be usual to choose the welltried name of some prosperous uncle or aunt. Again the

child must be confined to its parents' room for eight days following the feast; and after that time it is free to

From five or six years onwards the boy more and more accompanies the men in their excursions on the river

and in the jungle, and is taught to make himself useful on these occasions, and also on the PADI farm, where

he helps in scaring pests and in other odd jobs. But he still has much leisure, which is chiefly devoted to

playing with his fellows. Among the principal boys' games the following deserve mention: Spinning of

pegtops of hard wood, usually thrown overhand, but sometimes underhand, in a manner very similar to that

of English boys, each boy in turn striving to strike the tops of the others with his own; this game is played

about the time of PADI harvest. Simple kites are flown. A roughly made bow with unfeathered arrow is a

somewhat rare toy. Most of the outdoor games are of the nature of practice for the chase and war, and of

trials of strength and of endurance of pain. Wrestling is perhaps the most popular sport with the older boys

and with men. Each grips his antagonist's waistcloth at its lower edge behind, and strives to lay him on his

back (Pl. 169). Throwing mock spears at the domestic pigs or goats, and thrusting a spear through a bounding

hoop, afford practice for sport and war. Running games like prisoner's base, and diving and swimming

games, are also played. All these boys' games are but little organised, and the competitive motive is not very

strongly operative; there are few set rules, and but little scope for, training in leadership and subordination is

In the house less active games are played. In one of the most popular of these a number of children squat in a

ring upon the floor; one takes a glowing ember from a hearth, and passes it on to his neighbour, who in turn

passes it on as quickly as possible. In this way it goes round and round the ring until the last spark of fire goes

out. He or she who holds it at that moment is then dubbed ABAN LALU or BALU DOH (=widower Lalu or

Pets, in the form of birds and the smaller mammals, especially hornbills, parrokeets, squirrels, porcupines, are

About the age of ten years the Kayan boy begins to wear a waistcloth his first garment his sister

having assumed the apron some two or three years earlier; we are not aware of any ceremony connected with

this. From this time onward the boy begins to accompany his father on the longer excursions of the men,

especially on the long expeditions in search of jungle produce; and on these occasions he is expected to take

an active part in the labours of the party. Participation in such expeditions affords, perhaps, the most

important part of his education. There is little or no attempt made to impart instruction to the children,

whether moral or other, but they fall naturally under the spell of custom and public opinion; and they absorb

the lore, legends, myths, and traditions of their tribe, while listening to their elders as they discuss the affairs

of the household and of their neighbours in the long evening talks. They learn also the prohibitions and tabus

by being constantly checked; a sharp word generally suffices to secure obedience. Punishments are almost

unknown, especially physical punishments; though in extreme cases of disobedience the child's ear may be

tweaked, while it is asked if it is deaf. A sound scolding also is not infrequent, and an incorrigible offender,

especially if his conduct has been offensive to persons outside his family, may be haled before the chief, who

rates him soundly, and who may, in a more serious case, award compensation to be paid by the delinquent's

father. But in the main the Spencerian method of training is followed. A parent warns his child of the ill

effects that may be expected from the line of behaviour he is taking, and when those effects are realised, he

The growth of the children in wisdom and morality is aided also by the hearing from the lips of their elders

wise saws and ancient maxims that embody the experience of their forefathers, many of which are possibly of

"Better white bones than white eyes" (which means that death is preferable to shame).

It is difficult to say exactly at what age puberty begins with the youths. The girls mostly begin their courses

in the fourteenth or fifteenth year. By this time the girl of the better class has the lobes of her ears distended

to form loops, which allow her heavy earrings to reach to her collarbone or even lower, and she is far

advanced towards completion of her tatu on thighs, feet, hands, and forearms (see Chap. XII.). The process is

begun at about the tenth year, and is continued from time to time, only a small area being covered at each

bout, owing to the pain of the operation and the ensuing inflammation and discomfort.

The boys begin at about fifteen years, or rather earlier, to assert their independence, by clubbing together with

those of their own age, and taking up their sleeping quarters with the bachelors in the gallery. At an earlier

age the children have picked up a number of songs and spontaneously sing them in groups, but now they

begin to develop their powers of musical. expression by practising with the KELURI, Jew's harp, drum and

Of these instruments the first is the most used, especially by the youths. It is a rude form of the bagpipes. The

KELURI consists of a dried gourd which has the shape of an oval flask with a long neck (Fig. 85). The closed

ends of a bundle of six narrow bamboo pipes are inserted in the body of the gourd through a hole cut in its

wall, and are fixed hermetically with wax. Their free ends are open, and each pipe has a small lateral hole or

stop at a carefully determined distance from the open end. The artist blows through the neck of the gourd, and

the air enters the base of each pipe by an oblong aperture which is filled by a vibrating tongue or reed; this is

formed by shaving away the wall of the bamboo till it is very thin, and then cutting through it round three

sides of the oblong; it is weighted with a piece of wax. The holes are stopped by the fingers, 3ach pipe

emitting its note only when its hole is stopped. The physical principles involved are obscure to us. Varieties

of this instrument are made by all the tribes of Borneo as well as by many other peoples of the far East (Pl.

The bamboo harp is similar to that made and used by the Punans (see Fig. 86); the SAPEH is a twostringed

instrument of the banjo order; the strings are thin strips of rattan; the whole stem and body are carved out of a

Some of the girls learn to execute a solo dance, which consists largely in slow graceful movements of the

arms and hands (Pl. 170). The bigger boys are taught to take part in the dance in which the return from the

warpath is dramatically represented. This is a musical march rather than a dance. A party of young men in

full wardress form up in single line; the leader, and perhaps two or three others, play the battle march on the

KELURI. The line advances slowly up the gallery, each man turning half about at every third step, the even

numbers turning to the one hand, the odd to the other hand, alternately, and all stamping together as they

complete the turn at each third step. The turning to right and left symbolises the alert guarding of the heads

A more violent display of warlike feeling is given in the wardance which is executed by one or two warriors

only. The youth, in full panoply of war, and brandishing a PARANG and shield, goes through the movements

of a single combat with some fanciful exaggeration (Pl. 171). He crouches beneath his shield, and springs

violently hither and thither, emitting piercing yells of defiance and rage, cutting and striking at his imaginary

foe or his partner in the dance. But it is characteristic of the Kayans that neither in this dance nor in actual

practice in fencing do they attempt to strike one another. The boy, besides watching these martial displays, is

instructed in the arts of striking, parrying, and shielding by the older men, who strike at him with a stick but

arrest the blow before it goes home. And we have found it impossible to introduce among them a more

realistic mode of playful fencing. The ground of this reluctance actually to strike one another in fencing is

probably their strong feeling for symbolism and the prevailing tendency to believe that the symbolical art

brings about that which it symbolises. In part also it is due to the fact that to draw the blood of any member of

The youth goes through no elaborate rite of initiation to manhood; and, to the best of our knowledge, there

exists no body of secret knowledge or of tradition or rites shared in only by the adult men, to participation in

which he might be admitted in the course of such a rite. The only rite that is required to qualify him for taking

his place as a fullfledged member of the community is the second occasion on which he strikes at the heads

taken in battle. We have seen that he performs this ceremonial act for the first time when still of tender age.

The age at which he repeats it depends in part upon the occurrence of an opportunity; it commonly falls

between his eighth and fifteenth year. If in a house there is a number of big lads who have not performed this

rite, owing to no heads having been taken for some years, a head may be borrowed for the purpose from a

friendly household; and in this case the borrowed head is brought into the house with all the pomp and

As the returning warparty approaches the village, the boys who are to take part in the rite are marshalled

before the house by a master of the ceremonies. He kills a fowl and thrusts a sharpened stake right through it,

so that the point projects from its beak, and slashes the carcase into three pieces, one for the adults of the

house, one for the boys, and one for the infants. He then takes a short bamboo knife, and a bunch of ISANG

leaves, and, after making a short address to the boys, ties a band of ISANG round the wrist of each of them,

and, diluting the blood of the fowl with water, smears some of the mixture on each boy's wristband. He puts

a handful of rice on a burning log and gives a grain of it to each of the boys to eat.

Some old man of the house goes down to the river to meet the returning warparty and brings up the head (or

one of the heads) and holds it out, while the master of ceremonies, holding the portion of the fowl's carcase

assigned to the boys, leads up each boy in turn to strike at the head with a sword. The boys then go down to

the river; and, while they bathe, a bunch of ISANG with which the head has been decorated is waved over

them. During the feasting which follows the boys may eat only twice a day. No youth may join a warparty

until he has taken part in this rite. The boys are with few or no exceptions keen to go out to war and therefore

When the youth begins to feel strongly the attraction of the other sex, he finds opportunities of paying visits,

with a few companions, in friendly houses. It is then said in his own house that he has gone "to seek

tobacco," a phrase which is well understood to mean that he has gone to seek female companionship.[172]

We must not pass over without mention a peculiar mutilation which is practised by most of the Kayan youths

as they approach manhood, namely, the transverse perforation of the GLANS PENIS and the insertion of a

A youth of average presentability will usually succeed in becoming the accepted lover of some girl in his own

or another house (cp. Chap. V.); and though he may engage himself in this way with two or three girls in turn

before deciding to "settle down," he is usually not much over twenty years of age when he becomes accepted

as the future husband of a girl some years his junior. A Kayan youth who has rendered pregnant a girl with

whom he has kept company can be relied upon to acknowledge his responsibility and to marry her before her

time comes. In general it may be said that the rite of marriage does not mark so complete a change in the

recognised relations of the young couple as with ourselves, except perhaps in those parts of this country

where "handfasting" is recognised as customary and regular. A time is appointed for the wedding, generally

shortly after the completion of the padiharvest; but this date is liable to be repeatedly postponed to the

following year by the occurrence of various events which are regarded as of evil omen and as foretelling the

early death of one of the couple if they should persist in going through the ceremony. Such omens are hardly

ever disregarded; not even if the girl is far advanced in pregnancy.[173] In the latter case the girl does not

incur the odium that attaches to the production of bastard offspring (see Chap. XX.); she is treated as a

We describe in the following paragraphs the wedding of the son of an influential Kayan chief to the daughter

of the chief of another house of the same village, such as we have had occasion to assist at. The weddings of

couples of less exalted station are correspondingly less elaborate in all particulars.

When the appointed time draws near, the bridegroom sends a trusted friend (his "best man") to open

negotiations with the bride's parents. The emissary carries with him a number of presents whose value

accords with the status and wealth of the bridegroom's parents. For some time the fiction is maintained that

the object of his visit is not even suspected by the family, who make enquiries into the nature of his business.

After some fencing he comes to the point and asks on behalf of his friend for a definite date at which he may

marry the daughter. The parents raise objections and difficulties of all sorts, and perhaps nothing is settled

until a second or third visit. If the parents accept the proposal, the best man hands to them five sets each of

sixteen beads, the beads of each set being of uniform shape and colour, namely (1) small yellow beads

(UTEH); (2) black beads (MEDAK); (3) a set known as HABARANI which may not be worn by the bride

before the naming of her first child; (4) light blue beads (KRUTANG); (5) dark blue beads (TOBI). Each of

these sets of beads is held to ensure to the bride the enjoyment of some moral good. The girl also sends a

string of beads to her lover by the hand of his best man, and at last the date is fixed, due regard being paid to

the phases of the moon; new moon is considered the most favourable time of the month. The importance

ascribed to the phase of the moon seems to arise from the fact that the shape of the halfmoon suggests the

state of pregnancy. Tally is kept by both parties of the date agreed upon. On two long strips of rattan an equal

number of knots is tied. Each party keeps one of these tallies (often it is carried tied below the knee) and cuts

off one knot each morning; when the last knot alone remains, the appointed day is at hand.

The parties on both sides invite the attendance of their friends and relatives, who crowd the gallery of the

bride's house. Early in the morning the bridegroom arrives with his best man and a party of young friends in

full wardress; they land from a boat even though they have come but a few yards by water. They march up

to the house, some of them carrying large brass gongs; ascending the ladder, they lay the gongs down the

gallery from the head of the ladder towards the door of the bride's room at such intervals that the bride can

step from one to another. It is understood that these gongs become the property of the bride and her parents.

Others of the bridegroom's band carry other articles of value, and when the party reaches the door of the

bride's room, they parley with her parents and friends who are gathered in the room, displaying and offering

these objects to the defenders of the room as inducements to admit them. They strive also to push open the

door. Presently the men of the defending party make a sortie from the room fully armed, and repel the

attackers with much show of violence, but without bloodshed. After this sham fight has been repeated,

perhaps several times, the bridegroom and his supporters are at last admitted to the room, and they rush in,

only to find, perhaps, that the coy maiden has slipped away through the small door which generally gives

access to a neighbouring room. The impatient bridegroom cannot obtain information as to her whereabouts,

and so he and his men sit down in the room and accept the proffered cigarettes. Presently the bride relents and

returns to her parents' room accompanied by a bevy of her girl friends. But the bridegroom takes no notice of

her entry. The inevitable pig meanwhile has been laid in the gallery, together with a few gifts for the

DAYONG who is to read its liver. Here the final steps of the bargaining are conducted by the friends of the

bridegroom. (It is impossible to say in each case how far this bargaining is genuine and how far the terms of

the bargain have been arranged beforehand.) More gongs are added to the row upon the floor, chiefly by the

friends invited by the bridegroom, who thus make their wedding gifts, perhaps until the row extends to the

door of the bride's room. The pig is then killed and its liver examined; and, if necessary, this is repeated with

another and another pig, until one whose liver permits of favourable interpretation is found. (A series of bad

livers would lead to postponement.) The DAYONG then sprinkles pig's blood and water from a gong upon all

the assembly, invoking the blessing of the gods upon the young couple, asking for them long life and many

children. Then the bride and bridegroom walk up and down the row of gongs eight times, stepping only upon

the metal. In some cases the bridegroom descends to his boat at the landingstage on each of these eight

excursions, thus showing that he is free to come and go as he pleases and has no entanglements. In this

degenerate age the ceremony terminates with this act, but for the feasting and speechmaking which fill up

the evening hours. But in the old days, as we are credibly informed by those who have been eyewitnesses,

the bride descended with the groom and his party to his boat and was then carried off at full speed, pursued

by several boatloads of her friends. The fleeing party would then check the pursuit by throwing out on to the

bank every article of value still remaining among them; each article in turn would be snapped up by the

pursuers, who then, having thus resisted to the last and extorted the highest possible price from the

bridegroom, would allow the happy pair to console each other in peace for the many trials they had had to

It may seem difficult to reconcile the form of the marriage ceremony (involving as it does a blending of

symbolical capture with actual purchase) with the fact that, in accordance with the custom almost universally

followed among Kayans, the bridegroom becomes a member of the room of his fatherinlaw and remains

there for some years before carrying off his wife to his own house. But we think this latter practice, which in

some quarters has been regarded as a survival from a matriarchal organisation of society, is a recently

introduced custom, which has come rapidly into favour as a means by which the bridegroom and his friends

avoid a part of the expense involved in the older form of marriage. For the residence for a period of years of

the young couple in the house and room of the wife's parents is made a part of the marriage contract. If the

bride is the only child of a chief, her husband may remain permanently in her home and succeed her father as

chief. But in most cases the couple migrates to the husband's house after a few years, generally on the

occasion of the building of a new house or on the death of his father, both of which events afford him the

opportunity of becoming head of a room and thus taking rank as, and assuming the full responsibilities of, a

The marriage ceremonies of the Kenyahs and Klemantans are similar but less elaborate. But the Sea Dayak

ceremony is different. A feast is made in the house of the girl's parents. The bridegroom makes no

considerable gifts to the parents of the bride, though he is generally expected to become a member of their

household for the first few years of his married life. The principal feature of the ceremony is the splitting

open of a PINANG (the seed of the areca palm) during the feast, in the presence of the young couple and

their relatives. The two halves are examined for signs of decay or imperfection; and if there are none, the

marriage is regarded as approved. A live fowl is waved over the couple by the chief of the house as he says,

"Make them prosperous, make them happy, give them long life, make them wealthy, etc. etc." The phrases

conform to a conventional pattern, but each orator modifies and adapts them freely. The words seemed to be

addressed to the fowl, and it seems impossible to discover in the Iban mind any conception of a higher power

behind or beyond the fowl, though we may suspect that in a vague way the live fowl symbolises or represents

Few or no Kayans can state their age without going through some preliminary calculations, and even then

their statements are apt to be vague and uncertain. A Kayan mother can generally work out the age of each of

her children on request. She puts down in a row bits of leaf or stick, one for each year, working back from the

present, and recalling each year by the name of the place where the PADI crop of that year was raised. When

she reaches back to, the year of the birth of any one of her children, she says that the child was born about or

before or soon after this particular harvest, and by counting the pieces of stuff laid down she then arrives at

An elderly man can generally make no more accurate statement regarding his age than that at the time of the

great eclipse he had just begun to wear a waistcloth, or that when the great guns were heard (I.E. the sound

We mention here a statement commonly made by Kayans, which, if true, is of some interest as reporting a

curious exception to a worldwide custom commonly regarded as directly determined by the difference of

nature between the sexes, the report, namely, that among the Kalabits the initiative in all lovemaking is

taken by the women. We have no detailed information in regard to their courtship and marriage procedures.

In almost all parts of Borneo there are to be found hidden in the remotest recesses of the jungles small bands

of homeless nomad hunters. All these closely resemble one another in physical characters and in mode of life;

but differences of language mark them as belonging to several groups, of which the Punans, the Ukits, the

Sians, the Bukitans, the Lugats, and the Lisums are the best known. Hitherto we have designated all these

groups by the name Punan, which properly belongs to the largest group only. These groups inhabit different

areas, though there is considerable overlapping; and it seems probable that they are merely local varieties of

one stock, and that their differences are mainly the results of geographical separation and of intercourse with,

and probably some mingling of blood with, the settled tribes of the regions inhabited by the several groups.

For their languages seem to be closely allied; but in each region the nomads seem to have adopted many

words from their settled neighbours, with whom they trade; and instances are known to us in which the men

of the settled tribes have married women of the nomads and have adopted their mode of life, and others in

which children of nomad women, married into Kenyah, Kayan, or other villages, have gone back to their

The Punans proper are found in the central highlands wandering through the upper parts of the basins of all

the large rivers; here and there they range into the lowlands, and in rare instances they even reach the coast.

The Ukits, on the other hand, confine themselves to the interior, and are found chiefly in the upper parts of

the basins of the Kotei, the Rejang, the Kapuas, and Banjermasin rivers. The Bukitans inhabit chiefly the

upper basins of the rivers of Sarawak. Although these nomads wander perpetually in the forests, moving their

camp every few weeks or months, any one group attaches itself to a particular area, partly because they

become familiar with its natural resources, partly because they establish friendly relations with the villagers

of the region, with whom they barter jungleproduce to the advantage of both parties. The settled tribesmen

of any region find this trade so profitable that they regard the harmless nomads with friendly feelings, learn

their language, and avoid and reprobate any harsh treatment of them that might drive them to leave their

district. In fact they look upon them with a certain sense of proprietorship and are jealous of their intercourse

with other tribes; the nomads, in fact, rank high among the many natural products of the jungle that render

Of all these nomad groups the Punans are the most numerous and we have seen more of them than of any

others. We therefore describe their peculiar mode of life; but it may be understood that what we say of them

holds good in the main of the other groups of nomads with but little modification.

From the point of view of physical development the Punans are among the finest of the peoples of Borneo.

They resemble the Kenyahs more closely than any other tribe; that is to say, they are of very pale yellow

colour, of short stature with long body and short legs, but otherwise well proportioned and very sturdily built

with wellrounded limbs and large muscular development. Their heads are subbrachycephalic and inclining

to be square; their features are more regular than those of most other tribes; their most distinctive physical

characters are a relatively welldeveloped nasal bridge, nostrils directed so much forward that one seems to

look right into their heads through them, and the slight greenish tinge and fine silky texture of their pale

yellow skins. The greenish tinge may be noticed in all nomad Punans, and it is possible that the ruddier

darker tint of the agricultural peoples is largely or wholly due to their greater exposure to the sun; for the

Punan fears the broad daylight and rarely or never leaves the deep shade of the jungle.

In fineness of texture of the skin they surpass all the other tribes, and they seldom or never suffer from the

The Punans are more uniform as regards their physical characters than the other peoples; there are no

distinctions of upper and lower social strata as among the other tribes, and thus the mixture of blood, which

in the Kayan and Kenyah communities results from the adoption of war captives into the lower class, does

not occur with them; and they present none of the wide diversities of type such as are common in the other

tribes, especially between the upper and lower social classes. They correspond, in fact, to the relatively pure

bred upper classes of the other tribes, and present the same high standard of physical development and

vigour. It is not improbable that the severer conditions of their mode of life contribute to maintain this high

The facial expression and the bodily attitudes of the Punans are also characteristic. When gathered in friendly

talk with strangers, even those whom they have every reason to trust, they prefer to remain squatting on their

heels, rather than to sit down on a mat; and the tension of their muscles, combined with the still alert

watchfulness of their faces, conveys the impression that they are ready to leap up and flee away or to struggle

for their lives at any moment. It is doubtless this alertness of facial expression and bodily attitude that gives

In spite of his distrustful expression the Punan is a likeable person, rich in good qualities and innocent of

vices. He never slays or attacks men of other tribes wantonly; he never seeks or takes a head, for his customs

do not demand it; and he never goes upon the warpath, except when occasionally he joins a warparty of

some other tribe in order to facilitate the avenging of blood. But he will defend himself and his family

pluckily, if he is attacked and has no choice of flight; and, if any one has killed one of his relatives, he will

seek an opportunity of planting a poisoned dart in his body. In a case of this kind all the Punans of a large

area will aid one another in obtaining certain information as to the identity of the offender; and any one of

them will avenge the injury to his people, if the opportunity presents itself. They do not avenge themselves

indiscriminately on all or any member of the offender's village or family, but they will postpone their

vengeance for years, if the actual offender cannot be reached more promptly. It seems worth while to recount

a particular instance of Punan vengeance. The Punans of the Tinjar basin were claimed by a Sebop chief; that

is to say, the chief, Jangan by name, regarded them as under his protection and as therefore under an

obligation to trade with him and his people only. But the Pokun people in the basin of a neighbouring river,

the Balaga, a tributary of the Rejang, also claimed similar rights over the Punans of the district. One of these

Pokuns, a man of the upper class, being angered by the adhesion of the Punans to the chief Jangan and by

their refusal to trade with him, cut down one of them during an altercation in the jungle, leaving him dead on

the spot. The companions of the murdered man retired, and all the Punans deserted the neighbourhood of the

Pokuns. Some four years later the Pokun community migrated to the Tinjar; and shortly afterwards the

murderer, thinking the whole matter was forgotten, set out through the jungle with a small party to seek to

trade with another group of Punans. While on the march he was struck in the cheek (the favourite spot for the

aim of the Punan marksman) by a poisoned dart from an unseen assailant and died within ten minutes. His

companions, remembering the incident of four years before, suspected the Punans, but saw no trace of any.

The Punans confessed the act of vengeance to Jangan, and he communicated the facts to the Resident of the

Baram district (C. H.), who happened to be in the neighbourhood at the time. The Pokuns wished to take

vengeance on the Punans, and they would undoubtedly have turned out in force to hunt down and kill all the

Punan men they could find, but that the Resident forbade them to take action, and enforced his command by

threatening to burn down their houses in their absence. It is only fair to add that the Pokun chief recognised

That the Punans will not allow the slaying of any one of their number to go unavenged on the person of the

slayer is well known to all the people of the country, and this knowledge does much to give them immunity

The Punans cultivate no crops and have no domestic animals. They live entirely upon the wild produce of the

jungle, vegetable and animal. Of the former, sago and a form of vegetable tallow found in the seed of a tree

(SHOREA) are the most important. Animals of all kinds are eaten, and are secured principally by the aid of

the blowpipe and poisoned darts, in the use of which the Punans are very expert. The Punan dwelling is

merely a rude low shelter of palm leaves, supported on sticks to form a sloping roof which keeps off the rain

A Punan community consists generally of some twenty to thirty adult men and women, and, about the same

number of children. One of the older men is recognised as the leader or chief. He has little formally defined

authority, but rather the authority only that is naturally accorded to age and experience and to the fuller

knowledge of the tribal history and traditions that comes with age. His sway is a very mild one; he dispenses

no substantial punishments; public opinion and tradition seem to be the sole and sufficient sanctions of

conduct among these Arcadian bands of gentle wary wanderers. Decisions as to the movements of the band

are arrived at by open discussion, in which the leader will exercise an influence proportioned to his reputation

for knowledge and judgment. He is mainly responsible for the reading of the omens, and has charge of the

few and simple household gods if that lofty title may be given to the wooden image of a crocodile and the

If, in case of disagreement, one or more of the members of a band refuses to accept the judgment of the leader

and of the majority, he, or they, will withdraw from the community together with wife and children, to form a

band which, though in the main independent of the parent group, will usually remain in its near

neighbourhood and maintain some intercourse. Fighting between Punans, whether of the same or of different

communities, is very rare; the only instances known to us are a few in which Punans have been incited by

The members of the band are for the most part the near relatives of the leader, brothers and sons and nephews

with their wives and children. Each man has usually one wife. We know of no instances of polygyny amongst

them; though we know of cases in which a Punan woman has become the second wife of a man of some other

tribe. On the other hand, polyandry occurs, generally in cases in which a woman married to an elderly man

has no children by him. They desire many children, and large families are the rule; a family with as many as

Marriage is for life, though separation by the advice and direction of the chief, or by desertion of the man to

another community, occurs. Sexual restraint is probably maintained at about the same level as among the

other peoples, the women being more strictly chaste after than before marriage. The ceremony of marriage is

less elaborate than among the settled tribes. A young man will become the lover of a girl generally of some

other group than his own, and when she becomes pregnant the marriage is celebrated. There is little or no

The ceremony of marriage consists merely in a feast in which all, or most of, the members of the two

communities take part. Speeches are made, and the leaders exhort the young couple to industry and to

obedience to themselves, making specific mention of the principal duties of either sex, such as collecting

camphor and procuring animal food for the man, the preparing of sago, cooking, and tending the children for

After the ceremony, the husband joins the wife's community and generally remains a member of it; unlike the

Kayans, among whom a husband, though he may live for some years with his wife's people, eventually brings

her to his father's village. No definite payment is made to the parents of the bride, but some small gift,

perhaps two or three pounds of tobacco, is usually presented to them by the bridegroom.

Adverse omens may cause the postponement of a marriage; but beyond this there seems to be no regular

method of obtaining or seeking divine sanction for the marriage; an offering of cooked food may be made to

BaliPenyalong, by placing it on a stake beneath the image of the crocodile (which seems to serve as an altar)

with some dedicatory words for like the other peoples the Punans are voluble in speech, both in human

intercourse and in appealing to the supernatural powers. On such occasions the words uttered usually take in

Those who are accustomed to all the complex comforts and resources of civilisation, and to whom all these

resources hardly suffice to make tolerable the responsibility and labour of the rearing of a family, can hardly

fail to be filled with wonder at the thought of these gentle savages bearing and rearing large families of

healthy wellmannered children in the damp jungle, without so much as a permanent shelter above their

heads. The rude shelter of boughs and leaves, which is their only house, is perhaps made a little more private

than usual for the benefit of the labouring woman. The pregnant woman goes on with her work up to the

moment of labour and resumes it almost immediately afterwards. She at once becomes responsible for the

care of the infant. The only special treatment after childbirth is to sit with the back close to a fire, so as to heat

it as much as can be borne. The delivery is sometimes aided by tightly binding the body above the gravid

uterus in order, it would seem, to prevent any retrogression of the process. While the mother goes about her

work in camp, the infant is usually suspended in a sling of barkcloth from a bent sapling or branch, an

arrangement which enables the mother to rock and so soothe the child by means of an occasional push. When

travelling or working in the jungle the mother carries the infant slung upon her back, either in a barkcloth or

a specially constructed cradle of plaited rattan such as is used by the Kayans. The infant is suckled from one

to two years, and then takes to the ordinary diet of boiled wild sago, varied with other animal and vegetable

The children begin to help in the family work at a very early age. They are disciplined largely by frequent

warnings against dangers, actual and suppositious, of which they remain acutely conscious throughout life.

This discipline no doubt contributes largely to induce the air and the attitude of timid alertness which are so

characteristic of the Punan. Harmony and mutual help are the rule within the family circle, as well as

throughout the larger community; the men generally treat their wives and children with all kindness, and the

The religious beliefs and practices of the Punans are similar to those of the Kayans, but are less elaborated.

They observe a simpler system of omens, of which the behaviour and calls of lizards and grasshoppers and of

the civet cat (ARCTOGALE) are the chief. They pray to Bali Penyalong, who seems to be the principal

object of their trust. This being is probably conceived anthropomorphically, but his human qualities are not so

clearly marked as in the case of the gods of the settled tribes. They make no images in human form, and we

do not know that Bali Penyalong is supposed by them to have a wife. The only image used in rites is the

wooden image of the crocodile, which is carried from place to place with every change of camp. In

communicating with the omencreatures, fire and the frayed sticks are used in much the same way as by the

Kayans. Their rites involve no animal sacrifices, and they do not look for guidance or answer to prayer in the

entrails of animals. It seems probable that the Punans in each region have absorbed some of their religious

and superstitious notions from the settled tribes of the same region; for in each region the Punan beliefs are

different, showing more or less affinity to those of the settled tribes. It is an obscure question whether all their

religious belief has been thus absorbed from more cultured neighbours, or whether the Punans represent in

this and other respects the perpetuation (perhaps with some degeneration or impoverishment) of a more

primitive culture once common to the ancestors of all, or the greater part of, the tribes of Borneo.[175] The

fact that the principal divinity recognised by them bears the same name (Bali Penyalong) as the chief god of

Beside Bali Penyalong the Punans are aware of the existence of other divinities, which, however, are very

obscurely conceived and seldom approached with prayer or rite. As regards the land of shades and the

journey thither, Punan beliefs are closely similar to those of Kenyahs and some of the Klemantans. Their

account of the journey of the dead includes the passage of a river guarded by a great fish and a hornbill (see

Chap. XIV.). But they practice no burial and no funeral rites. As soon as a man dies in any camp, the whole

community moves on to a new camp, leaving his body under one of their rude shelters, covered only with a

Their view of the life after death seems to involve no system of retribution and to be wellnigh devoid of

moral significance. Their religious beliefs probably influence their conduct less strongly than do those of the

Kayans; for among the latter such beliefs certainly make strongly for social conduct, I.E. for obedience to the

chiefs and for observance of custom and public opinion; but in the Punan community the conditions of life

are so simple and so nearly in harmony with the impulses of the natural man that temptations to wrongdoing

are few and weak; external sanctions of conduct, therefore, are but little needed and but little operative.

Danger assails the Punan on every side and at all times, hence alertness, energy, and courage are the prime

virtues; courage is rated highest, and a woman looks especially for courage in her husband. But though

courageous and active, Punans are not pugnacious; as was said above, they rarely or never fight against one

another, and the nomadic groups of each region maintain friendly relations with one another. Within each

group harmony and mutual helpfulness is the rule; each shares with all members of the group whatever food,

whether vegetable or animal, he may procure by skill or good fortune. On returning to camp with a piece of

game, a Punan throws it down in the midst and it is treated as common property. If he has slain a large pig or

deer, too heavy for him to bring in unaided, he returns to camp and modestly keeps silence over his

achievement until some question as to his luck is put to him; then he remarks that he has left some small

piece of game in the jungle, a mere trifle. Three or four men will then set out and, following the path he has

marked by bending down twigs on his way back to camp, will find the game and bring it in. If a present of

tobacco is made to one member of a group of Punans, the whole mass is divided by one of them into as many

heaps as there are members of the band present; and then each of them, men and women alike, takes one heap

for his or her own use, the one who divided the mass taking the heap left by the rest.

In spite of their shyness and timidity, they respond readily to kind treatment. They are never seen on the

rivers, as they have no boats and cannot easily be persuaded to venture a trip in a boat. It is possible to make

many expeditions through the jungle without getting any glimpse of them. One of us (C. H.) had lived in the

Baram district six years before succeeding in seeing a single Punan. The history of his first meeting with

Punans may serve to illustrate their timidity, caution, and good feeling. On making a long hunting trip on the

slopes of Mount Dulit, he took with him a Sebop who was familiar with Punans and their language. For some

days no trace of them was seen; but one morning freshly made footprints were observed round about the

camp. The following night a cleft stick was set up at some twenty paces from the camp with a large cake of

tobacco in the cleft, and on the stick a mark was carved which would be understood by the Punans as

implying that they were at liberty to take the tobacco. This is a method of opening communications and trade

with them well known to the Klemantans. In the morning the tobacco had disappeared, and fresh foot prints

showed that its disappearance was due to human agency. The following night this procedure was repeated,

and in the course of the day Punan shouts were heard, coming from a distance of some hundreds of yards.

The interpreter was sent out with instructions to parley and, if possible, to persuade the Punans to come into

camp. Presently he returned with two shy but curious strangers, who squatted at some distance and were

gradually encouraged to come to close quarters. After staying a few minutes and accepting presents of

tobacco and cloth, they made off. On the following day they returned with eight male companions, bringing a

monkey, a hornbill, and a rare bird, all killed with their poisoned darts; and they enquired how much rubber

they should bring in return for the tobacco. They were told that no return was expected, but, understanding

that animals of all sorts were being collected, they attached themselves to the party, lent their unmatched skill

to adding to the collections, and brought in many rare specimens that now repose safely in the Natural

History Museum at South Kensington. They soon gained confidence and took up their sleeping quarters

under the raised floor of the rough hut; and, when after some weeks the time for parting came, they

voluntarily took a prominent part in carrying down the collections to the boats, and went away well satisfied

Punans never build boats or travel on the water of their own initiative and agency. In fact they dislike to come

out from the shade of the forest on to a cleared space or the stony bed of the river. They are very conservative

in spite of their intercourse with more advanced tribes, and they harbour many irrational prejudices. They

entertain a particular aversion to the crocodile, an aversion strongly tinged with awe. They will not kill it or

any one of their omenbeasts. They are very shy of whatever is unfamiliar. Many of them will not eat salt or

The medicine men or DAYONGS of the Punans are distinguished for their knowledge and skill, and are in

much request among the other tribes for the catching of souls and the extraction of pains and disease. They

are therefore fairly numerous; but, as among the other peoples, the calling is a highly specialised one, though

not one which occupies a man's whole time or excuses him from the usual labours of his community. Their

The Punan has great faith in charms, especially for bringing good luck in hunting. He usually carries, tied to

his quiver, a bundle of small objects which have forcibly attracted his attention for any reason, E.G. a large

quartz crystal, a strangely shaped tusk or tooth or pebble, etc., and this bundle of charms is dipped in the

As regards dress and weapons the Punan differs little from his neighbours. A scanty waistcloth of

homemade barkcloth, or equally scanty skirt for the woman, strings of small beads round wrists or ankles

or both, numbers of slender bands of plaited palmfibre below the knees and about the wrists, and sometimes

All his belongings are such as can easily be transported. He carries a sword, a small knife, a blowpipe with

spearblade attached, and a small axe with long narrow blade for working camphor out of the heart of the

camphortree. Besides these essential tools and weapons, which he constantly carries, the family possesses

sagomallets and sieves, dishes and spoons or spatulas of hard wood, and tongs of bamboo for eating

sago,[176] a few iron pots,[177] large baskets for carrying on the back, a few mats of plaited rattan, and small

These are the sum of the worldly goods of a Punan family, and it would, we suppose, be difficult to find

another people who combine so great a poverty in material possessions with so high a level of contentment

Although his material possessions are so few, the Punan is not capable of fashioning all of them by his own

independent efforts. All his metal tools he obtains from the Kayans (or other tribes) who are his patrons. But

everything else he makes with his own hands. The long blowpipe of polished hardwood, which is his

favourite weapon, he makes by the same methods and as well as the Kayans. But the iron rod which he uses

in the process of boring the wood he cannot make. This illustrates his intimate dependence on other tribes,

and seems to imply that the blowpipe, at least in the highly finished form in which it is now used, cannot

have been an independent achievement of the Punans. They are especially skilful in the plaiting of rattan

strips to make baskets, mats, and sieves. They do little woodcarving, but carve some pretty handles for

knives and decorative pieces for the swordsheaths from the bones of the gibbon and deer. They are expert

also in making bamboo pipes with which to imitate the calls of the deer and of some of the birds.

Hunting, tracking, and trapping game are the principal and favourite pursuits of the men; they display much

ingenuity in these pursuits and attain a wonderful skill in the interpretation of the signs of the jungle. For

example, a Punan is generally able to read from the tracks left in the jungle by the passage of a party of men,

the number of the party, and much other information about it. They are expert scouts, and, when their

neighbourhood is invaded by any party whose intentions are not clearly pacific, they will follow them for

many days, keeping them under close observation while remaining completely hidden.

The Punan has few recreations. His highest artistic achievement is in song. His principal musical instrument

is a simple harp made from a length of thick bamboo (Fig. 86); from the surface of this six longitudinal strips

are detached throughout the length of a section of twenty inches or more, but retain at both ends their natural

attachments. Each strip is raised from the surface by a pair of small wooden bridges, and is tuned by adjusting

the interval between these. The only other musical instrument is a very simple "harmonica." A series of strips

of hardwood, slightly hollowed and adjusted in length, are laid across the shins of the operator, who beats

upon them with two sticks. But the finest songs are sung without accompaniment and are of the nature of

dramatic recitals in the manner of a somewhat monotonous and melancholy recitative. To hear a wild Punan,

standing in the midst of a solemn circle lit only by a few torches which hardly seem to avail to keep back the

vast darkness of the sleeping jungle, recite with dramatic gesture the adventures of a departing soul on its way

to the land of shades, is an experience which makes a deep impression, one not devoid of aesthetic quality.

In dancing, the Punan attains only a very modest level. The men dance upon a narrow plank (for the good

reason that they have nothing else to dance upon); and the exhibition is one of skilful balancing on this

restricted base while executing a variety of turning movements and postures. The women dance in groups

with very restricted movements of the feet, and some monotonous swaying movements of the arms and body.

The men also imitate the movements of monkeys and of the hornbill and the various strange sounds made by

The most striking evidence of the low cultural standing of the Punan is the fact that he cannot count beyond

three (the words are JA, DUA, TELO); all larger numbers are for him merely many (PINA). Yet, although in

culture he stands far below all the settled agricultural tribes, there is no sufficient reason for assuming him to

be innately inferior to them in any considerable degree, whether morally or intellectually. Any such

assumption is rendered untenable by the fact that many Punans have quickly assimilated the mode of life and

general culture of the other tribes; and there can be no doubt, we think, that many of the tribes that we have

classed as Klemantan and Kenyah are very closely related to the Punans, and may properly be regarded as

In this chapter we propose to bring together a number of observations which have found no place in

foregoing chapters but which will throw further light on the moral and intellectual status of the pagan tribes.

We have seen that among the Kayans the immediate sanction of all actions and of judgments of approval and

disapproval is custom, and that the sanction of custom is generally supported by the fear of the TOH and of

the harm they may inflict upon the whole house. The principle of collective or communal responsibility of the

household, which is thus recognised in face of the spiritual powers, as well as in face of other communities,

gives every man an interest in the good behaviour of his fellows, and at the same time develops in him the

sense of obligation towards his community. The small size of each community, its separation and clear

demarcation by its residence under a single roof, its subordination to a single chief, and its perpetual conflict

and rivalry with other neighbouring communities of similar constitution, all these circumstances also make

strongly for the development in each of its members of a strong collective consciousness, that is to say, of a

clear consciousness of the community and of his place within it and a strong sentiment of attachment to it.

The attachment of each individual to his community is also greatly strengthened by the fact that it is hardly

possible for him to leave it, even if he would. For he could not hope to maintain himself alone, or as the head

of an isolated family, against the hostile forces, natural and human, that would threaten him; and it would be

It is only when we consider these facts that we can understand how smoothly the internal life of the

community generally runs, how few serious offences are committed, how few are the quarrels, and how few

the instances of insubordination towards the chief, and how tact and good sense can rule the house without

And yet, when all these circumstances have been taken into account, the orderly behaviour of a Kayan

community must be in part regarded as evidence of the native superiority of character or disposition of the

Kayans. For though the Sea Dayaks, Klemantans, and Muruts, live under very similar conditions, they do not

attain the same high level of social or moral conduct. Among the Muruts there is much drunkenness and

consequent disorder, and the same is true in a less degree of the Sea Dayaks; among them and some of the

Klemantan tribes quarrels within the house are of frequent occurrence, generally over disputed ownership of

land, crops, fruittrees, or other property. And these quarrels are not easily composed by the chiefs. Such

quarrels not infrequently lead to the splitting of a community, or to the migration of the whole house with the

exception of one troublesome member and his family, who are left in inglorious isolation in the old house.

But the higher level of conduct of the Kayans is in most respects rivalled by that of the Kenyahs, and some

importance must therefore be attributed to the one prominent feature of their social organisation which is

peculiar to these two peoples, namely a clearly marked stratification into three social strata between which

but little intermarriage takes place. This stratification undoubtedly makes for a higher level of conduct

throughout the communities in which it obtains; for the members of the higher or chiefly class are brought up

with a keen sense of their responsibility towards the community, and their example and authority do much to

We have said that almost all offences are punished by fines only. Of the few offences which are felt to require

a heavier punishment, the one most seriously regarded is incest. For this offence, which is held to bring grave

peril to the whole house, especially the danger of starvation through failure of the PADI crop, two

punishments have been customary. If the guilt of the culprits is perfectly clear, they are taken to some open

spot on the riverbank at some distance from the house. There they are thrown together upon the ground and

a sharpened bamboo stake is driven through their bodies, so that they remain pinned to the earth. The

bamboo, taking root and growing luxuriantly on this spot, remains as a warning to all who pass by; and,

needless to say, the spot is looked on with horror and shunned by all men. The other method of punishment is

to shut up the offenders in a strong wicker cage and to throw them into the river. This method is resorted to as

a substitute for the former one, owing to the difficulty of getting any one to play the part of executioner and

to drive in the stake, for this involves the shedding of the blood of the community.

The kind of incest most commonly committed is the connection of a man with an adopted daughter, and

(possibly on account of this frequency) this is the kind which is most strongly reprobated. It is obvious also

that this form of incest requires a specially strong check in any community in which the adoption of children

is a common practice. For, in the absence of severe penalties for this form of incest, a man might be tempted

to adopt female children in order to use them as concubines. We find support for this view of the ground of

the especially severe censure on incest of this form in the fact that intercourse between a youth and his

sisterbyadoption (or VICE VERSA) is not regarded as incest, and the relation is not regarded as any bar to

marriage. We know of at least one instance of marriage between two young Kenyahs brought up together as

adopted brother and sister.[178] Of other forms of incest the more common (though, it should be said, incest

of any form is very infrequent) are those involving father and daughter, brother and sister, and brother and

The punishment of the incestuous couple does not suffice to ward off the danger brought by them upon the

community. The household must be purified with the blood of pigs and fowls; the animals used are the

property of the offenders or of their family; and in this way a fine is imposed.

When any calamity threatens or falls upon a house, especially a great rising of the river which threatens to

sweep away the house or the tombs of the household, the Kayans are led to suspect that incestuous

intercourse in their own or in neighbouring houses has taken place; and they look round for evidences of it,

and sometimes detect a case which otherwise would have remained hidden. It seems probable that there is

some intimate relation between this belief and the second of the two modes of punishment described above;

All the other peoples also, except the Punans, punish incest with death. Among the Sea Dayaks the most

common form of incest is that between a youth and his aunt, and this is regarded at least as seriously as any

other form. It must be remembered that, owing to the frequency of divorce and remarriage among the Sea

Dayaks, a youth may find himself in the position of stepson to half a dozen or more divorced stepmothers,

some of them perhaps of his own age, and that each of them may have several sisters, all of whom are

Sexual perversion of any form is, we think, extremely rare among the pagan tribes of Borneo. We have never

heard of any case of homosexuality on good authority, and we have never heard any reference made to it; and

that constitutes, to our thinking, strong evidence that vice of that kind is unknown among most of the tribes. It

is not unknown, though not common, among the Malays and Chinese, and, if cases occur sporadically among

Kayans, as we have seen, have no scruple in shedding the blood of their enemies, but they very seldom or

never go to war with other Kayans; and the shedding of Kayan blood by Kayans is of rare occurrence. To

shed human blood, even that of an enemy, in the house is against custom. Nevertheless murder of Kayan by

Kayan, even by members of the same house, is not unknown. In a wanton case, where two or more men have

deliberately attacked another and slain him, or one has killed another by stealth, the culprit (or culprits) would

usually be made to pay very heavy compensation to relatives, the amount being greater the higher the social

status and the greater the wealth of the culprit; the amount may equal, in fact, the whole of his property and

more besides; and he might, in order to raise the amount, have to sell himself into slavery to another, slavery

being their only equivalent to imprisonment. The relatives would probably desire to kill the murderers; but

the chief would generally restrain them and would find his task rendered easier by the fact that, if they insist

on taking the murderer's life, they would forfeit their right to compensation.[180] The amount of the

compensation to be paid would not depend upon the social standing of the murdered man, but the fine paid to

the house or chief would be heavier in proportion to his rank. But we have knowledge of cases in which

chiefs have, with the approval of the house, had a murderer put to the sword. The murderer who has paid

compensation has, however, by no means set himself right with the household; they continue to look askance

at him. Set fights or duels between men of the same house are very rare. If a Kayan of one house kills one of

another, his chief would see that he paid a proper compensation to the relatives, as well as a fine to his own

house. If a man killed his own slave, he would be liable to no punishment unless the act were committed in

'Running AMOK' is not unknown among Kayans, though it is very rare. If a man in this condition of blind

fury kills any one, he is cut down and killed, unless he is in the house; in which case he would be knocked

senseless with clubs, carried out of the house into the jungle, and there slain.

Drunkenness during an act of criminal violence is regarded as a mitigating circumstance, and the fines and

compensation imposed would be of smaller amount than in a case of similar crime deliberately committed.

Suicide is strongly reprobated, and, as we have seen, the shades of those who die by their own hands are

believed to lead a miserable and lonely existence in a distressful country, Tan Tekkan, in which they wander

picking up mere scraps of food in the jungle. Nevertheless, suicides occur among Kayans of both sexes. The

commonest occasion is the enforced separation of lovers, rather than the despair of rejected lovers. We have

known of two instances of Kayan youths who, having formed attachments during a long stay in a distant

house and who then, finding themselves under the necessity of returning home with their chief and unable to

arrange marriage with their fair ones, have committed suicide. The method most commonly adopted is to go

off alone into the jungle and there to stab a knife into the carotid artery. The body of a suicide is generally

buried without ceremony on the spot where it is found. Suicides of women are rarer than those of men;

Dishonesty in the form of pilfering or open robbery by violence are of very rare occurrence. Yet temptations

to both are not lacking. Fruittrees on the riverbank, even at some distance from any village, are generally

private property, and though they offer a great temptation to passing crews when their fruit is ripe, the rights

of the proprietor are usually respected or compensation voluntarily paid. Theft within the house or village is

practically unknown. Even before the European governments were established, Malay and Chinese traders

occasionally penetrated with boatloads of goods far into the interior; and now such enterprises are regularly

and frequently undertaken. Occasionally a trader establishes himself in a village for months together, driving

a profitable trade in hardware, cloth, tobacco, etc. These traders usually travel in a small boat with a company

or crew of only two or three men, and they are practically defenceless against any small party of the natives

who might choose to rob or murder them. Such traders have now and again been robbed, and sometimes also

murdered, by roving bands of Sea Dayaks, but we know of no such act committed by Kayans or Kenyahs.

The trader puts himself under the protection of a chief and then feels his life and property to be safe.

It would not be true to say that the Kayans or any of the other peoples are always strictly truthful. They are

given to exaggeration in describing any event, and their accounts are apt to be strongly biassed in their own

favour. Nevertheless, deliberate lying is a thing to be ashamed of, and a man who gets himself a reputation as

The Kayans, as we have said elsewhere, are not coarse of speech, and both men and women are strictly

modest in respect to the display of the body. Though the costume of both sexes is so scanty, the proprieties

are observed. The Kayan man never exposes his GENITALIA even when bathing in the company of his

fellows, but, if necessary, uses his hands as a screen. The bearing of the women is habitually modest, and

though their single garment might be supposed to afford insufficient protection, they wear it with an habitual

skill that compensates for the scantiness of its dimensions; they bathe naked in the river before the house, but

they slip off their aprons and glide into the water deftly and swiftly; and on emerging they resume their

garments with equal skill, so that they cannot be said to expose themselves unclothed. The same is true of

most of the other tribes, with the exception of the men of Kenyah and Klemantan communities that inhabit

the central highlands; these, when hauling their boats through the rapids, will divest themselves of all

clothing, or will sit naked round a fire while their waistcloths are being dried, without the least

There is no Kayan word known to us that could properly be translated as justice or just, injustice or unjust.

Yet it is obvious that they view just conduct with approval and unjust with disapproval; and they express their

feelings and moral judgments by saying laconically of any particular decision by a chief, TEKAP or NUSI

TEKAP. But the word TEKAP is of more general application than our word 'just,' and might be applied to

any situation which evokes a judgment of moral approval; for example, on witnessing any breach of custom

or infringement of tabu a Kayan would say NUSI TEKAP; TEKAP, in short, is applicable to whatever is as it

Specialised terms for moral qualities of character and conduct are, however, not lacking. A just and wise

chief would be said to be TENANG; but this word implies less purely a moral quality than our word justice

and more of intellectual capacity or knowledge or accuracy; the word is more especially applied as a term to

describe the quality of a political speech which meets with approval. The word HAMAN means skilful, or

clever, or cunning, in the older sense of capable both physically and intellectually. A man who fights pluckily

is said to be MAKANG, and the same word is applied to any daring or dashing feat, such as crossing the river

when it is dangerously swollen. To disregard omens would be MAKANG also; it seems, therefore, to have

SAIOH means good in the sense of kindly, pleasantly toned, or agreeable. JAAK is bad in the sense of a bad

crop or an unfortunate occurrence, or a sore foot, I.E. it conveys no moral flavour. Morally bad is expressed

by SALA; this is used in the same sense in Malay and may well be a recentlyadopted word. In general the

language seems to be very poor in terms expressive of disapproval, adverse judgments being generally

expressed by putting nusi, the negative or primitive particle, before the corresponding word of positive

We think it is true to say that, although they thus distinguish the principal qualities of character and conduct

with appropriate adjectival terms, they have no substantival terms for the virtues and vices, and that they have

not fully accomplished the processes of abstraction implied by the appropriate use of such highly abstract

As regards the influence of their religious beliefs on the moral conduct of the Kayans, we have seen that the

fear of the TOH serves as a constant check on the breach of customs, which customs are in the main salutary

and essential for the maintenance of social order; this fear does at the least serve to develop in the people the

power of selfcontrol and the habit of deliberation before action. The part which the major spirits or gods are

supposed to play in bringing or fending off the major calamities remains extremely vague and incapable of

definition; in the main, faithful observation of the omens, of rites, and of custom generally, seems to secure

the favour of the gods, and in some way their protection; and thus the gods make for morality. Except in

regard to that part of conduct which is accurately prescribed by custom and tradition, their influence seems to

be negligible, and the high standard of the Kayans in neighbourliness, in mutual help and consideration, in

honesty and forbearance, seems to be maintained without the direct support of their religious beliefs.

The high moral level attained by individuals among the Kayans and Kenyahs, and less frequently by

Klemantans, is, we think, best exemplified by the enlightened and publicspirited conduct of some of the

principal chiefs. It might have been expected that the leading chiefs of warlike and conquering peoples like

the Kayans and Kenyahs, which, until the advent of the European governments, had never encountered any

resistance which they could not break down by armed force, would have been wholly devoted to conquest

and rapine; and that a chief who had acquired a high prestige and found himself able to secure the adhesion in

war of a number of other chiefs and their followers would have been inspired with the barbarous ideals of an

Alexander, a Napoleon, a Chaka, or a Cetewayo. But though some of them have shown tendencies of this

kind, there have been notable exceptions who have recognised that chronic hostility, distrust, and warfare,

which had always been characteristic of the relations between the various tribes and villages, were an

unmixed evil. Such men have used their influence consistently and tactfully and energetically to establish

peaceful relations between the tribes. Unlike some savage chieftains of warrior tribes in other parts of the

world, such as some of those produced by the Bantu race, or those who established the great confederation of

the Iroquois tribes, they have not sought merely to bring about the combination of all the communities of

their own stock in order to dominate over or to exterminate all other tribes. They have rather pursued a policy

of reconcilement and conciliation, aiming at establishing relations of friendship and confidence between the

communities of all languages and races. One such powerful Kenyah chief of the Baram district, Laki Avit,

had earned a high reputation for such statesmanship before the district was incorporated in the Raj of

Sarawak. His policy was to bring about intermarriages between the families of the chiefs and upperclass

people of the various tribes. Tama Bulan (see Pl. 27), the leading Kenyah chief of the same district at a later

time, spared no efforts to bring about friendly meetings between chiefs of different tribes, for the purpose of

making peace and of promoting intercourse and mutual understanding.[181] It should be added that these

peacemaking ceremonies are generally of lasting effect; the oaths then taken are respected even by

succeeding generations. Tama Kuling, who a decade ago was the most influential of the Batang Kayan chiefs,

It has been said of many savage peoples that they recognise no natural death, but believe that all deaths not

due to violence are due to black magic. No such statement can be made of the Kayans; few, if any, deaths are

ascribed by them to the efforts of sorcerers. Natural death is recognised as inevitable in old age, and disease is

vaguely conceived as the effect of natural causes; though as to what those natural causes are they have no

definite ideas. This attitude is shown by their readiness to make use of European drugs and of remedies for

external application. Quinine for fever, and sulphate of copper for the treatment of yaws, are most in demand.

Cholera and smallpox are the great epidemic diseases which have ravaged large areas of Borneo from time to

time. The Kayans recognise that both these diseases spread up river from village to village, and that to abstain

from intercourse with all villages lower down river and to prevent any one coming up river contributes to

their immunity. With this object the people of a tributary stream will fell trees across its mouth or lower

reaches so as to block it completely to the passage of boats, or, as a less drastic measure, will stretch a rope of

rattan from bank to bank as a sign that no one may enter (Pl. 183). Such a sign is generally respected by the

inhabitants of other parts of the riverbasin. They are aware also of the risk of infection that attends the

handling of a corpse of one who has died of epidemic disease, and they attempt to minimise it by throwing a

rope around it and dragging it to the graveyard, and there burying it in a shallow grave in the earth, without

The Kayans have some slight knowledge of the medicinal properties of some herbs, and make general use of

them. They administer as an aperient a decoction of the leaves of a certain plant, called OROBONG, which

they cultivate for the purpose on their farms. The root of the ginger plant is used both internally and for

external application. A variety of vegetable products are used in preparing liniments; the basis most in request

for these is the fat of the python and of other snakes, but wild pig's fat is used as a more easily obtainable

There is a small common squirrel (SCIURUS EXILIS), the testicles of which are strikingly large in

proportion to his body. These organs are dried and reduced to powder, and this powder, mixed with pig's fat,

Kayan mothers treat colic in their children by chewing the dried root of a creeper (known as PADO TANA)

Some of the coastwise Klemantans make use of a bitter decoction of a certain creeper as a remedy for jungle

fever. It is asserted by Kayans and others that the Punans make use of the poison of the IPOH tree (the poison

used on their darts) as an internal remedy for fever. It is said also (probably with truth, we think) that the

Broken limbs are bound round with neat splints made of thin slips of bamboo tied in parallel series. Little

effort is made to bring the broken ends of the bones into their proper positions or to reduce dislocations.

Abscesses are not usually opened with the knife, but are rather encouraged to point, and are then opened by

pressure. A cold poultice of chopped leaves is applied to a bad boil or superficial abscess, and it is protected

from blows and friction by a small cage of slips of rattan. Festering wounds are dressed with the chewed

leaves or the juice of the tobacco plant, or are washed with a solution of common salt. But a clean wound is

merely bound up with a rag; or, if there is much haemorrhage, wood ashes are first applied. They practise no

Headache is treated by tugging the hair of the scalp in small bundles in systematic order. Massage of the

muscles is practised for the relief of pain, and massage is applied to the abdomen in cases of obstinate

constipation; in certain cases they claim to break up hard lumps in the belly by squeezing them with the

hands. Bodily aches and fatigue are relieved by pulling and bending the parts of the limbs until all the joints

Cupping is perhaps the most frequently practised surgical operation. Severe internal bruising from falls or

heavy blows is the usual occasion. The operation is performed by scratching the skin with the point of a

knife, and then applying the mouth of a bamboo cup previously heated over the fire. The cup is a piece of

bamboo some five or six inches in length and an inch or rather more in diameter. Its edge is thinned and

smoothed. Several of these may be simultaneously applied in a case of extensive bruising. Since this

operation, like tatuing, involves the shedding of blood, some small offering, such as a few beads, must be

The Kayans have distinct numerals up to ten (JI, DUA, TELO, PAT, LIMER, NAM, TUSU, SAYA, PITAN,

PULU). Those from eleven to nineteen are formed by prefixing PULU ( = ten) to the names of the digits; and

those from twenty to twentynine by prefixing DUA PULU ( = two twenty); and so on up to JI ATOR ( =

one hundred). Two hundred is DUA ATOR, three hundred is TELO ATOR, and so on up to MIBU ( = one

thousand). All or most of the other tribes (except the Punans) have a similar system of numerals, though the

numbers beyond the first ten are little used. In counting any objects that cannot be held in the hand or placed

in a row, the Kayan (and most of the other peoples) bends down one finger for each object told off or

enumerated, beginning with the little finger of the right hand, passing at six to that of the left hand, and then

to the big toe of the right foot, and lastly to that of the left foot. When all the names or objects have been

mentioned, he holds the toe reached until he or some one else has told off the number; if the number was, say,

seventeen, he would keep hold of the second toe of the left foot until he had counted up the number implied

by that toe, either by means of counting or by adding up five and five and five and two; unless the count ends

on the little toe of the left foot, when he knows at once that the number is twenty. If a larger number than

twenty is to be counted, as when, for example, a chief has to pay in tax for each door of his house, he calls in

the aid of several men, who sit before him. One of these tells off his fingers and toes as the chief utters the

names of the heads of the rooms; and when twenty have been counted in this way, a second man begins on

his fingers, while the first continues to hold on to all his toes. A third and a fourth man may be used in the

same way to complete the count; and when it is completed, the total is found by reckoning each man as two

tens, and adding the number of fingers and toes held down by the last man. The reckoning of the tens is done

by addition rather than multiplication. Both multiplication and division are almost unknown operations.

When a chief is getting ready to pay in the door tax of two dollars a door, he does not count the doors and

then multiply the number by two: he simply lays down two dollars for each door and pays in the lot,

generally without knowing the sum total of the dollars. If a chief were told to pay in the tax for half his doors

only, he would not know how to carry out the instruction. Subtraction is accomplished only in the most

concrete manner, E.G. if a man wished to take away eight from twentyfive, he would count out twentyfive

of the objects in question, or of bits of leaf or stick, then push away eight and count up the remainder. A

dodge sometimes adopted, especially by the Kenyah, for counting the persons present, is to take a fernleaf

with many fronds, tear off a half of each frond, handing each piece to one of the men, until every man present

affirms that he has a piece, and then to count the number of torn fronds remaining on the stalk.

It will thus be seen that the arithmetical operations of the Kayans are of an extremely concrete character;

those of the other tribes are similar (with the exception again of the Punans, who do not count beyond three);

though many of the Klemantans get confused over simple counting and reckoning, which the Kayans

Tama Bulan, the Kenyah chief whom we have had occasion to mention in several connections, obtained and

learnt the use of an abacus from a Chinaman, and used it effectively. This deficiency in arithmetic is,

however, no evidence of innate intellectual inferiority, and there seems to be no good reason to doubt that

most of the people could be taught to use figures as readily as the average European; those children who have

The Sea Dayaks sometimes deposit sums of money with the Government officers, and they know accurately

the number of dollars paid in; but when they withdraw the deposit, they generally expect to receive the

The Kayans use two principal standards of length, namely, the BUKA and the BUHAK. The former is the

length of the span from fingertip to tip of outstretched arms; the latter is the length of the span from tip of

the thumb to tip of the first finger of the same hand. In buying a pig, for example, the price is determined by

the number of BUHAK required to encircle its body just behind the forelegs. The half BUKA is also in

general use, especially in measuring rattans cut for sale, the required length of which is two and a half

BUKA. In order to express the half, they have adopted the Malay word STINGAH, having no word of their

Distances between villages are always expressed in terms of the average time taken by a boat in ascending

the stream from one to the other. Distances by land are expressed still more vaguely; for example, the

distance between the heads of two streams might be expressed by saying that, if you bathe in one, your hair

would still be wet when you reach the other (which means about one hour); or a longer distance, by saying

that if you started at the usual time from one of the places you would reach the other when the sun is as high

as the hawk (which means a journey from sunrise to about 10 A.M.), or when the sun is overhead (I.E. noon),

or when it is declining (about 3 P.M.), or when the sun is put out (sunset), or when it is dark.

In order to describe the size of a solid object such as a fish, a Kayan would compare its thickness with that of

some part of his body, the forearm, the calf of the leg, the thigh, or head, or the waist. In describing the

thickness of the subcutaneous fat of a pig, he would mention one, two, three, or even four fingers.

The more intelligent Kayans can give a fairly good general description of the geographical features and

relations of the district in which they live. In order to do this a Kayan will map out the principal features on a

smooth surface by placing pieces of stick to represent the rivers and their tributaries, and pieces of leaf to

represent the hills and mountains; he will pay special attention to the relations of the sources of the various

streams. In this way a Kayan chief of the Baram would construct a tolerably accurate map of the whole

Baram district, putting in Bruni and USUN APO and the heads of the Rejang, Batang Kayan, Tutong, and

Balait rivers. He knows that all the rivers run to the sea, though few Kayans have seen the sea or, indeed,

been outside the basin of their own river. To have been to another river, or to have seen the sea, is a just

ground of pride. He does not know that Borneo is an island, though he knows that the white men and the

Chinese come from over the sea; he will confidently assert that the sea is many times larger than the Baram

river, even ten times as large. They seem to regard the sea as a big river of which their main river is a

Ibans sometimes speak of AIROPA (meaning Europe), which they take to mean the river Ropa, as the home

of the white man; and all the tribesmen are apt to think of foreigners as living on the banks of rivers in

Although the Kayans do not observe the stars and their movements for practical purposes, they are familiar

with the principal constellations, and have fanciful names for them, and relate mythical stories about the

personages they are supposed to represent (Chap. XVII.).[186] They seem to have paid no special attention to

the planets. Inconsistently with the star myths, the stars are regarded as small holes in the floor of another and

brighter world, and it is said that these holes have been made by the roots of plants which have penetrated

The sky is regarded as a dome which meets the earth on every hand, and this limiting zone is spoken of as the

edge of the sky; but they have no notion how far away this edge may be; they recognise that, no matter how

many days one travels in any one direction, one never gets appreciably nearer to it, and they conclude,

therefore, that it must be very distant. They understand that the clouds are very much less distant than the sky,

and that they merely float about the earth. Neither sun nor moon seems to be regarded as animated.

Two total eclipses of the sun have occurred in Borneo in the last halfcentury. These, of course, caused much

excitement and some consternation.[187] The former of them serves as a fixed date in relation to which other

The traditional lore of the Kayans provides answers of a kind to many of the deep questions that the spirit of

enquiry proposes whenever man has made provision against the most urgent needs of his animal nature. Yet

the keener intelligences among them do not rest satisfied with these conventional answers; rather, they

ponder some of the deepest questions and discuss them with one another from time to time. One question we

have heard debated is Why do not the dead return? Or rather, Why do they become visible only in dreams

and even then so seldom? The meeting of dead friends in dreams generally leaves the Kayan doubtful

whether he has really seen his friend; and he will try to obtain evidence of the reality of the REVENANT by

prayer and by looking for a favourable answer in the liver of a pig, the entrails of a fowl, or in the behaviour

of the omen birds. They argue that persons who have been much attached to their relatives and friends would

The relation of the sky to the earth remains also an open and disputed question. One of us well remembers

how, when staying in a Kenyah house, he was approached by a group of youths who evidently were debating

some knotty problem, and how they very seriously propounded the following question: If a dart were shot

straight up into the air and went on and on, what would become of it? Would it come up against the sky and

The whereabouts of the home of the white men, and how long is spent on the journey thither, are questions

often raised. Tama Bulan once raised the question of the motion of the sun, and having been told that really

the earth revolves and that the sun only appears to move round it, he argued that this could hardly be, since

we see the sun move every day. For a long time he said nothing more on this topic to us, but it continued to

occupy his mind; for some years later he recurred to it and announced that he now accepted the once

incredible doctrine, because he had inquired concerning it of every European he had been able to meet, and

The methods of argument of the Kayans are characteristic and worthy of a short description. As we have said,

they are great talkers and orators. They are by no means an impulsive people; far less so than the Kenyahs or

the Sea Dayaks. Although they are not a vivacious or talkative people in general intercourse, every

undertaking of any importance is carefully discussed in all its aspects, often at what we should consider

unnecessary length, before the first step is taken; and in such discussions each man likes to have his say, and

each is heard out patiently by his fellows. They have a strong belief in the efficacy of words; this is illustrated

by the copious flood of words which they pour out whenever they perform any religious or other rite.

In arguing or persuading, or even threatening, they rely largely on indirect appeals, on analogy, simile, and

metaphor, flavoured with a good deal of humour of a rather heavy kind. Or they may convey a strong hint by

describing a professed dream in which the circumstances under discussion are symbolised.

The following incident illustrates this mode of speech. Two Kayans quarrelled over the sale of a pig. The

current price was a dollar a BUHAK (I.E. the span from fingertip to thumbtip, see vol. ii. p. 212). The

buyer had insisted on measuring it by spans from thumb to tip of second finger, whereas the customary span

is to the tip of the index finger. The case was brought before the chief, who of course might have contented

himself, but not perhaps the purchaser, by authoritatively laying down the law of custom. He, therefore, being

a man of tact and experience, thrust out his second finger and pointed it at the purchaser of the pig, saying,

"Suppose any one pointed at you like that, instead of with the index finger; you would all laugh at him." All

the people sitting round laughed, and the purchaser went away convinced of the propriety of using the index

To illustrate the way in which a chief may exert influence in matters in which he has no footing for the

exercise of formal authority, we cite the following bit of history. It is an ancient custom of the Kayans to have

in the house a very large LAMPIT (the mat made of parallel strips of rattan), the common property of the

household, which is spread on the occasion of the reception of visitors to serve as a common scat for guests

and hosts. The Kayans of the Baram, under the individualising influences of trade and increasing stocks of

private property, neglected to renew these communal mats; and thus the good old custom was in danger of

dying out. This was observed with regret by an influential chief, who, therefore, found an opportunity to

relate in public the following story. "A party of Kayans," he said, "once came over from the Batang Kayan to

visit their relatives in the Baram. The latter dilated upon the benefits of the Rajah's government, peace, trade,

and the possibility of fine dress for themselves and their wives and of many other desirable acquisitions, all

for the small annual payment of two dollars a door. The visitors looked about them and confessed that they

still had to be content with bark clothing, bamboo cups, and wooden dishes; 'but,' they added, 'if you come to

our house you will at least find on the floor a good LAMPIT on which we can all sit together.' " The story

quickly went the round of the Kayan villages in the Baram, with the result that large LAMPITS quickly came

The Kayans have a keen sense of humour and fun. As with ourselves, the most frequent occasions of laughter

are the small mishaps that happen to one's companions or to oneself; and practical jokes are perpetrated and

appreciated. For example, at the time when the wild pigs were dying in large numbers, a boatload of Kayans

working upriver encountered a succession of pigs' carcases floating down, most of them in a state of

decomposition and swollen with gases. A practical joker at the bow conceived the notion of prodding the

carcases with his spear and thus liberating the foulsmelling gases for the benefit of those who sat in the stern

of the boat, to their great disgust and the amusement of those on the forward benches. Again a Klemantan

example a chewer of betelnut and lime sometimes prepares several quids wrapped carefully in SIRIH

leaf, and sets them aside till they are required. On one occasion, while the crew of a boat landed to cook their

dinner, a youngster carefully opened such a quid and substituted a piece of filth for the betelnut. When the

victim of the joke spat out the morsel, spluttering with disgust and anger, the crew was moved to loud

laughter, which they tried in vain to suppress out of consideration for the feelings of the victim; for no one

But, although the Kayans have a strong sense of the ridiculous, their laughter is not so violent and

uncontrollable as that of Europeans is apt to be, and it is not so apt to recur from time to time at the mere

We refer to some of the stories reproduced in Chapter XVII. as examples of the less crude forms of humour

appreciated by the people. These stories are repeated again and again, without failing to amuse those who are

perfectly familiar with them. AEsop's fables transposed into a Bornean key were, we found, much

appreciated. In a large proportion of the entertaining stories of the Kayans, as well as of the other tribes, the

point of the story depends on some reference to sexual relations or actions But such references are not, as a

rule, coarsely put, but rather hinted at merely, often in a somewhat obscure way; E.G. such a story may

terminate before the critical point is reached with some such phrase as "Well, well, what of it?" and a shrug

The tendency of the Kayans to laconic speech is well illustrated by their way of referring to wellknown

stories or fables with one or two words, in order to sum up or characterise a situation much as we say

Like all other varieties of mankind (some few savage tribes perhaps excepted), the Kayans and other tribes

are apt to distort the truth in their own favour, in describing from memory incidents that seriously affect their

interests. When a party has allowed itself to commit some reprehensible action, such as overhasty and

excessive reprisals, a whole village, or even several villages, may conspire together more or less deliberately

to "rig up "some plausible version of the affair which may serve to excuse or justify the act in the eyes of the

government. A good PENGHULU[188] will set about the investigation of such an affair with much tact and

patience. He will send for those immediately concerned and patiently hear out their version of the incident. If

it departs widely from the truth, he will find reason to suspect the fact. But, instead of charging the men with

untruthfulness, or attempting to extort the truth by threats, or bullying, or torture (as is so often done in more

highly civilised courts), he keeps silence, shrugs his shoulders, and tells them to go away and think it over,

and to come back another day with a better story. In the meantime he hears the version of some other group,

who view the affair from a different angle, and thus puts himself in a position to suggest modifications of the

new version of the former group. When he has in this way gathered in a variety of accounts of the incident, he

find himself in a position to construct, by a process of moral triangulation, an approximately correct picture;

this he now lays before the party immediately concerned, who, seeing that the game is up, fill in the details

and supply minor corrections. Throughout this process the tactful PENGHULU never shuts the door upon his

informants or tries to pin them down to their words, or make them take them back; rather he keeps the whole

story fluid and shifting, so that, when the true account has been constructed, the witnesses are not made to

It seems worth while to describe here one of a large class of incidents which illustrate at the same time the

workings of the native mind and the way in which an understanding of such workings may be applied by the

administrator. The Resident of the Baram having heard of the presence in the central noman's land of a

considerable population of Kenyahs under a strong chief, TAMA KULING, sent friendly messages to the

latter. He responded by sending a lump of white clay, which meant that he and his people recognised that

they were of the same country as the people of the Baram and that their feelings were friendly; and with it

came an elaborately decorated brass hook (Pl. 184), which was to serve as a complimentary and symbolical

acknowledgment of the white man's power of binding the tribes together in friendship. He sent also a verbal

message acknowledging his kinship with the Kenyahs of the Baram; but he added that he and his people were

in the dark and needed a torch (I.E. they wanted more explicit information about the conditions obtaining in

the Baram). In reply to these representations, the Resident despatched trusty messengers to TAMA KULING

bearing the following articles: a large hurricane lamp for TAMA KULING, and smaller ones for the other

principal chiefs of the district: smaller lamps again were sent for the heads of houses, and with them a large

stock of boxes of lucifer matches, which were to be dealt out to the heads of the rooms of each house. In this

way the desired torch was provided for every member of their communities. With these symbols went a large

horn of the African rhinoceros, out of which TAMA KULING might fashion a hilt for his sword.[189]

We were afterwards informed that, on the arrival of these symbolic gifts, TAMA KULING called together

the chiefs of all the surrounding villages to receive their share, and to discuss the advisability of accepting the

implied invitation to migrate into the Baram. The proposition was favourably received, and a large proportion

of the population of that region have since acted upon the resolution then taken.

To the disjointed collection of remarks which make up this chapter we venture to add the following

observations. It has often been attempted to exhibit the mental life of savage peoples as profoundly different

from our own; to assert that they act from motives, and reach conclusions by means of mental processes, so

utterly different from our own motives and processes that we cannot hope to interpret or understand their

behaviour unless we can first, by some impossible or at least by some hitherto undiscovered method, learn the

nature of these mysterious motives and processes. These attempts have recently been renewed in influential

quarters. If these views were applied to the savage peoples of the interior of Borneo, we should characterise

them as fanciful delusions natural to the anthropologist who has spent all the days of his life in a stiff collar

We have no hesitation in saying that, the more intimately one becomes acquainted with these pagan tribes,

the more fully one realises the close similarity of their mental processes to one's own. Their primary impulses

and emotions seem to be in all respects like our own. It is true that they are very unlike the typical civilised

man of some of the older philosophers, whose every action proceeded from a nice and logical calculation of

the algebraic sum of pleasures and pains to be derived from alternative lines of conduct; but we ourselves are

equally unlike that purely mythical personage. The Kayan or the Iban often acts impulsively in ways which

by no means conduce to further his best interests or deeper purposes; but so do we also. He often reaches

conclusions by processes that cannot be logically justified; but so do we also. He often holds, and upon

successive occasions acts upon, beliefs that are logically inconsistent with one another; but so do we also.

In the foregoing chapters it has been shown that the six groups which we have distinguished by the names

Kayans, Kenyahs, Klemantans, Muruts, Nomads or Punans, and Ibans or Sea Dayaks, differ considerably

from one another in respect of material and moral culture as well as of mental and physical characters. We

have used these names as though the groups denoted by them were well defined and easily to be

distinguished from one another. But this is by no means the case. Our foregoing descriptions are intended to

depict the typical communities of each group, those which present the largest number of groupmarks.

Besides these more typical communities, which constitute the main bulk of the population, there are many

communities or subtribes which combine in some measure the characteristics of two or more of the

principal groups. It is this fact that renders so extremely difficult the attempt to classify the tribes and

subtribes in any consistent and significant fashion, and to which is largely due the confusion that reigns in

most of the accounts hitherto given of the inhabitants of Borneo. We believe, however, that the divisions

marked by the six names we have used, namely, Kayan, Kenyah, Klemantan, Murut, Punan, and Iban, are

true or natural divisions; and that the intermediate forms are due, on the one hand, to crossing through

intermarriage, which takes place continually in some degree, and, on the other hand, to the adoption of the

customs and beliefs and traditions and to the imitation of the arts and crafts of one natural group by

communities properly belonging to a different group. The main groups seem to us to be separated from one

another by differences of two kinds: some by racial or ethnic differences, which involve differences of

physical and mental constitution, as well as by cultural differences; others by differences of culture only, the

We propose in this chapter to attempt to justify these main distinctions, and to define more nearly their

essential nature and grounds. This attempt must involve the statement of our opinion as to the ethnic affinities

of all the principal tribes. We are fully aware that this statement can be only of a provisional nature, and must

be liable to modification and refinement in the light of further observation and discussion. But we think that

such a statement may serve a useful purpose; namely, that it may serve as a basis upon which such

The most speculative part of this statement must necessarily be that which deals with the affinities of the

tribes of Borneo with the populations of other areas; but even here we think it better to set down our opinion

for what it may be worth, not concealing from the reader its slight basis. We state in the following paragraph

The wide distribution of remnants of the Negrito race in the islands round about Borneo and in the adjacent

parts of the mainland of Asia renders it highly probable that at a remote period Negritos lived in Borneo; but

at the present time there exist no Negrito community and no distinct traces of the race, whether in the form of

fossil remains or of physical characters of the present population, unless the curly hair and coarse features of

a few individuals to be met with in almost all the tribes may be regarded as such traces. These negroid

features of a small number of the present inhabitants are perhaps sufficiently accounted for by the fact that

slaves have been imported into Borneo from time to time throughout many centuries by Arabs and Malays

and by the Illanum pirates; and some of these slaves were no doubt Negritos, and some, possibly, Africans or

We leave open the question of an ancient Negrito population, and go on to the statement that the present

population is derived from four principal sources. From a very early period the island has been inhabited in

all parts by a people of a common origin whose surviving descendants are the tribes we have classed as

Klemantans, Kenyahs, and Punans. This people probably inhabited Borneo at a time when it was still

connected with the mainland. Their cultural status was probably very similar to that of the existing Punans. It

seems not improbable that at this early period, perhaps one preceding the separation of Borneo, Sumatra, and

Java from the mainland, this people was scattered over a large part of this area. For in several of the wilder

parts, where the great forest areas remain untouched, bands of nomads closely resembling the Punans of

Borneo are still to be found, notably the Orang Kubu of Sumatra, and perhaps the Bantiks of northern

Celebes. The principal characteristics of this primitive culture are the absence of houses or any fixed abode;

the ignorance of agriculture, of metalworking, and of boatmaking; and the nomadic hunting life, of which

the blowpipe is the principal instrument. The chief and only important improvement effected in the

condition of the Punans since that early period would seem to be the introduction of the superior form of

blowpipe of hard wood. This cannot be made without the use of a metal rod for boring, and, since none of

the Bornean tribes which still lead the nomad life know how to work metals, it may be inferred that they have

learnt the craft of making the SUMPITAN from more cultured neighbours, procuring from them by barter the

It is impossible to make any confident assertion as to the affinities of this widely diffused people from which

we believe the Punans, Kenyahs, and Klemantans to be descended. But the physical characters of these tribes,

in respect of which they differ but slightly from one another, lead us to suppose that it was formed by a

blending of Caucasic and Mongoloid elements, the features of the former predominating in the race thus

formed. The fairness of the skin, the wavy and even, in some individuals, the curly character of the hair; the

regular and comparatively refined features of many individuals; the frequent occurrence of straight and

aquiline noses; the comparatively large, horizontal, or only slightly oblique, palpebral aperture; the not

infrequent absence of all trace of the Mongolian fold of the eyelid and its slightness when present all these

characters point to the predominance of the Caucasic element in the ethnic blend.

On the other hand, the smooth yellowish skin, the long dark thick hair of the scalp, and the scantiness of the

hair on the cheeks, chin, and lips; the rather broad cheekbones, the prevailing slight obliquity of the eyes,

the rather narrow palpebral aperture, and the presence of a slight Mongolian fold these characters (all of

which are found in a considerable proportion of these peoples) are features that point to Mongol

It was said above that the skin of these tribes is of very pale yellow colour. In this respect there is little to

choose between them, but on the whole the Punans are of rather lighter colour than the others, and, as was

said before, of a faintly green tinge. This difference is, we think, sufficiently accounted for by the fact that the

Punan seldom or never exposes himself to full sunlight, whereas the others are habitually sunbrowned in

some degree. But the lighter colour of this whole group of tribes (as compared especially with the Kayans and

Ibans) cannot be explained in this way; for the habits and conditions of life of Kenyahs and Klemantans are

very closely similar to those of the Kayans; and it must, we think, be regarded as a racial character.

The name Indonesian is perhaps most properly applied to this people which we suppose to have resulted from

the contact and blending of the Caucasic and Mongoloid stocks in this corner of Asia. The systematic

ethnographers use this term in a vague and uncertain manner. Deniker defines the Indonesians by saying that

they comprise "the little intermixed inland populations of the large islands (Dyaks of Borneo, Battas of

Sumatra, various "Alfurus" of Celebes, and certain Moluccas)."[192] He seems doubtful whether the name

Indonesian should be applied to the eight groups of aborigines of IndoChina which he distinguishes.[193]

He recognises that the Indonesians and the Malayans are of very similar physical characters, but distinguishes

them as two of four races which have given rise to the population of the Malay Archipelago namely,

Malayans, Indonesians, Negritos, and Papuans. He regards the Indonesians (used in a wide sense to include

Malays) as most closely akin to the Polynesians; but he expresses no opinion as to their relations to the

Keane describes the Indonesians as a ProtoCaucasic race which must have occupied Malaysia and the

Philippines in the New Stone Age. He separates them widely from the Malays and ProtoMalays, whom he

describes as belonging to the Oceanic branch of the Mongol stock;[194] and the "Dyaks" of Borneo are

classed by him with strict impartiality sometimes with the ProtoMalays, sometimes with the

If these oldest inhabitants of Borneo may be regarded as typical Indonesians (and we think that they have a

strong claim to be so regarded), then we think that the usage of the term by both Keane and Deniker errs in

accentuating unduly the affinity of the Indonesians with the Polynesians, and that Keane's errs also in

The most plausible view of the relations of these stocks seems to us to be the following. Polynesians and

Indonesians are the product of an ancient blend of southern Mongols with a fair Caucasic stock. In both the

Caucasic element predominates, but more so in the Polynesian than in the Indonesian. We imagine this

blending to have been effected at a remote period in the southeastern corner of Asia, probably before the

date at which Borneo became separated from the mainland. If, as seems probable, this blending was effected

by the infusion of successive doses of Mongol blood from the north into a Caucasic population that had

previously diffused itself over this corner of Asia from the west,[195] the smaller proportion of the Mongol

element in the Polynesians may be due to their having passed into the islands, while the Indonesians

The separation of Borneo from the mainland then isolated part of the Indonesian stock within it, at a period

when their culture was still in a very primitive condition, presumably similar to that of the Punans. The

ProtoMalays, on the other hand, represent a blending of the Mongol stock (or of a part of the Indonesian

race) with darker stock allied to the Dravidians of India, which is perhaps properly called ProtoDravidian,

and of which the Sakai of the Malay peninsula (and, perhaps, the Toala of central Celebes) seem to be the

surviving representatives in Malaysia. In this blend, which presumably was effected in an area south of that in

After the separation of Borneo from the mainland, there came a long period throughout which it remained an

isolated area, the population of which received no important accessions from other areas. It is probable that

during this period the Indonesian population of the mainland continued to receive further infusions of

Mongol blood; for there is abundant evidence that for a long time past there has been a drifting of Mongol

We may suppose that during this period the knowledge and practice of working iron, of building long houses

and boats, and of cultivating PADI, became diffused through the greater part of the population of this corner

of the Asiatic continent. This advance of culture would have rendered possible the passage of these peoples to

the islands in boats. But it seems probable that no considerable incursion of people from this area was

In Chapter II. we have mentioned the evidences of HinduJavan influence on Borneo, to which must be

ascribed the existence of the Buddhist court at Bruni before the coming of the Malays, as well as traces of

Hindu culture in south Borneo, including the practice of cremation by the Land Dayaks, the burning of the

bones by other tribes, stone carvings,[196] and articles of gold and fragments of pottery of Hindu character.

There must have been a certain infusion of Javanese and perhaps Hindu blood at this time; but both in

We have mentioned also in Chapter II. the early intercourse between China and the Buddhist rulers of Bruni

and other parts of north and northwest Borneo, and the legend of an early settlement of Chinese in the

But these civilised or semicivilised visitors and settlers were separated from the indigenous Borneans by a

great culture gap, and they probably had but little friendly intercourse with them and affected their culture but

little, if at all; and though it is possible that they bartered salt, metal, tools, and weapons, for camphor and

other jungle produce, their influence, like that of the Malays, probably extended but a little way from the

coasts in most parts of the island. The higher culture of the indigenous tribes of the interior has been

introduced, we believe, by invasions of peoples less widely separated from them in cultural level, who have

penetrated far into the interior and have mingled intimately with them. Three such invasions may be

distinguished as of principal importance: that of the Kayans in the south and perhaps in the southeast, of the

Muruts in the north, and of the Ibans in the southwest. Each of these three invading populations has spread

up the course of the rivers to the interior and has established its communities over large areas, until in the

course of the nineteenth century they have encountered one another for the first time. Besides these three

most numerous and important invasions, there have been many smaller settlements from the surrounding

islands, especially from Java, Celebes, and the Philippines, whose blood and culture have still further

diversified the population and culture of the tribes of Borneo and complicated the ethnographical problems of

Of the three principal invasions, that of the Kayans has been of most effect in spreading a higher culture

There is good reason to believe that the Kayans have spread across Borneo from the south and southeastern

parts, following up the course of the large rivers until they reached USUN APO, the central highlands, in

which (see vol. i. p. 2) all the large rivers have their sources. The tradition of such northwestward migration

is preserved among the Kayans of the Baram, who, according to their own account, crossed the watershed

into the basins of the western rivers only a few generations ago. This tradition is in accordance with the fact

that, within the memory of men still living, they have spread their villages farther westward along the banks

of the Baram and the Rejang rivers, driving back the Muruts northwards from the Baram. It is borne out by

the accounts of the Bruni Malays to the effect that the Brunis first became acquainted with the Kayans some

few generations ago, and had known the Muruts long before the advent of the Kayans; and further, by the fact

that the Kayans have left their name attached to many rivers both in the south and east, where the name

Batang Kayan (or Kayan River) is the common appellation of several rivers on which Kayan villages are now

The Kayans seem to have entered Borneo by way of the rivers opening on the south coast, and gradually to

have penetrated to the central highlands by following up these rivers, pushing out communities every few

years to build new villages higher up the river in the course of their unceasing search for new areas adapted to

There can, we think, be little doubt that the Kayans are the descendants of emigrants from the mainland, and

that they brought with them thence all or most of the characteristic culture that we have described. But from

what part exactly of the mainland, and by what route, they have come, and how long a time was occupied by

the migration, are questions in answer to which we cannot do more than throw out some vague suggestions.

We believe that the Kayans migrated to Borneo from the basin of the Irrawadi by way of Tenasserim, the

Malay Peninsula, and Sumatra; and that they represent a part of the Indonesian stock which had remained in

the basin of the Irrawadi and adjacent rivers from the time of the separation of Borneo, there, through contact

with the southward drift of peoples from China, receiving fresh infusions of Mongol blood; a part, therefore,

of the Indonesians which is more Mongoloid in character than that part which at a remote period was shut up

in Borneo by its separation from the mainland. During this long period the Kayans acquired or developed the

type of culture characterised by the cultivation of PADI on land newly cleared of jungle by burning, the

building of long houses on the banks of rivers, the use of boats, and the working of iron.

The way in which in Borneo the Kayans hang together and keep touch with one another, even though

scattered through districts in which numerous communities of other tribes are settled, preserving their

characteristic culture with extreme faithfulness, lends colour to the supposition that the whole tribe may thus

have been displaced step by step, passing on from one region and from one island to another without leaving

behind any part of the tribe. The passage of the straits between the Peninsula and Sumatra, and between

Sumatra and Borneo, are the parts of this tribal migration that are the most difficult to imagine. But we know

that Kayans do not fear to put out to sea in their long warboats. We have known Kayan boats to descend the

Baram River and to follow the coast up to Bruni; and we have trustworthy accounts of such expeditions

having been made in former days by large war parties in order to fight in the service of the Sultan of Bruni.

The distance from the Baram mouth to Bruni (about 100 miles) is nearly equal to the width of the broadest

stretch of water they must have crossed in order to have reached Borneo from the mainland by way of

Sumatra. This hypothetical history of the immigration of the Kayans receives some support from the fact that

a vague tradition of having crossed the sea still persists among them. We attach some importance to this

Kayan tradition of their having come over the sea, as evidence that they are comparatively recent immigrants

to Borneo; but the principal grounds on which we venture to suggest this history of the Kayans and of their

invasion of Borneo are three: first, the affinities of the Kayans in respect of physical character and culture to

certain tribes still existing in the area from which we believe them to have come; secondly, historical facts

which go far to explain such a migration; thirdly, their relations to other tribes of Borneo. We add a few

I. As long ago as the year 1850, J. R. Logan, writing of highland tribes of the basins of the Koladan and

Irrawadi and the southeastern part of the Brahmaputra, asserted that "the habits of these tribes have a

wonderful resemblance to those of the inland lankhaired races of Indonesia... . There is hardly a minute trait

in the legends, superstitions, customs, habits, and arts of these tribes, and the adjacent highlanders of the

remainder of the Brahmaputra basin, that is not also characteristic of some of the ruder lankhaired tribes of

Sumatra, Borneo, the Philippines, Celebes, Ceram, and the transJavan islands."[197]

This assertion, though, no doubt, rather too sweeping, seems to have a large basis in fact, so far as it concerns

We have not been able to find that any one tribe of this part of the mainland agrees closely with the Kayans in

respect of physical characters and all important cultural features. Nevertheless, very many of the features of

the Kayan culture are described as occurring amongst one or another tribe, though commonly with some

considerable differences in detail. In attempting to identify the nearest relatives of the Kayans among the

mainland tribes, it has to be remembered that all these have been subjected to much disturbance, in some

cases, no doubt, involving changes of habitat, since the date at which, as we suppose, the Kayans left the

continent. And since the Kayans, from the time of their arrival in Borneo, have played the part of a

dominating and conquering people among tribes of lower culture, and have imposed their customs upon these

other tribes, without blending with them or accepting from them any important cultural elements, it follows

that we must regard the Kayans as having preserved, more faithfully than their relatives of the mainland, the

culture which presumably they had in common with them a thousand years or more ago.

Of all the peoples of the southeastern corner of the continent, the one which seems to us most closely akin

to the Kayans is that which comprises the several tribes of the Karens.[198] These have been regarded by

many authors (3) as the indigenous people of Burma. Their own traditions tell of their coming from the north

across a great river of sand and of having been driven out of the basin of the Irrawadi at a later date (1). At

present the Karens are found chiefly in the Karen hills of Lower Burma between the Irrawadi and the

Salween and in the basin of the Sittang River, which runs southwards midway between those two greater

rivers to open into the head of the Gulf of Martaban. But they have been much oppressed by their more

civilised neighbours, the Burmese and the Shans, and their communities are widely scattered in the remoter

parts of the country and are said to extend into Tenasserim far down the Malay Peninsula. By the Burmese

they are called also KAYENS or KYENS, the Y and R sounds being interchangeable in Burmese (1 and 3).

Peoples generally recognised as closely akin to the KARENS are the CHINS (who are also known as

Khyens) (14) of the basin of the Chindwin, the large western tributary of the Irrawadi; and the KAKHYENS

(also called KACHINGS and SINGPHO), who occupy the hills east of Bhamo and the basin of the river

Tapang in the borderlands of Burma and Yunnan (7). The Nagas of Manipur and of the Naga Hills of Assam

also seem to belong to the same group of peoples, though less closely akin to the Karens than the Chins and

It seems highly probable that all these, together with the Kayans, are surviving branches of a people which

occupied a large area of southeastern Asia, more especially the basin of the Irrawadi, for a considerable

period before the first of the successive invasions which have given rise to the existing Burmese and Shan

nations. The physical characters of all of them are consistent with the view taken above, namely, that they

represent the original Indonesian population of which the Klemantans of Borneo are the pure type, modified

by later infusions of Mongol blood. In all these occur individuals who are described as being of almost purely

Three principal tribes of Karens are distinguished, the Sgan, Pwo, and Bwe. Of these the Bwe are also known

as the HillKarens and seem to have preserved their own culture more completely than the others, though the

Sgan are said to be the purest in blood, the lightest in colour, and more distinctive in type than any other of

the tribes of southeastern Asia (4). Of the HillKarens, Mason said, "Some would be pronounced European.

Indeed, if not exposed to the sun, some of them would be as fair, I think, as many of the inhabitants of

northern Europe." Yet the commoner type of Karen is said to show distinctly Mongoloid facial characters. Of

those Karens who have been least affected by their more cultured neighbours, we are told that they live in

small communities, each of which is governed by a patriarch who is at once high priest and judge, and who

punishes chiefly by the infliction of fines. He raises no regular tax, but receives contributions in kind towards

the expenses of entertainment (3). Several communities join together, sometimes under a leading chief, in

order to meet a common foe (3). They build long houses in which a whole community of as many as 400

persons dwell together (4). These houses are described as of Himalayic type. "It (the house) is made by

sinking posts of large size firmly in the ground and inserting beams or joists through the posts eight feet from

the ground, and on these laying the floor with slats of bamboo." The walls and partitions are mats of woven

bamboo, and the roof is thatched with palm leaves (4). This very incomplete description leaves it open to

suppose that the Karen house is very similar to that built by the Kayans when for any reason the latter build in

hasty and temporary fashion. But the still more scanty description of another writer (3) implies that the

arrangement of the interior of the house is unlike that characteristic of the Kayans. They frequently migrate to

The Karens cultivate PADI and prepare the jungle land for cultivation by burning down the forest. They

prepare from rice a spirit to which they are much addicted. The hill tribes are truculent warriors and

headhunters. Captives are made slaves. They use and make spears and axes, and a crossbow[199] with

poisoned arrows. They rear pigs and poultry, and train dogs to the chase. The men eradicate their beards.

They wear many small rings on the forearms and legs. The lobes of the ear are perforated and often

They address prayers and supplications for protection and prosperity to a Supreme Being whom they address

as "Lord of the heavens and earth" (5). They believe also in a multitude of nature spirits, most of whom are

harmful. The fear of them occasions many ceremonial acts. The taking of heads is said to be a means of

propitiating these spirits (3). They believe that during sickness the soul departs from the body; and the

medicineman attempts to arrest it and to bring it back to the body of the patient. In this and other rites the

blood of fowls (which they are said to venerate) (2) is smeared on the participants. Divination by means of

the bones of fowls and the viscera, especially the liver of the pig, is in common use (5). The souls of the dead

go to a place in which they live much as in this world. It is called ABU LAGAN[200] (3). In this abode of

shades everything is upside down and all directions are inverted (5). There are no rewards and punishments

after death (3). Parents take the names of father and mother of Soandso the name of their first child.

The knife with which the navel cord is cut at birth is carefully preserved (5). Finally, the Karens are said to be

distinguished by a lack of humour, a trait which is well marked also in the Kayans.

In respect of all the characters and culture elements mentioned above, the Karens resemble the Kayans very

closely. Against these we have to set off a few customs mentioned by our authorities in which they differ

The Karens eat everything except members of the cat tribe. They bury the bodies of the dead after they have

lain in state some three or four days; and they hold an annual feast for the dead at the August new moon.

They ascribe two souls to man, one of a kind which is possessed also by animals, tools, weapons, the rice,

The bride is taken to the house of the bridegroom's father. Only one tribe, namely, the Red Karens, practises

tatu, and among them a figure which seems to represent the rising sun is tatued on the back of the men only

These differences are not very great, and their significance is diminished by the following considerations. The

Kayans may have acquired their aversion to killing the dog through contact with Malays. They bury the dead

in the ground in the case of poor persons or those dead of epidemic disease. And they have a tradition that

they formerly practised the weaving of cloth. They may also have acquired the art of making and using the

solid wooden blowpipe from Malays; and this would account for their having given up the use of the bow

and arrow as a serious weapon. On the other hand, the inferior houses of the Karens, the lack of restrictions

among them upon animal foods, their earth burial all these may well be due to decay of custom among an

oppressed people; and the fact that they seem to make but little use of boats may well be due to their having

been driven away from the main rivers and pushed into the hills. We have little doubt that many more points

of resemblance would be discoverable, if we had any full account of the Karens as they were before their

culture was largely affected by contact with Burmese and Shans and by the influence of the missionaries who

Among the elements of Kayan culture which are lacking or but feebly represented among the Karens, some

are reported among the tribes most nearly allied to the Karens, and others among other peoples of the same

Thus the peculiar Kayan custom of tatuing the thighs of women has a close parallel in the tatuing of the

thighs of men among all Burmese and Shans; and the Kayans may well have adopted the practice from them.

Among the Shans there obtains the custom of placing the coffin on upright timbers at some height above the

ground (9). Among the Nagas, and especially the Kuki Nagas,[202] who are said to be most nearly allied to

the Karens, beside a number of the culture elements which we have noticed above as common to Karens and

Kayans, other noteworthy points of resemblance to the Kayans are the following: A system of tabu or

GENNA which may affect individuals or whole villages, and is very similar to the MALAN of the Kayans;

the practice of ornamenting houses with heads of enemies, the motive of taking the head being to provide a

slave in Hades for a deceased chief; the use of human and other hair in decorating weapons.[203]

Their method of attacking a village is like that of the Kayans, namely, to surround it in the night and to rush it

at dawn; they obstruct the approach of an enemy to their village by planting in the ground short pieces of

bamboo sharpened and firehardened at both ends; they use an oblong wooden shield or a rounded shield of

plaited cane; their blacksmiths use a bellows very like that of the Kayan smiths; they husk their PADI in a

solid wooden mortar with a big pestle A LA Kayan; they floor their houses with similar massive planks; they

catch fish in nets and traps, and by poisoning the water; men pierce the shell of the ear in various ways;

omens are read from the viscera of pigs, and the cries of some birds are unlucky; they worship a Supreme

Deity and a number of minor gods, E.G. gods of rain and of harvest; they often sacrifice pigs and fowls to the

gods, and omens are always read from the slaughtered animals; those who die in battle and in childbirth are

assigned to special regions of the other world; the women are tatued (on chest) to facilitate recognition in

Hades; in felling the jungle preparatory to burning it to make a PADI farm, they always leave at least one tree

Other of the instruments, arts, and customs of the Kayans are found widely spread in southeastern Asia.

Such are the small axe or adze with lashed head; the musical instrument of gourd and bamboo pipes with

reeds; the bamboo guitar; the use of old beads and of hornbill feathers for personal adornment; the making of

II. Whether this people, of whom the Kayans, Karens, Chins, Kakhyens, and Nagas, seem to be the principal

surviving branches, came into the Irrawadi basin and adjacent areas by migration from Central Asia by way

of the Brahmaputra valley, as Cross and McMahon (accepting the tradition of the Karens) believe, or came,

as Logan suggested, eastward from Bengal, it seems certain that it has been divided into fragments, driven

away from the main rivers, and in the main pushed southwards by successive swarms of migration from the

north. This pressure from the north seems to have driven some of the Karens down into the Malay Peninsula,

where they are still found; and it may well be that, before the rise of the Malays as an aggressive people

under Arab leadership, the ancestors of the Kayans occupied parts of the peninsula farther south than the

Karens now extend, and possibly also parts of Sumatra. If this was the case, it was inevitable that, with the

rise to dominance of the Mohammedan Malays in this region, the Kayans must have been either driven out,

exterminated, or converted to Islam and absorbed. It seems probable that different communities of them

The supposition that the Kayans represent a part of such a population, which was driven on by the pressure of

Malays to seek a new country in which to practise its extravagant system of PADI culture, is in harmony with

the probability as to the date of their immigration to the southern rivers of Borneo; for the rise and expansion

of the Menangkabau Malays began in the middle of the twelfth century A.D.; and the Kayans may well have

III. We have now to summarise the evidence in favour of the view that the Kayans have imparted to the

Kenyahs and many of the Klemantan tribes the principal elements of the peculiar culture which they now

We have shown that the culture of the Kenyah and Klemantan tribes is in the main very similar to that of the

Kayans, and that it differs chiefly in lacking some of its more advanced features, in having less sharply

defined outlines, in its greater variability from one community to another, and in the less strict observance of

custom. Thus the Kayans in general live in larger communities, each of their villages generally consisting of

several long houses; whereas a single long house generally constitutes the whole of a Kenyah or Klemantan

village. The Kayans excel in ironworking, in PADI culture, in boatmaking, and in housebuilding. Their

customs and beliefs are more elaborated, more definite, more uniform, and more strictly observed. Their

social grades are more clearly marked. They hang together more strongly, with a stronger tribal sentiment,

and, while the distinction between them and other tribes is everywhere clearly marked and recognised both by

themselves and others, the Klemantans and Kenyahs everywhere shade off into one another and into Punans.

The process of conversion of Punans into settled communities that assimilate more or less fully the Kayan

culture is still going on. We are acquainted with settled communities which still admit their Punan origin; and

these exhibit very various grades of assimilation of the Kayan culture. Some, which in the lives of the older

men were still nomadic, still build very poor houses and boats, cultivate PADI very imperfectly, and

On the other hand, the Kenyahs have assimilated the Kayan culture more perfectly than any other of the

aborigines, and in some respects, such as the building of houses, they perhaps equal the Kayans; but even

they have not learnt to cultivate PADI in so thorough a manner as to keep themselves supplied with rice all

through the year, as the Kayans do; and, like the various Klemantan tribes,[204] they suffer almost every year

periods of scarcity during which they rely chiefly on cultivated and wild sago and on tapioca. The Kayans, on

the other hand, grow sufficient PADI to last through the year, except in very bad seasons, and they never

collect or cultivate sago. The view that this relative imperfection of the agriculture of the Kenyahs and

Klemantans is due to the recency of their adoption of the practice, is confirmed by the fact that many of them

still preserve the tradition of the time when they cultivated no PADI. It seems that most of the present

Kenyahs first began to plant PADI not more than two, or at most three, centuries ago. Some of the Kenyahs

also preserve the tradition of a time when they constructed their houses mainly of bamboo; this was probably

their practice for some few generations after they began to acquire the Kayan culture. At the present day

those Punans who have only recently taken to the settled mode of life generally make large use of the bamboo

The view that the Kayans have played this large civilising role is supported by the fact that Kayan is the

language most widely understood in the interior, and that it is largely used for intercommunication, even

between members of widely separated Kenyah communities whose dialects have diverged so widely that

their own language no longer forms a medium of communication between them; whereas the Kayans

themselves do not trouble to acquire familiarity with the Kenyah or Klemantan languages.

If both Kenyahs and Klemantans represent sections of the aboriginal population of nomadic hunters who have

absorbed Kayan culture, it remains to account for the existence of those peculiarities of the Kenyahs that have

led us to separate them from the tribes which we have classed together as Klemantans. The peculiarities that

distinguish Kenyahs from Klemantans are chiefly personal characteristics, notably the bodily build (relatively

short limbs and massive trunks), the more lively and energetic temperament, the more generous and

expansive and pugnacious disposition. These peculiarities may, we think, be accounted for by the supposition

that the aborigines from whom the Kenyahs descend had long occupied the central highlands where most of

the Kenyah communities still dwell and which they all regard as the homeland and headquarters of their race.

Of the Klemantan tribes some, E.G. the Aki, the Long Patas, and the Long Akars, resemble more nearly the

Kayans; others, E.G. the Muriks, the Sebops, the Lirongs, the Uma Longs, the Pengs or Pinihings, show more

affinity with the Kenyahs. It seems probable that these diversities have resulted from the assimilation of

culture directly from the Kayans by the one group and from the Kenyahs by the other. A third group of

Klemantan tribes such as the Long Kiputs, the Batu Blah, and the Trings, scattered through the northern part

of the island, resemble more nearly the Muruts; and among these are found communities whose culture marks

them as descendants of nomads who have assimilated the Murut culture in various degrees.

The Muruts differ somewhat as regards physical features from all the other tribes, especially in having

coarser but less Mongoloid features, a longer skull, and a more lanky build of body and limbs. Their

intonation is nasal, and the colour of the skin slightly darker and ruddier than that of the Klemantans.

Their culture differs so much as to lead us to suppose that it had a somewhat different origin from that of the

Kayans. They build long houses; but these are comparatively flimsy structures, and they are often situated at

a distance from any navigable stream. Even those Muruts who live on the riverbanks make much less use of

boats than the other tribes, and all of them are great walkers. They have very little skill in boatmaking. Their

most distinctive peculiarity is their system of agriculture (see vol. i. p. 97), which involves irrigation, the use

of buffalo, the raising of two crops a year, and the repeated use in successive years of the same land. Other

distinctive features are their peculiar long sword and short spear; the absence of any axe and blowpipe; the

In the Philippine Islands a system of agriculture similar to that of the Muruts is widely practised; and some of

the tribes, though their culture has been largely influenced by Spanish civilisation, seem to be of the same

stock as the Muruts; thus the Tagals of Borneo are not improbably a section of the people known as Tagalas

in the Philippines, and the Bisayas of Borneo probably bear the same relation to the Visayas of the

It seems probable, therefore, that this type of culture has been carried into the north of Borneo by immigrants

from the Philippines, whither it was introduced at a remote period, possibly from Annam, the nearest part of

the mainland; or possibly it came to Borneo directly from Annam.[205] It is probable that many of the tribes

which we have classed with the Muruts, on account of their possession of the Murut culture, are, like the

Klemantans and Kenyahs, descendants of the ancient Indonesian population who have adopted the culture of

more advanced immigrants. The descendants of the immigrants who introduced this type of culture are, we

think, the Muruts proper, who claim that name and dwell chiefly in the Trusan, the Padas, the Sembakong,

the Kerayan rivers, and in the head of the Kinabatangan; also the Kalabits in the northern part of the upper

basin of the Baram. It is these which display most decidedly the physical peculiarities noted above.

As examples of Klemantan tribes that have partially adopted the Murut culture we would mention the LONG

KIPUTS, the BATU BLAHS, the TRINGS, and the ADANGS in the head of the Limbang River; to the same

group belong the KADAYANS in the neighbourhood of Bruni, who, from contact with their Malay

The Ibans stand distinctly apart from all the other tribes, both by reason of their physical and mental

peculiarities and of the many differences of their culture; we have little doubt that they are the descendants of

immigrants who came into the southwestern corner of Borneo at no distant date. We regard them as

ProtoMalays, that is to say, as of the stock from which the true Malays of Sumatra and the Peninsula were

differentiated by the influence of Arab culture. A large number of the ancestors of the present Ibans were

probably brought to Borneo from Sumatra less than two hundred years ago. Some two centuries ago, a

number of Malay nobles were authorised by the Sultan of Bruni to govern the five rivers of Sarawak proper,

namely, the Samarahan, the Sadong, the Batang Lupar, the Saribas, and the Klaka rivers. These Malays were

pirate leaders, and they were glad to enrol large numbers of pagan fighting men among their followers; for

the latter were glad to do most of the hard work, claiming the heads of the pirates' victims as their principal

remuneration, while the Malays retained that part of the booty which had a marketable value. These Malay

leaders found, no doubt, that their pagan relatives of Sumatra lent themselves more readily to this service than

the less warlike Klemantans of Borneo, and therefore, as we suppose, they brought over considerable

numbers of them and settled them about the mouths of these rivers. The cooperation between the piratical

Malay Tuankus and the descendants of their imported PROTEGES continued up to the time of the

suppression of piracy by the British and Dutch half a century ago. It was from this association with the sea

and with coastpirates that the Ibans became known as the Sea Dayaks by Sir James Brooke; and to this

encouragement of their headhunting proclivity by the Malays is no doubt due their peculiarly ruthless and

bloodthirsty devotion to it as to a pastime, rather than (as with the Kayans and other tribes) as to a ceremonial

It seems to us probable that the greater part of the ancestors of the Ibans entered Borneo in this way. But there

is reason to think that some of them had settled at an earlier date in this part of Borneo and rather farther

southward on the Kapuas River. The BUGAUS, KANTUS, and DAUS, who dwell along the southern border

of Sarawak, and some other Iban tribes in the northern basin of the Kapuas River, are probably descendants

of these earlier immigrants of ProtoMalay stock. In most respects they closely resemble the other Iban

tribes, but they are distinguished by some peculiarities of language and accent; their manners are gentler,

their bearing less swaggering; they are less given to wandering, and they have little skill in the making and

handling of boats. These are recognised by themselves and by other Ibans as belonging to the same people;

but they are a little looked down upon by Ibans of the other tribes as any homestaying rural population is

This conjectural history of the immigration of the Ibans explains the peculiar fact that, although all the Ibans

of all parts are easily distinguishable from all the other peoples, and although they all recognise one another

as belonging to the same people, they have no common name for the whole group. They commonly speak of

KAMI MENOA (I.E. "we of this country") when they refer to their people as a whole; and the Kayan

designation of them as IVAN (immigrant or wanderer) has been adopted by large numbers of them in recent

years and modified into Iban, so that the expression KAMI IBAN is now frequently used by them.

The identification of the Iban with a ProtoMalay stock is justified by their language and physical

characteristics. The former seems to be the language from which Malay has been formed under Arab

influence and culture. It employs many words which are no longer current in Malay, but which, as is shown

by Marsden's MALAY DICTIONARY, were in use among Sumatran Malays in the eighteenth century.

Since the Mohammedan populations which now are called Malay are of mixed origin, they present no very

welldefined or uniform physical type. But of all Malays those of Sumatra and of the Peninsula are generally

recognised as presenting the type in its greatest purity; and it is this type which the Ibans most closely

reproduce. The near resemblance of facial type between the Malays and the Ibans is apt to be obscured for the

casual visitor by the fact that the Iban puts little or no restraint upon his expressions and is constantly

chattering, laughing, and smiling; whereas the Malay is taught from childhood to restrain his expressions and

to preserve a severe and grave demeanour in the presence of strangers. But in private the Malay relaxes, and

The principal features of the Iban's culture which distinguish it from that of the other tribes may be

enumerated here. The Iban closely resembles the Kayan in his method of cultivating PADI, but he is even

more careful and skilful, and generally secures a surplus. His house differs characteristically from those of

the Kayan type, and resembles the long houses still inhabited by some Sumatran Malays, in being

comparatively small, and in having a framework of many light poles rather than of heavy hardwood timbers,

and a floor of split bamboo in place of huge planks. In methods of weaving and dyeing cloth and in the

character of the cloths produced;[206] in the wearing of ornamental headcloths; in the weaving of mats and

baskets with the PANDANUS leaf and a large rush known as BUMBAN rather than with strips of split

rattan; in their methods of trapping and netting fish; in the character of the sword and axe and shield as

formerly used;[207] in the use of the firepiston;[208] in musical instruments and methods; in the custom of

earth burial; in the visiting and making of offerings at the graves of noted men in the hope of supernatural aid,

in all these respects the Iban culture differs from that of the Kayans, and closely resembles that of the

The Iban culture presents also certain features not common to other peoples of Borneo and not found among

the Malays; and all or most are such as must have been exterminated among the Malays on their conversion

to Islam, if they had formed part of their culture in their preIslamic period. Such are the religious beliefs and

customs of the Ibans with the cult of the PETARA; the NGARONG; the rite with the clay crocodile for

getting rid of farm pests (vol. ii. p. 88); the use in weaving of a number of designs of animal origin; the

adornment of the edge of the ear with many brass rings; the lack of any strict avoidance of killing dogs.

Thirdly, of the features of Iban culture which are common to them and to the other tribes of Borneo, many

seem to have been borrowed by them from their neighbours, and often in an incomplete or imperfect manner;

such are the system of omenreading, the ritual slaughter of fowls and pigs, much of their dancing and tatuing,

the PARANG ILANG and wooden shield, the feathered warcoat of skin, the KELURI or small bagpipe,

and the fashion of wearing their hair, all these seem to have been borrowed from the Kayans; the woman's

corset of brassbound hoops, from the Malohs; the mat worn posteriorly for sitting upon, from the

Besides the three great invasions of foreign blood and foreign culture, those borne by the Kayans, the Muruts,

and the Ibans respectively, there have been numerous minor invasions on all sides. In the following

paragraphs we make mention of those that seem to have been of most importance in modifying the population

In the south there are traces of Javanese culture with its Hindu elements among many of the tribes, but

especially among the Land Dayaks who occupy the southern extremity of Sarawak. These cremate their dead;

they set apart a separate round house for the trophies of human heads, and in this the bachelors are expected

to pass the nights. The Malawis of SouthEast Borneo seem to be similar in many respects to the Land

Dayaks of Sarawak. The Land Dayaks have a reputation in Upper Sarawak for quicker intelligence and more

adaptability than the other tribes, and hence are in much request for services of the most various kinds. It is

an interesting question whether this may be due to a dash of Hindu blood; the facial type and the more

The Malohs are a wellmarked tribe found on the Kalis and Mandai rivers, tributaries of the Kapuas River.

Physically they are marked by exceptionally long narrow heads (index about 76). They speak a language very

different from those of the central and northern parts of the island, but speak also the Iban language with a

peculiar accent. The Malohs alone of all the peoples of Borneo eat the flesh of the crocodile. The most

distinctive feature of their culture is their skill and industry in brass working. Malohs supply a large

proportion of all the brassware to be found in the interior. This addiction to brassworking suggests that

they represent an immigration from Java, which has long enjoyed a great reputation for its brassware and an

On the east coast are many communities of Bugis, who are mostly Mohammedans and seem to have come

In the north and extreme northwest the Dusuns seem to be of Murut stock with an infusion of Chinese blood

and culture. They use a plough drawn by buffalo in the PADI fields, which they irrigate systematically.

Round about the northern coasts are to be found many small bands of Lanuns and Bajaus, living largely in

boats. They are mostly Mohammedans, and descend from the notorious piratical communities whose

headquarters were in the Sulu Islands and other islands off the northeast coast.

In the foregoing pages we have said very little about the languages spoken by the tribes of Borneo. Although

one of us has a practical command of the Kayan, Kenyah, Sea Dayak, and Malay languages, and a tolerably

intimate acquaintance with a number of the Klemantan dialects, we do not venture upon the task of

discussing their systematic positions and relations to languages of other areas. For this would be a task of

extreme difficulty and complexity which only an accomplished linguistic scholar could profitably undertake.

Nevertheless, we think it worth while to add a few words regarding the bearing of the languages on the

foregoing ethnological discussion. It seems clear that in the main the differences and affinities between the

many languages and dialects spoken by the pagan tribes bear out, so far as they are known to us, the principal

conclusions of our argument. The Sea Dayak or Iban tongue stands distinctly apart from all the rest, and is

indisputably very closely allied to the Malay. The Kenyahs, Klemantans, and Punans speak a great variety of

tongues, which are, however, so closely similar, and the extreme members of which are connected by so

many intermediate forms, that it would seem they may properly be regarded as but dialects of one language.

The Kayan language, on the other hand, stands apart from both the Iban and the Klemantan languages, but is

much nearer to the latter than the former. The Kenyah dialects especially contain many words or roots that

appear also in the Kayan, and seem to be more closely allied to it than is any of the Klemantan tongues. This

may well be due to the more intimate contact with the Kayans enjoyed by the Kenyahs, who, as we have

seen, have assimilated the Kayan culture more completely than any other of the indigenous tribes, and who

The Murut languages again seem to stand apart from the Iban, Kayan, and KenyahKlemantan, as a distinct

In conclusion, we venture to make a suggestion which we admit to be widely speculative and by which we

wish only to draw attention to a remote possibility which, if further evidence in its favour should be

discovered, would be one of great interest. We have throughout maintained the view, now adopted by many

others, of which Professor Keane has been the principal exponent, namely, the view that the Indonesian stock

was largely, probably predominantly, of Caucasic origin. In our chapter on animistic beliefs concerning

animals and plants, and in the chapter on religion, we have shown that the Kayans believe in a multiplicity of

anthropomorphic deities which, with Lake Tenangan at the head of a galaxy of subordinate gods and

goddesses presiding over special departments of nature, strangely resembles the group of divine beings who,

in the imagination of the fathers of European culture, dwelt in Olympus. And we have shown that the system

of divination practised by the Kayans (the taking of omens from the flight and cries of birds, and the system

of augury by the entrails of sacrificial victims) strangely resembles, even in many details, the corresponding

system practised by the early Romans. Our suggestion is, then, that these two systems may have had a

common root; that, while the Aryans carried the system westward into Europe, the Indonesians, or some

Caucasic people which has been merged in the Indonesian stock, carried it eastward; and that the Kayans,

with their strongly conservative tendencies, their serious religious temperament, and strong tribal

organisation, have, of all the Indonesians, preserved most faithfully this ancient religious system and have

imparted it in a more or less partial manner to the tribes to whom they have given so much else of culture,

It is perhaps not without significance in this connection that the Karens, whom we regard as the nearest

relatives of the Kayans, were found to worship a Supreme Being, and have proved peculiarly apt pupils of the

By way of crowning the indiscretion of the foregoing paragraphs, we point out that there are certain faint

indications of linguistic support for this speculative suggestion. BALI, which, as we have explained, is used

by Kayans and Kenyahs to denote whatever is sacred or is connected with religious practices, is undoubtedly

a word of Sanskrit derivation.[211] FLAKI, the name of the bird of most importance in augury, bears a

suggestive resemblance to the German FALKE and the Latin FALCO. The Kayan word for omen is AMAN,

the resemblance of which to the Latin word is striking. Are these resemblances merely accidental? If more of

the words connected with the religious beliefs and practices could be shown to exhibit equally close

In an earlier chapter we have sketched the history of government in Borneo from the earliest times of which

any record remains, up to the time at which the whole island was brought under European control. In this

chapter we propose to describe the way in which the European governments have extended their spheres of

influence and have secured the cooperation of the natives in the maintenance of peace and order and

For some years after Mr. James Brooke became Rajah of Sarawak (1841), his rule was confined to the

territory then known as Sarawak. This area, still known as Sarawak proper, is some 7000 square miles in

extent and comprises the basins of the following rivers: the Sarawak, the Samarahan, the Sadong, and the

Lundu. The Batang Lupar and Saribas rivers, which enter the sea to the north of this area, were infested by

pirate bands under the leadership of Malay Serifs who, though they professed allegiance to the Sultan of

Bruni, were but little controlled by him. The depredations of these unruly neighbours led Sir James Brooke to

undertake several expeditions against them. In the year 1849, Captain Sir Harry Keppel of H.M.S. DIDO lent

his aid (not for the first time), and the combined forces finally swept out those hornets' nests and put an end to

piracy in those regions. With the approval of the Sultan of Bruni, Rajah Brooke established stations in the

lower waters of the Saribas and Skarang rivers, and a little later at Kanowit on the Rejang River. This was the

first of a series of similar steps by which the area of the Raj has been successively extended, until now it

comprises about 60,000 square miles, more than eight times its original extent. In each of these outstations

one or two English officers were appointed to represent the Rajah's government. In each station a small

wooden fort was built, and in some cases the fort was surrounded with a stockade. This served as residence

for the officer, or officers, and their small band of native police, generally some ten or twelve Malays armed

with rifles and a small cannon. The prime duty of these officers, entitled Governors (or later, Residents), was

to protect the local population from the oppression and depredations of the Serifs, and generally to discourage

and punish bloodshed and disorder. The general policy followed in all these new districts was to elicit the

cooperation of the local chiefs and headmen, and, when the people had begun to appreciate the benefits of

peace, including the opening of the rivers to Malay and Chinese traders, to impose a small polltax to defray

the expenses of administration. The area of control was then gradually extended farther into the interior by

securing the voluntary adhesion of communities and tribes settled in the tributaries and higher waters of each

river. This policy, steadily pursued in one district after another, has invariably succeeded, although the time

required for complete pacification has, of course, varied considerably; and it was only during the early years

of this century that the process seemed to reach its final stage among the Sea Dayaks in the interiors of the

The stability of the Rajah's government was seriously threatened in 1857 by the insurrection of Chinese

goldworkers at Bau in Sarawak proper. But this rebellion, in the course of which Sir James Brooke narrowly

escaped death at the hands of the rebels, was soon suppressed, largely by the energy of the Tuan Muda (the

present Rajah), who came to the aid of Sir James with a strong force of Sea Dayaks and Malays.

The process of establishing order and good government in the new territory was complicated by the intrigues

of the Bruni nobles or PANGIRANS and of the independent Malay chiefs, who, seeing their power to oppress

and misrule the coast districts seriously curtailed, and indeed threatened with extinction, by the growing

influence of the Europeans in Borneo, conspired with others of similar status in Dutch Borneo to rid the

island of these unwelcome innovators. In the year 1859 two English officers of the Sarawak government at

Kanowit on the lower Rejang (Messrs. Fox and Steele) were murdered by a gang of Malanaus. There was

good reason to believe that this incident, together with several murders of Europeans in Dutch Borneo, was

the result of a loosely concerted action of the Malay chiefs, and that the Kanowit murders were directly

instigated by Serif Masahor and Pangiran Dipa; the latter a Bruni noble who misruled Muka and the

surrounding area. Rajah Brooke visited the Sultan of Bruni and secured his authorisation for the punishment

of these and others concerned in the murders; and in 1860 an expedition, led by his two nephews, captured

Muka and would have expelled the Serif and the Pangiran but for the untimely interference of the British

Consul at Bruni, who seems to have been misinformed of the nature of the situation.[212] In the following

year the Rajah, visiting the Sultan at Bruni, found him willing to cede Muka and the basins of the adjoining

rivers, the Oya, Tatau, and Bintulu, in return for a perpetual annual payment of 16,000 dollars, an

arrangement which was accepted and which still holds good. Thus the intrigues of the Malay nobles, which

for a time had seriously threatened the stability of the Rajah's government, resulted in the addition of an area

The basin of the Rejang, the largest river of Sarawak, was the next region to be added to the Raj. Here Sir

James Brooke's government first came into contact with the Kayans (in the year 1863). The reputation of the

Kayans as a dominant tribe of warriors, whose raids were feared even as far as Bruni, had rendered them

proud and self. confident and unready to appreciate the benefits of the Rajah's government. Their continued

hostility rendered advisable a demonstration of force. Accordingly in the year 1863 the Tuan Muda (the

present Rajah, H. H. Sir Charles Brooke) led an expedition of some 10,000 or more native levies, consisting

chiefly of Sea Dayaks and Malays, up the Rejang as far as the mouth of the Baloi Peh, a spot some 250 miles

from the mouth of the Rejang and in the edge of the Kayan country. The Kayans could not withstand so large

a force and retreated farther up river after but little show of resistance. Several of their long houses were

destroyed, and a message demanding their submission to the Rajah's government was sent by a captive to

Oyong Hang, the most influential of the Kayan chiefs. The messenger carried a cannonball and the Sarawak

flag, and was instructed to ask Oyang Hang which he would choose; to which question the chief is said to

have returned the answer that he wanted neither. Although the expedition failed to secure the submission of

any large number of the Kayans and Kenyahs, it established the Rajah's authority as far as it had penetrated;

for a number of Klemantan villages settled in the middle reaches of the Rejang accepted the offer of peace,

and a number of their chiefs brought the Sarawak flag down river and celebrated the traditional

peacemaking rites with the Rajah's representative. The Kayans have never since attempted to raid the lower

reaches of the river; but it was not until the early eighties, during the Residency of the late Mr. H. B. Low,

that the bulk of the Kayans of the Rejang acknowledged the Rajah's authority and began to cooperate in his

administration, a result achieved without any repetition of the large expedition of 1863. From that time (about

1885) the Baloi or Upper Rejang may be regarded as having formed part of Sarawak.

In the year 1882 the northern boundary of Sarawak was again pushed forward by the cession to the Rajah by

the Sultan of Bruni of the basin of the Baram, an area of some 10,000 square miles, on condition of a

perpetual annual payment of 6000 dollars. This was an area in which, except along the coast, the Sultan's

authority had never been exercised, and which had been kept closed to trade and the depredations of the

Malays, by the fear of the Kayans. For the Kayans, who dominated all the middle waters of the Baram, had in

the past threatened even Bruni. The Sultan was no doubt glad to see the Rajah undertake the task of

controlling his formidable neighbours, who, dwelling within striking distance of his capital, were a perpetual

menace to his power and even to his personal safety. The Baram district has been brought completely under

the Rajah's rule without the introduction of any armed force from outside; and as the process of establishing

peace and order has there followed a normal and undisturbed course, and is familiarly known to us, we

propose to describe it in some detail on a later page. Since the date of the inclusion of the Baram, the Raj of

Sarawak has been again extended towards the north on three. occasions. The first of these additions was the

basin of the Trusan River. In this case the Sultan offered to sell the territory for a lump sum, and his offer was

accepted by the Rajah, whose officers occupied it in the year 1885. In 1890, the people living on the Limbang

River, whose basin adjoins that of the Baram on its northern border, were in a state of rebellion against the

Sultan, and the region had for several years been in a very disturbed state. The present Rajah therefore

proposed to annex the country in return for an annual payment. The British Government was asked to

approve this step and to fix the amount of the sum to be paid to the Sultan. A favourable reply having been

given by the Foreign Office, and the annual sum of 6000 dollars having been awarded as a fair return for the

cession, the administration of the country was peacefully entered upon by the Rajah's officers, who where

The latest and presumably the final extension of the boundaries of Sarawak was effected in 1905, when the

basin of the small river Lawas was bought from the British North Borneo Company.

In the opening year of this century a small part of Borneo still remained under purely native control, namely,

the town of Bruni and an area about it of 1700 square miles, comprising the basins of the small rivers Balait

and Tutong. By agreement with the Sultan this area was placed under the administration of a Resident

representing the British Government in the year 1906. Thus the European occupation of Borneo was

The history of the establishment of Dutch rule throughout the larger part of Borneo has been similar to that of

the acquisition of Sarawak by its two English Rajahs. Dutch trading stations were established in the

southwest corner of Borneo as early as 1604. In the seventeenth century stations were established in

southern Borneo by both British and Dutch traders; but the Dutch traders extended their influence more

rapidly than their rivals, and by the middle of the eighteenth century had secured a practically exclusive

influence in those parts. The British held possession of all the Dutch East Indies during the brief period (1811

1816) which was terminated by the Congress of Vienna. On the retirement of the British, the Dutch

Government took over all the rights acquired by the Dutch traders; and since that time it has continued to

consolidate its control and to extend the area of its administration farther into the interior along the courses of

the great rivers. There were in the area that is now Dutch Borneo several independent Malay Sultans, of

which the principal had their capitals at Pontianak, Banjermasin, and Kotei. In 1823 the Sultan of

Banjermasin ceded a large part of his territory to the Dutch government; in 1844 the Sultan of Kotei accepted

its protection; and by similar steps by far the larger part of the island has been marked out as the Dutch sphere

of influence. The water parting from which the principal rivers flow east and west has been agreed upon by

the Dutch and the Sarawak governments as the boundary between their territories; and though the upper

waters of the great rivers which flow west and south through Dutch Borneo have up to the present time hardly

been explored, the authority of the Dutch Government is well established over all the tribes of the coastal

regions and, especially in the south, extends far into the interior, but is still little more than nominal in the

head waters of the rivers. The system of administration now practised by the Dutch closely resembles in most

essential respects that obtaining in Sarawak, and it has brought to the natives of the greater part of Dutch

The northern extremity of Borneo, an area comprising some 31,000 square miles and 200,000 inhabitants, is

now administered by the British North Borneo Company (chartered by the British Government in 1892),

which acquired it by purchase in successive instalments from the Sultans of Bruni and Sulu. The Company

has followed in the main an administrative policy similar to that of Sarawak, and has appointed as governors

officers of large East Indian experience placed at their disposal by the British Government. The Company has

attempted to achieve in a brief period a degree of commercial development which in Sarawak and Dutch

Borneo has been reached only gradually in the course of several generations; and to this circumstance must

be attributed many of the difficulties which for a time caused it "to get into the newspapers." But these

difficulties have now been overcome, and the whole territory placed in a condition of prosperity and orderly

It has been widely recognised that Sarawak provides a most notable example of beneficent administration of

the affairs of a population in a lowly state of culture by representatives of our Western civilisation. Among all

such administrative systems that of Sarawak has been distinguished not only by the rapid establishment of

peace, order, and a modest prosperity, with a minimum output of armed force, but especially by reason of the

careful way in which the interests of the native population have constantly been made the prime object of the

government's solicitude. The story of the success of the two white Rajahs of Sarawak has several times been

told in whole or in part. But we think it is worth while to try to give some intimate glimpses of the working of

the system as it affects the daily lives of the pagan tribes, taking our illustrations in the main from incidents in

From the very inception of his rule, Sir James Brooke laid down and strictly adhered to the principle of

associating the natives with himself and his European assistants in the government of the country, and of

respecting and maintaining whatever was not positively objectionable in the laws and customs of the people.

And this policy has been as faithfully followed by the present Rajah.[213] The Raj of which Sir James

Brooke became the absolute ruler in the way described in Chapter II. was a country in which the supreme

authority had been exercised for many generations by Malay rulers, and in which the only generally

recognised system of law was the Mohammedan law administered by them. The two white Rajahs, instead of

imposing any system of Europeanmade laws upon the people, as in their Position of benevolent despot they

might have been tempted to do, have accepted the Mohammedan law and custom in all matters affecting the

population of the Mohammedan religion; and they have gradually introduced improvements when and where

the defects and injustices of the system revealed themselves. In the work both of administration and

legislation the Rajahs have always sought and enjoyed the advice and cooperation of Malays. They have

maintained the principal ministries of State, and have continued the tenure of those offices by the Malay

nobles who occupied them at the time of Sir James Brooke's accession to power; and, as these have died or

retired in the natural course, they have chosen leading Malays of the aristocratic class to fill the vacancies.

Three of these Malay officers, namely, the Datu Bandar, Datu Imaum, and the Datu Hakim, have been

members of the Supreme Council since its institution in 1855. The first of these offices may be best defined

by likening it to that of a Lord Mayor; or better, perhaps, to that of the salaried Burgomaster of a German

city; its occupant is understood to be the leading citizen of the Malay community of Kuching, the capital

town of Sarawak. The Datu Imaum is the religious head of the Mohammedan community, and the Datu

The Supreme Council consists of the three Malay officers named above together with three or four of the

principal European officers, and the Rajah, who presides over its deliberations. It meets at least once a month

to consider all matters referred to it by lower tribunals. It embodies the absolute authority of the Rajah; from

its decrees there is no appeal. It decides questions of justice, administration, and legislation; and it continually

enriches and improves the law by creating precedents, which serve to guide the local courts, by deliberately

revising and repealing laws, and by adding new laws to the Statute Book. It is the sole legislative authority.

The presence of the Malay members at the meetings of the Council is by no means a mere formality; they

Beside the Supreme Council there exists a larger body whose functions are purely advisory. It is called the

Council NEGRI or State Council, and consists of the Rajah and the members of the Supreme Council, the

Residents in charge of the more important districts, and the principal "Native Officers" and PENGHULUS,

some seventy members in all. This Council meets at Kuching once in every three years under the presidency

of the Rajah, who provides the members with suitable lodgings and entertains them at dinner. At the meeting

of this council topics of general interest are discussed, and the Rajah makes some general review of the state

of public affairs and the progress achieved since the previous meeting. But the principal purpose of the

institution is the bringing together, under conditions favourable for friendly intercourse, of the leading men of

the whole country. Each new member is formally sworn in, taking an oath of loyalty to the Rajah and his

government. The native chiefs return from these meetings with an enhanced sense of the importance and

dignity of their office and with clearer notions of the whole system of government and of their places in it.

Though Mohammedan law remains as the basis of the law administered among the Malays, notable

improvements have been introduced, E.G. the death penalty for incest and corporal punishment for conjugal

infidelity have been abolished; slaveholding, though not made illegal, has been discouraged throughout the

country by rendering it easy for slaves to secure their freedom; and the power of the master over his slave has

been greatly restricted. A man is not allowed to marry a second or third wife, unless he can prove himself

able to provide for each of the women and her offspring; wilful murder is always punished by death or long

The development of commerce and industries has, of course, given rise to legal questions for which the

Mohammedan law provides no answers; and to meet these necessities, laws modelled on the Indian code and

The presence of a large Chinese community (now comprising some 50,000 persons) has always been a source

of legal and administrative difficulties. These difficulties have been met in the past by securing the presence

of leading Chinese merchants on the judicial bench, as assessors familiar with the language, customs, and

circumstances of their countrymen, whenever the latter have been involved in legal proceedings. In the

present year a special court for the trial of Chinese civil cases has been instituted, consisting of seven of the

leading Chinese merchants, of whom all, save the president, who is nominated by the Rajah, are elected by

The government of the pagan population, comprising as it does so many tribes of diverse customs, languages,

and circumstances, has presented a more varied and in many respects a more difficult problem. But the same

principles have been everywhere applied in their case also. The backbone of the administrative and judicial

system has been constituted by the small staff of English officers carefully chosen by the Rajah, and

increased from time to time as the extension of the boundaries of Sarawak opened new fields for their

activities. During recent years this administrative staff has counted some fifty to sixty English members. Of

these about a dozen are quartered in Kuching, namely, the Resident of the first division, his assistant, a

secondclass Resident, and the heads of the principal departments, the post office, police and prisons, the

treasury, the department of lands and surveys, public works, education, and the rangers.

The Sarawak rangers are a body of some 400 men trained to the use of firearms and under military

discipline. The majority are Sea Dayaks, the remainder Malays and Sikhs. Two white officers, the

commandant and the gunnery instructor, are supported by native noncommissioned officers. The force is

recruited by voluntary enlistment, the men joining in the first place for five years' service. This force supplies

the garrisons of the small forts, one or more of which are maintained in each district; and from it a small body

of riflemen has commonly been drawn to form the nucleus of any expeditionary force required for punitive

The whole territory of Sarawak is divided into four divisions, each of which is again divided into two or more

districts. The first division coincides with Sarawak proper; the second includes the Batang Lupar, Saribas,

and Kelaka districts; the third comprises the Rejang, Oya, Muka, Bintulu, and Matu districts; the fourth

consists of the Baram, Limbang, Trusan, and Lawas. The first, third, and fourth divisions are administered by

divisional Residents, which three officers rank next to the Rajah in the official hierarchy. Each district is

under the immediate charge of an officer. These district officers are of two ranks, namely Residents of the

second class, and Assistant Residents. In each district, with the exception of the smallest, the Resident is

assisted in his multifarious duties by a second white officer of the rank of cadet or extraofficer, and has

under his direction a squad of ten to twentyfive rangers under the charge of a sergeant; a sergeant of police

in charge of about twelve policemen, who are generally drawn from the locality; several Malay or Chinese

clerks; and generally some two or three "native officers." The last are Malays of the aristocratic class resident

in the district; they are appointed by the Rajah on the recommendation of the Resident and receive a regular

salary. Their duties are to assist the Resident in his policecourt work, to hold special courts for the

settlement of purely Malay cases of a domestic nature, and to take charge of the station in the absence of the

The prime duty of the Resident is to preserve order in his district and to punish crimes of violence. But he is

responsible also for every detail of administration, including the collection of taxes and customs duties, the

settlement of disputes, and the hearing of complaints of all kinds, the furnishing of reports to the central

government on all matters of moment, the development of trade and the protection of traders, especially the

inoffensive Chinese; and above all, in the newer districts, it is his duty to gain the confidence of the chiefs of

the wilder tribes, and to lead them to accept the Sarawak flag and the benefits of the Rajah's government, in

return for the small polltax required of them. It is well recognised by the Rajah and his officers that the

success of a Resident depends primarily upon his acquiring intimate knowledge of the people and

establishing and maintaining good relations with them; and with this end in view every Resident is expected

to be familiar not only with the Malay language, which is the official language of the country, as well as in

some measure a common medium of communication between the chiefs of the various tribes, but also with

one or more of the other languages spoken in his district. The headquarters of the Resident are usually the

fort, or a small residency built not far from it in the lower reaches of the chief river of his district. Here a

Chinese bazaar, I.E. a compact village of Chinese traders and shopkeepers, and a Malay Kampong, generally

spring up under the shelter of the fort; and thus the station becomes the headquarters of trade as well as of

administration. To this centre the workers of jungle produce bring their stuff, floating down river on rafts of

rattans or in their canoes; from it the Malay and Chinese traders or pedlars set out in their boats for long

journeys among the upriver people; and to it come occasional parties of the upriver tribesmen, to consult

with the Resident, to seek redress for wrongs, to report the movements of tribes in the adjacent territories, or

to obtain permission to go on the warpath in order to punish offences committed against them.

Since the river is the one great high road, and since the Resident and his assistants are seated generally near

the point where it leaves the district, the coming and going of all visitors can hardly escape their observation.

And, since the station sees every few days the arrival of visitors or the return of parties of its own people

from up river, the Resident can keep himself pretty well informed of the state of the country, and all news of

importance will reach him after no long delay, if only he is always accessible and willing to turn a

But the successful administration of one of the larger and wilder districts, such as the Rejang or the Baram,

requires that the Resident shall not be content with the zealous discharge of his many duties at his

headquarters. He can only establish intimate relations of reciprocal knowledge and confidence with the chiefs

of the many scattered communities of his district by making long journeys up river several times a year. And

situations not infrequently arise which urgently demand his presence in some outlying part of his district and

Before describing such a journey, something must be said of the place in the scheme of government occupied

by the chiefs and headmen of the various communities. Each of the Malay Kampongs and other similar

villages of the Malanaus and other coastwise peoples is under the immediate charge of one of its more

influential elders, who bears the title of TUAH KAMPONG. He is appointed by the Rajah on the

recommendation of the Resident and receives a small salary. His duties are to settle the minor disputes of his

village, to collect the tax, to keep order, and to report all breaches of the peace to the Resident. He has

authority to call in the police and to order the arrest of any villager; in cases of dispute between villages he

represents his village in the Resident's court, and, where his own people are concerned, he may sit on the

bench with the Resident to hear and advise upon the case. The Sarawak flag is the badge of his office, and his

From among the more influential chiefs of the upriver communities the Rajah appoints, on the

recommendation of the Resident, a certain number in each district to the office of PENGHULU. In a district

of Mixed population such as the Baram, one PENGHULU (sometimes two) is usually appointed for each of

the principal tribes of the district, E.G. in the Baram are, or recently were, two Kayans, one Kenyah, one

Sebop, and one Barawan holding the office. The principal PENGHULUS are made members of the Council

of State, and they are expected to attend its triennial meetings. The status of the PENGHULUS is similar to

that of the TUAH KAMPONG, and he also is given the Sarawak flag, which he will display on his boat on

official journeys, and a document signed by the Rajah recording his appointment and the duties of his office;

but many of them derive a considerably greater importance than their fellows from the numerical strength and

the warlike character of their followings. The PENGHULU has authority not only over his own house or

village, but also over the chiefs or headmen of other communities of the same tribe and region. He is

expected to keep the Resident informed of any local incident requiring his attention, and to be present in the

Resident's court when any of his people are tried for any serious offence; he has authority to try minor cases,

both civil and criminal, among his own people. Perhaps his most important service is the following. When an

upriver man has been charged with a serious offence, the summons of the Resident's court is forwarded to

the PENGHULU of his tribe and district with the instruction that he shall send the man down river to

headquarters. It is generally possible for the PENGHULU to call the man to him, and, by explaining to him

the situation and the order of the Resident, to secure his peaceful surrender. But in case of refusal to come, or

of active resistance, the PENGHULU is expected to apply such force as may be necessary for effecting the

arrest and the conveyance to headquarters. In this way in a wellgoverned district the arrest of evildoers is

effected with remarkable sureness and with far less risk of violence, bloodshed, and the arousal of angry

passions, than if the Resident should send his police or rangers to do the work. The PENGHULU is in a much

better position than the Resident for obtaining accurate information upon, and a full understanding of, the

circumstances of any such upriver incidents; and his help is thus often of the greatest value to the Resident.

If he judges that the accused man is innocent, and especially if the charge against him has been made by a

Chinaman, a Malay, or a member of any other than his own tribe, he will usually accompany the prisoner to

headquarters, in, order to see that no injustice is done him. Another important function of the PENGHULU is

the preliminary investigation of breaches of the peace among his people (see vol. ii. p. 219).

The PENGHULU is responsible also for the collection of the doortax from the chief of each house or village

of his people and for its delivery to the Resident. He is allowed to exercise a certain discretion in the matter

of remission of taxes to elderly or infirm householders. He is responsible also for the transmission to the

Resident of all sums in payment of fines of more than five dollars, imposed by himself or by his subordinate

chiefs. On the happily infrequent occasions on which it becomes necessary to organise a punitive expedition,

the PENGHULUS are expected to help in the raising of the required force, and to accompany the expedition

as commanders of their own group of warriors, acting under the orders of the Resident.

A PENGHULU is punished for neglect of his duties by suspension from his office for a definite period, or in

more serious cases by dismissal and the appointment of another chief Since the dignity and prestige of the

Among the Kayans and Kenyahs and most of the Klemantans, the PENGHULUS exercise a very effective

authority, and, since with few exceptions the chiefs chosen to fill the office have been loyal, zealous, and

capable, they have rendered great services to the government. Among the Sea Dayaks the lack of authority of

the chiefs, which is a characteristic feature of their social system, has rendered it impossible to secure for

their PENGHULUS the same high standing and large influence; the result of which has been the creation of

an unduly large number of these officers and the consequent further depreciation of the dignity of the office.

The PENGHULU is the link between the native system of government as it obtained before the coming of the

white man, and that established and maintained by the Rajah and his white officers. The former consisted of

the exercise of authority by the several chiefs, each over the people of his own village only, except in so far

as a chief might acquire some special prestige and influence over others through his own reputation for

wisdom and that of his people for success in war. Among the Kayans and Kenyahs especially, the principal

chiefs have long aimed at extending their influence by marrying their relatives to those of other powerful

chiefs. In this way chiefs of exceptional capacity, aided by good fortune, have achieved in certain instances a

very extended influence. Such a chief was Laki Avit, a Kenyah, who, some twenty years before the Rajah's

officers first entered upon the task of administering the Baram, was recognised throughout all the interior of

the district as the leading chief, a position which could only have been achieved by the consistent pursuit of a

wise policy of conciliation and just dealing between. Kenyahs and Kayans. But the order and peace

maintained by the influence of such a chief depended wholly on his continued vigour, and they seldom or

never survived his death by more than a few years. In the case of Laki Avit, for example, the Bruni Malays,

jealous and afraid of the allied Kayans and Kenyahs, soon succeeded by means of murderous intrigues in

bringing back the more normal condition of suspicious hostility and frequent warfare. Thus, although several

chiefs had endeavoured to establish peace throughout wide areas, no one of them had achieved any enduring

success. For this end the unifying influence of a central authority and superior power was necessary, and this

was supplied by the Rajah. We may liken the whole system of society as now established to a conical

structure consisting of a common apex from which lines of authority descend to the base, branching as they

go at three principal levels. If we imagine the upper part of this structure cut away at a horizontal plane just

above the lowest level of branching, we have a diagrammatic representation of the state of affairs preceding

the Rajah's advent a large number of small cones each representing a village unified by the subordination

of its members to its chief, but each one remaining isolated without any bond of union with its neighbours. At

the present time the base of the cone remains almost unchanged, but the Rajah's government binds together

all its isolated groups to form one harmonious whole, by means of the hierarchy of officers whose authority

The establishment of the Rajah's government has thus involved no breaking up of the old forms of society, no

attempt to recast it after any foreign model, but has merely supplied the elements that were lacking to the

system, if it was to enable men to live at peace, to prosper and multiply, and to enjoy the fruits of their

labours. But though we describe the society of Sarawak as being now a completed structure, the simile is

inadequate and might mislead. The structure is not that of a rigid building, but of a living organisation; and its

efficiency and permanence depend upon the unceasing activities of all its parts, each conscious of the whole

and of its own essential role in the life of the whole, and each animated by a common spirit of unswerving

devotion to, and untiring effort in the cause of, the whole. The Rajah's power rests upon the broad base of the

people's willing cooperation; he in turn is for them the symbol of the whole, by the aid of which they are

enabled to think of the state as their common country and common object of devotion; and from him there

descends through his officers the spirit which animates the whole, a spirit of reciprocal confidence, justice,

goodwill, and devotion to duty. The system is in fact the realisation of the ideal of monarchy or personal

government; its successful working depends above all on the character and intellect of the man who stands at

the head of the state; and the steady progress of all better aspects of civilisation in Sarawak, a progress which

has evoked the warm praise of many experienced and independent observers,[214] has been due to the fact

that the resolution, the tact and sympathy, the wisdom and high ideals which enabled the first of its English

Rajahs to establish his authority, have been unfailingly displayed in no less degree by his successor

It is obvious that this permeation of the whole system of government by the spirit of its head can only be

perpetuated by constant personal intercourse between him and his officers and between the officers of the

various grades. This has been a main principle observed by the Rajah. He has frequently visited the district

stations, to spend a few days in consultation with his white officers, and to renew his personal acquaintance

with the local chiefs, who spontaneously assemble to await his arrival. Such visits to any station have seldom

been made at greater intervals than one year; and these annual meetings at the district stations between the

Rajah and his officers of all grades have been of the utmost value in preserving the profound and personal

respect with which he is regarded throughout the land and which is in due measure reflected to his

representatives, both white and native. The Rajah has also kept himself in close touch with the Residents and

the affairs even of the remotest districts by encouraging the Residents to write to him personally and fully on

all important matters, and by writing with his own hand full and prompt replies.

The foregoing brief account of the system of government will have accentuated its essentially personal

character; and it will have made clear the necessity for constant personal intercourse between the officers of

various grades, and for the long excursions of the Residents into the interior parts of their districts, one of

which we propose to describe as an illustration of the intimate working of the administrative system. For in

the larger and wilder districts the Resident's station may be separated from populous villages by a tract of

wild jungle country, the return journey over which cannot be accomplished in less than a month or even

The journey we are about to describe, as illustrative of the administrative labours of the Resident of one of

the wilder districts, was made in the Baram in the year 1898 by one of us (C. H.) in the course of his official

duties and in part only by the jointauthor of this book. A slight sketch of the political history and condition

of the Baram is required to render intelligible the objects of the journey and the course of events. The Baram

was added to Sarawak territory, under the circumstances described above (vol. ii. p. 261), in the year 1882.

At that time it enjoyed the reputation of a wild and dangerous region, owing to the strength of the Kayans,

who, dwelling in all the middle parts of the rivers, had made a number of bold raids as far as the coast and

even to the neighbourhood of Bruni. The Sea Dayaks had obtained no footing in the river, and the

Klemantans, who dwelt in the lower reaches, had proved quite incapable of withstanding their formidable

neighbours. The latter had driven them out of the more desirable parts of the river, had made many slaves,

and had appropriated many of the valuable caves in which they had gathered the edible nests of the swift. But

considerable numbers of the Klemantans remained in the lower reaches and in some of the tributary rivers.

The upper waters of the Baram were occupied mainly by Kenyah communities; and about the watershed in

which the Baram, the Rejang, and the Batang Kayan have their sources (a mountainous highland,

geographically the very centre of the island, known as Usun Apo), were the Madangs, a powerful subtribe

of the Kenyahs, whose reputation as warriors was second to none. In 1883 a fort was built at Marudi (now

officially known as Claudetown), a spot on the riverbank some sixty miles from the sea, the first spot at

which in ascending the river a high bank suitable for a settlement is encountered. Here Mr. Claude de

Crespigny, assisted by two junior officers, a squad of some thirty rangers, and a few native police, began the

task of introducing law and order into these 10,000 square miles of dense jungles, rushing rivers, and high

mountains, the scene for unknown ages of the hard perpetual struggle of savage man with nature, and of the

fierce conflict of man with man. At first the interior tribes remained aloof, and the little outpost of civilisation

was frequently threatened by them with extermination. But after some few years the Kayans of the lower

villages became reconciled to the new state of affairs, recognised the authority of the Rajah and of the

Resident, and consented to pay the small annual doortax amounting to two dollars per family or door.

These were the Kayans of villages that were readily accessible because seated on reaches of the river

navigable by the Resident's steamlaunch, that is, not more than seventy miles above Claudetown. It was

soon realised that the people of the remoter parts were only to be brought under the Rajah's government by

means of friendly visits of the Resident to their villages. This policy was actively pursued by Mr. Charles

Hose, who had become assistant to the Resident in 1884, officer in charge in 1888, and Resident in 1890;

some four or five long journeys were made each year, each occupying several weeks. During these journeys,

which were necessarily made in the native boats, the Resident would spend the nights, whenever possible, in

the native houses, sometimes whiling away several days in friendly intercourse with his hosts, and thus

acquiring much useful information as well as more intimate understanding of their characters, languages, and

customs. In this way the area of government control was extended step by step, until about the year 1891

practically all the inhabitants of the Baram had accepted the Rajah's government and acknowledged it by the

payment of some tax, however small. The chiefs of the Klemantans and their people were for the most part

very glad to place themselves under the protection of this new government; but the Kayans and Kenyahs, not

feeling themselves to be in need of any such protection, were less ready to accept the Resident's proposals.

Two considerations mainly induced them to take this course: first, they desired peace, or at any rate less

warfare, and it was possible to convince them that this result might be achieved by pointing to other districts

such as the Rejang, with whose affairs they had some acquaintance. Secondly, they found that a Chinese

bazaar had sprung up at Claudetown, and that, as soon as they accepted the Rajah's government, they would

obtain greatly increased facilities for driving the highly profitable trade in jungle produce; for, before they

had come under the government, the Chinese and Malay traders had hardly ventured to penetrate to their

remote villages with their cloths and lucifer matches, hardware, steel bars, and other muchcoveted goods.

Several of the most influential chiefs who had early showed themselves staunch friends of the government

were made PENGHULUS, and have long continued by their example and influence energetically to support

the Resident, notably the Kayan, Tama Usong, and the Kenyah, Tama Bulan (see Pls. 49, 27). The latter

especially, though not one of the first to come in, exercised his great influence consistently, wisely, and

energetically, in support of the Resident and in the establishment of peace and order throughout the district

and even beyond its boundaries. But he was only one of several chiefs who have displayed a high degree of

The hostility of the Kalabits on the northeastern border, who persistently raided those villages of their

fellowtribesmen that had come under the government, had necessitated an expedition against them in 1893.

And Sea Dayak parties of jungle workers had on more than one occasion stirred up serious trouble. But, in

spite of these difficulties, by the year 1898 all the inhabitants of the district were paying the regular doortax,

crimes of violence had been almost abolished, trade was everywhere increasing, and peace was assured, save

for the threat to it from one quarter, namely, the Madangs of Usun Apo and the neighbouring powerful

settlements of Kenyahs across the waterparting in the headwaters of the Batang Kayan. It had always been

a weakness of the Rajah's government that it could assure to the Baram people no protection against attack

from those regions, the latter of which, though nominally Dutch territory, was not yet controlled by the Dutch

government. In the year 1897 a numerous band of Madangs had migrated into the extreme head of the Baram

from the corresponding and closely adjoining part of the Rejang, largely owing to the pressure put upon them

by the ever roving and meddlesome Sea Dayaks. Neither these Madangs nor the Kenyahs of the Batang

Kayan had entered into friendly relations with the Sarawak government, and they had preserved a hostile

attitude towards the Baram tribes. The Resident therefore determined to visit the Madangs, and to invite

Kenyah chiefs from the Batang Kayan to meet him on the extreme edge of the Sarawak territory, in order to

open friendly intercourse with them, and to persuade them if possible to attend a general peacemeeting at

Claudetown, at which the outstanding feuds between them and the Baram folk might be ceremonially washed

out in the blood of pigs. For, if this attempt could be carried to a successful issue, it would go far to assure the

peace of the whole district, and would add considerably to the volume of trade descending the Baram River:

An additional feature of the programme was that the Resident should take with him on his visit a number of

the Baram chiefs, and should in the course of the journey make arrangements with the largest possible

Accordingly, on the 9th of October 1898, we started from Claudetown in the Resident's launch with a retinue

of half a dozen Sea Dayak rangers and two policemen, and towing some half a dozen boats, including one for

our own use upriver. After spending a day in visiting villages in the lower Tinjar, the largest tributary of the

Baram, we resumed the journey upriver and reached the village of Long Tamala. There we were joined by

the chiefs of the two houses Tama Aping Nipa and Tama Aping Kuleh, and were most hospitably entertained

by the former. On the following morning we again steamed upriver, having added to our train these two

Kenyah chiefs, each with a boat's crew of fighting men, they having agreed to make the whole journey with

us. After stopping at several villages at which the Resident's services were in request for the settlement of

disputed questions, in the afternoon we reached Long Tajin, a big Kayan village, and were welcomed by

Juman, the chief, and his wife Sulau, a woman of strikingly handsome and refined features and graceful

aristocratic manner (Pl. 31). She is the daughter of the late Aban Jau, who was for many years the most

powerful chief of the Tinjar Sebops. He had long resisted the advances of the Resident, and had submitted to

the Rajah's government only after a long course of patient persuasion. He had regarded himself as the

upriver Rajah, and had never ceased to regret the old state of affairs. "I'm an old man now," he told the

Resident, "but if I were as salt as I used to be, the Rajah would not have taken possession of the Baram

without a struggle." Another of his many picturesque sayings seems worth recording: "Your Rajah may

govern the downriver people; they are inside the Sultan's fence and he had the right to hand them over. But

over us he had no authority; we are the tigers of the jungle and have never been tamed." He had frequently

threatened to attack the fort; and when he had sent to the Resident a message to that effect in the usual

symbolic language, the latter's only reply had been to go up to his house with two or three men only, and to

spend five days there as Aban Jau's guest, and to persuade him to come down to Claudetown to meet the

The evening was spent in discussing the prospects of the expedition with Juman and other chiefs, some of

whom took a gloomy view. The following morning the steamlaunch was sent downriver, and we took to the

boats and paddled a short stage to Bawang Takun, another large Kayan village, where we stayed overnight

to give the people time to prepare their boats and the Resident the opportunity for some judicial inquiries.

There was heavy rain throughout the night, and in the morning the river, which in this part of its course runs

between limestone cliffs, was rushing so rapidly that we could only make progress by repeatedly crossing the

river to seek the slackwater side of each reach. Failing to reach any village, we passed the night in rude

shelters on the bank. On the following day the river was still in flood, but we reached Long Lawa, a Kayan

village, and decided to wait there until the river should subside to a more normal condition. Here a party of

Kenyahs met us, sent by Tama Bulan to conduct us to his house some two or three days' journey up the Pata

tributary. On the morning of the 16th the river had fallen ten feet, and starting at daybreak we reached the

mouth of the Pata, and camped on a KERANGAN or pebblebed beautifully situated among the forestclad

slopes a little way up the Pata. In the course of the day a boatful of Kayans from the Apoh had joined us. On

the 17th we had an exciting day working up the rapids and waterfalls of the Pata, and reached Long Lutin, a

very large Kayan village of many long houses, most pleasantly situated and surrounded by hills clothed with

the rich green of the young PADI crop. Here we spent the night in the house of the principal chief, Laki Lah,

a quaint old bachelor, whom we greatly astonished by eating plumpudding with burning brandy upon it.

Another day's journey over a long series of rapids brought us to the house of Tama Bulan, at that time the

most influential chief of the Baram. We found there a number of Kenyah chiefs from the upper reaches of the

Pata awaiting our arrival. Tama Bulan, who was strongly in favour of carrying through the Resident's plan,

eloquently supported it during the hospitable procedures of the evening, assuring the assembled chiefs that

the journey would finally resolve the troubles of the Baram. As usual there was no lack of enterprise and "go"

among the Kenyahs, and they were all keen to make the venture; while the Kayans on the other hand were, as

always, more cautious, more inclined to dwell on the possibilities of failure, and slower to take up the plan

and make it their own. The Kenyahs had not yet completed the taking of omens for the expedition, and the

following days were devoted to this process (see vol. ii. p. 52), Tama Bulan and his people taking omens for

the whole of the Kenyah contingent, while Juman went on to prepare the people of the Akar. In the course of

the day Tama Bulan accompanied us on visits to several neighbouring Kenyah villages situated a little farther

up the river. In the evening we had another convivial meeting with great flow of oratory and ricespirit. On

the third day, favourable omens having been observed, sacrifices of pigs and fowls were offered before the

altarposts of the wargod, and the various rites needful to complete the preparation for a long journey were

performed (see Pl. 157). In the afternoon the Resident inspected the site for a bungalow or blockhouse

which the Kenyahs proposed to make (and have since erected) for the use of the government's officers.

On October 23rd we left Tama Bulan's house with a party of about one hundred all told, in several boats. We

were joined at Long Lutin by Laki Lah and a boatful of his Kayans, made a rapid passage to Long Pata (the

spot where the Pata joins the Baram), and resumed the toilsome ascent of the main river to reach the Akar.

That evening we reached a Kenyah village at Long Lawan, and as usual we were hospitably entertained with

the fatted pig and brimming cups of ricespirit. The weather was now brilliantly fine and the river of only

normal swiftness, and we passed the night in a Kenyah house in the Akar. Here we spent two days awaiting

the arrival of a party of Kayans from the upper Akar. The Kayans having arrived, another general discussion

of the plan of operations was held; and on the third day the expedition returned to the Baram, and after

surmounting the difficulties presented by many rapids and a narrow gorge at Batu Pita, entered the Silat on

the 28th. The Silat is the uppermost of the large tributaries of the Baram (Pl. 200). It descends from the

Madang country, winding round the foot of the Batu Tujoh, a limestone mountain of 5000 feet. All this

country is at a considerable height above sealevel (1000 feet and more), and the climate is much cooler and

more bracing than that of the lower levels. It is a land of many streams and hills. All the lower slopes have

been cleared and cultivated by the Kenyahs, so that it presents a more open and smiling aspect than the lower

country, where the clearings are but tiny islands in the vast ocean of gloomy forest. The river itself is even

more beautiful than the other tributaries of the Baram, lovely as all these are in their upper reaches. This was

not the first exploration of the Silat, for the Resident had twice before journeyed up its lower reaches; but on

this occasion it was necessary to penetrate to its very head, in order to reach the villages of the principal

Madang chiefs, Saba Irang and Tama Usun Tasi. So for five days the expedition toiled up the Silat, and

during these days Juman, Laki Lah, and most of the Kayans turned back, their confidence being shaken by

the unfamiliar aspect of the country, by the neighbourhood of the hitherto hostile Madangs, and by the bad

dream of one of their chiefs and the illness of another. On the fifth day the diminished fleet of boats entered

the Lata, a tributary coming down from the Mudong Alan and Saat mountains, from the slopes of which the

water runs also to the Rejang River and the Batang Kayan. Here the boats were left behind and the expedition

Near the mouth of the Lata the expedition was met by a large party of Kenyahs men, women, and children

the whole population of a Kenyah village of the Batang Kayan, Lepu Agas by name, who had just arrived

with the intention of making their home in that neighbourhood. These people had been the greatest enemies

A curious custom, which seems at the present time to be peculiar to the Kenyahs and rapidly dying out

among them, was observed by the Lepu Aga people on this occasion. As the Resident's party approached the

spot where they awaited its arrival, they sent out three men to establish the first contact. It was the function of

these three men to make sure of the friendly intentions of the approaching party (Pls. 201, 202). They wore

large wooden masks elaborately carved, and bearing great lateral projections like horns or antlers, in addition

to full war dress.[215] They advanced down a long pebblebank, keeping step and making grotesque

movements with heads and arms, which seemed to imply a mixture of caution and curiosity. After dodging

about for some time, they came near and inquired: "Who are you? Whence do you come? What is your

business?" Having obtained satisfactory assurances, they retreated, stepping backwards with the same

grotesque gestures, and returned to report the results of their investigations to their chief.

Before friendly intercourse between the parties could begin it was still necessary, in view of the recent feud

between them, that they should engage in a sham fight (JAWA). When this boisterous ceremony had been

accomplished, the Resident presented to the Lepu Agas a number of presents, calculated to whet their

appetite for the products of civilised industry to be found in the Baram bazaar. Very soon all suspicion and

reserve were overcome, and all the men of the Resident's party turned to with hearty goodwill to help build a

house for their former enemies. So well did they work that between sunrise and sunset a house of forty doors

was hewn out of the forest, solidly constructed, and roofed; so that when night fell the newcomers were able

to move in and to invite their helpers to a convivial meeting in its long gallery. The Resident made a speech

in native fashion, saying that his party had ventured to build a rude hut in order to provide a night's shelter for

their new friends, and hoped that they would find it sufficient for the moment. Tama Bulan also spoke, saying

how now the old troubles were over, never to come again. Aban Jalong, the old chief of the Batang Kayan

people, was so touched by these unwonted demonstrations of goodwill, that he wept and could with difficulty

find words in which to express the gratitude of himself and his people. Through these people messages of

goodwill and invitations to the proposed peacemaking at Claudetown were sent to their former neighbours

in the Batang Kayan, and these in due time bore good fruit. For in the course of the next few years several

communities followed the example of the Lepu Agas, and moved over from the Batang Kayan to the Baram.

It may be of interest to add that the Lepu Agas still inhabit the house built under these extraordinary

circumstances. After some few more days of travelling upriver, we were met by a party of Madangs who

had been sent down to meet the Resident; while awaiting his arrival they had hewed out a small boat, and in

this, which served almost as much the purposes of a sledge as of a boat, they hauled him over rocks and

rapids and still pools until, having outpaced the rest of the party, they brought him, on the eighth day from

leaving the Silat, to their village at the foot of Mudong Alan. It was a large village comprising nine long

houses disposed in a circle and containing probably not less than 2000 persons. Here he was received on the

bank of the stream by a large body of Madangs headed by Tama Usun Tasi, who at once offered him the

hospitality of his roof. The incidents of the visit have been described by the Resident, and passages from his

My Kenyah friends had not arrived yet, but I thought it best to go with him (Tama Usun Tasi) at once;

afterwards I congratulated myself on my decision, when I found that, according to custom, Tama Bulan and

his followers (being unable to enter the house until all cases of bloodmoney between his people and the

Madangs had been settled) were obliged to camp near the river for one night. The Madangs assisted in

making huts for my followers, gave them several pigs, and sent down their women laden with baskets full of

rice; so no want of hospitality marred our reception. In the evening I took a walk round the village, followed

by a crowd of women and children, who appeared greatly pleased to find that the white man was able to

converse with them in the Kenyah tongue. Then, as the crowd increased, I sat down on a log and produced a

few pounds of tobacco, and the whole party was soon chatting and laughing as if they had known me for

years. I have often noticed that the women of the Kenyah tribe in the interior are far more genial and less shy

than those of other communities, and I believe that the surest sign of the good faith of natives such as these is

that the women and children come out to greet one unattended by the men. The sounds of our merriment soon

attracted the attention of the men, and as they strolled over and joined us in gradually increasing numbers, the

possibility of any disturbance taking place between these people and mine quickly vanished from my mind.

On the following morning several parties of Madangs from other villages came in, numbering in all about

600, and exchanged presents of weapons with my people. It was necessary that the gods should be consulted

as to whether the meeting was really in the interests of peace or not. So a pig was caught and tied by the legs,

and when all the Madangs were assembled in Tama Usun Tasi's house, the pig was brought in and placed in

front of the chiefs. Then one of the head men from a neighbouring village took a lighted piece of wood and

singed a few of the bristles of the pig, giving it a poke with his hand at the same time, as if to attract its

attention, and calling in a loud voice to the supreme being, "Bali Penyalong." Then, talking at a great rate and

hardly stopping for a moment to take breath, he asked that, if any one had evil intentions, the truth might be

revealed before the evilly disposed one was allowed to enter the Madang houses, and that, if any Madang,

whether related to him or not, wished to disturb the peace which was about to be made with the Baram

people, his designs should be revealed. The old man stood waving his hands as if to sweep within the circle

of his influence the whole of the assembled crowd, and then, jumping into the air with great violence, brought

both feet down on the plank floor with a resounding thump; then, spinning round on one foot with his arm

extended, he quickly altered the tone of his voice to a more gentle pitch, and, quivering with excitement,

quietly sank down into his place amid a dead silence. The speech was a stirring one, and created an

impression. Others spoke a few words to the pig, and it was then taken to one side and stabbed in the throat

with a spear, after which the liver was taken out and examined. I should mention that a pig intended to serve

the same purpose was provided by the Madangs for our people, who were still waiting to be invited to the

Having years before studied the beliefs of the natives with regard to divination by pigs' livers, and knowing

the great importance attached to it, I was as anxious as any one to see the liver. I saw at a glance that the

omen was good, and seized the opportunity to make the most of it. I quickly called the chiefs' attention to all

the good points before they had given their own opinion, and at once saw that their interpretation was the

Thereupon two messengers were sent backwards and forwards to discuss the number of people killed on

either side from time to time, and big gongs, shields, and weapons of all kinds changed hands as

bloodmoney. When all had been settled, notice was given to our people that the Madangs were ready to

receive them into their houses, and the Baram people sent a message back that they were prepared to accept

the invitation. When Kayans and Kenyahs who have been at feud desire to meet peaceably, it is necessary to

go through a sort of sham fight, called JAWA, so that both parties can, as it were, blow off steam. As this

ceremony is generally executed with much vigour by fully armed parties, it often happens that some people

are badly hurt; and I was half afraid that such an accident might check the progress of our negotiations. But

the omens had been favourable, and the implicit belief in such omens goes far to prevent bad feeling. About

midday Tama Bulan and his followers, in full war costume, announced their intention of moving by bursting

into the warcry, a tremendous roar which was immediately answered by the people in the houses. The noise

and excitement increased as the Baram people neared the house of Tama Usun Tasi, and guns with blank

charges were fired. On came the Baram people, stamping, shouting, and waving their weapons in defiance,

the Madangs in the houses keeping up a continuous roar. When the Baram people first attempted to enter the

house, they were driven back, and a tremendous clashing of shields and weapons took place; then the

Madangs retreated from the entrance in order to allow their visitors to come in, stamping and making the

most deafening noise. When the Baram people had all entered, the Madangs once more rushed at them, and

for some two minutes a roughandtumble fight continued, in which many hard blows were given. No one

received a cut, however, except one man who, running against a spear, was wounded in the thigh; but the

affair was quickly settled by the payment of a pig and a small spear to the wounded person; so the ceremony

may be said to have ended without a mishap. When quiet had been restored, we all sat down and ricespirit

was produced, healths drunk, and speeches made; food was brought out and given to the visitors in the long

verandah, as, on first being received, visitors are not allowed to enter the rooms; and the convivialities were

In the evening of the following day the Madangs prepared a feast for all present, and afterwards a great deal

of ricespirit was drunk and some very good speeches made, former troubles and difficulties being explained

and discussed in the most open manner. Each chief spoke in turn, and concluded his speech by offering drink

to another and singing a few phrases in his praise, the whole assembly joining in a very impressive chorus

after each phrase and ending up with a tremendous roar as the bamboo cup was emptied.

The following day the Madangs collected a quantity of rubber for their first payment of tribute to the

government, namely, $2.00 per family, and as we had no means of weighing it except by guesswork, it was

decided that Tama Bulan and two Madang headmen should act as assessors, and decide whether the piece of

rubber brought by each person was sufficiently large to produce $2.00. It took these men the whole day to

On taking our departure from the Madang country, most of the women presented us with a small quantity of

rice for food on our homeward journey, but as each little lot was emptied into a large basket, the giver took

back a few grains so as not to offend the omenbirds, who had bestowed on them a bounteous harvest, by

giving the whole away to strangers. Presents of considerable value were given on both sides, and all parted

the best of friends. The two principal Madang chiefs accompanied us for a day's journey, their followers

carrying the whole of our baggage. On parting I promised to arrange a similar peacemaking at Claudetown,

The peacemaking that I am going to describe was organised in order to bring together on neutral ground,

and in presence of an overwhelming force of the tribes loyal to the government, all those tribes whose

allegiance was still doubtful, and all those that were still actively hostile to one another, and to induce them to

swear to support the government in keeping the peace, and to go through the formalities necessary to put an

end to old bloodfeuds. At the same time the Resident had suggested to the tribes that they should all

compete in a grand race of war canoes, as well as in other races on land and water. For he wisely held that in

order to suppress fighting and headhunting, hitherto the natural avenues to fame for restless tribes and

ambitious young men, it is necessary to replace them by some other form of violent competition that may in

some degree serve as a vent for high spirits and superfluous energy; and he hoped to establish an annual

gathering for boat racing and other sports, in which all the tribes should take part, a gathering on the lines of

the Olympic games in fact. The idea Was taken up eagerly by the people, and months before the appointed

day they were felling the giants of the forest and carving out from them the great war canoes that were to be

put to this novel use, and reports were passing from village to village of the many fathoms length of this or

In order to make clear the course of events, I must explain that two large rivers, the Baram and the Tinjar,

meet about one hundred miles from the sea to form the main Baram river. Between the peoples living on the

banks of these two rivers and their tributaries there is a traditional hostility which just at this time had been

raised to a high pitch by the occurrence of a bloodfeud between the Kenyahs, a leading tribe of the Baram,

and the Lirongs, an equally powerful tribe of the Tinjar. In addition to these two groups we expected a large

party of Madangs, a famous tribe of fighting men of the central highlands whose hand had hitherto been

against every other tribe, and a large number of Sea Dayaks, who, more than all the rest, are always spoiling

for a fight, and who are so passionately devoted to headhunting that often they do not scruple to pursue it in

an unsportsmanlike fashion. So it will be understood that the bringing together in one place of large parties of

fully armed warriors of all these different groups was a distinctly interesting and speculative experiment in

The place of meeting was Marudi (Claudetown), the headquarters of the government of the district. There the

river, still nearly a hundred miles from the sea, winds round the foot of a low flattopped hill, on which stand

the small wooden fort and courthouse and the Resident's bungalow. Some days before that fixed for the

great meeting by the tokens we had sent out, parties of men began to arrive, floating down in the long war

canoes roofed with palm leaves for the journey. On the appointed day some five thousand of the Baram

people and the Madangs were encamped very comfortably in leaf and mat shelters on the open ground

between our bungalow and the fort, while the Sea Dayaks had taken up their quarters in the long row of

Chinamen's shops that form the Marudi bazaar, the commercial centre of the district. But as yet no Tinjar folk

had put in an appearance, and men began to wonder what had kept them Were the tokens sent them at

fault? Or had they received friendly warnings of danger from some of the many sacred birds, without whose

favourable omens no journey can be undertaken? Or had they, perhaps, taken the opportunity to ascend the

Baram and sack and burn the Kenyah houses now well nigh empty of defenders? We spent the time in

footracing, preliminary boatracing, and in seeing the wonders of the white man. For many of these people

had not travelled so far downriver before, and their delight in the piano was only equalled by their admiration

for that most wonderful of all things, the big boat that goes up stream without paddles, the Resident's fast

At last one evening, while we were all looking on at a most exciting practicerace between three of the

canoes, the Lirongs, with the main mass of the Tinjar people, came down the broad straight reach. It was that

most beautiful halfhour of the tropical day, between the setting of the sun and the fall of darkness the

great forest stood black and formless, while the sky and the smooth river were luminous with delicate green

and golden light. The Lirongs were in full war dress, with feathered coats of leopard skin and plumed caps

plaited of tough rattan, and very effective they were as they came swiftly on over the shining water, sixty to

seventy warriors in each canoe raising their tremendous battlecry, a deepchested chorus of rising and

falling cadences. The mass of men on the bank and on the hill took up the cry, answering shout for shout; and

the forest across the river echoed it, until the whole place was filled with a hoarse roar. The Kenyahs ran

hastily to their huts for their weapons, and by the time they had grouped themselves on the crest of the hill,

armed with sword and shield and spear and deadly blowpipe, the Lirongs had landed on the bank below and

were rushing up the hill to the attack. A few seconds more and they met with clash of sword and shield and a

great shouting, and in the semidarkness a noisy battle raged. After some minutes the Lirongs drew off and

rushed back to their boats as wildly as they had come; and, strange to say, no blood was flowing, no heads

were rolling on the ground, no ghastly wounds were gaping, in fact no one seemed any the worse. For it

seems that this attack was merely a well understood formality, a putup job, so to say. When two tribes,

between whom there is a bloodfeud not formally settled, meet together to make peace, it is the custom for

the injured party, that is the tribe which has last suffered a loss of heads, to make an attack on the other party

but using only the butt ends of their spears and the blunt edges of their swords. This achieves two useful

endsit lets off superabundant high spirits, which, if too much bottled up, would be dangerous; and it "saves

the face" of the injured party by showing how properly wrathful and bellicose its feelings are. So when this

formality had been duly observed everybody seemed to feel that matters were going on well; they all settled

down quietly enough for the night, the Resident taking the precaution to send the Lirongs to camp below the

fort; and the great peaceconference was announced to be held the following morning.

Soon after daybreak the people began to assemble beneath the great roof of palmleaf mats that we had built

for a conference hall. The Baram chiefs sat on a low platform along one side of the hall, and in their midst

was Tama Bulan, the most famous of them all, a really great man who has made his name and influence felt

throughout a very large part of Borneo. When all except the Tinjar men were assembled, of course without

arms, the latter, also unarmed, came up the hill in a compact mass, to take their places in the hall. As they

entered, the sight of their old enemies, the chiefs of the Baram, all sitting quietly together, was too much for

their selfcontrol; with one accord they made a mad rush at them and attempted to drag them from the

platform. Fortunately we white men had placed ourselves with a few of the more reliable Dayak fortmen

between the two parties, and partly by force and partly by eloquence we succeeded in beating off the attack,

which seemed to be made in the spirit of a school "rag" rather than with bloody intent. But just as peace

seemed restored, a great shout went up from the Baram men, "Tama Bulan is wounded"; and sure enough

there he stood with blood flowing freely over his face. The sight of blood seemed to send them all mad

together; the Tinjar people turned as one man and tore furiously down the hill to seize their weapons, while

the Baram men ran to their huts and in a few seconds were prancing madly to and fro on the crest of the hill,

thirsting for the onset of the bloody battle that now seemed a matter of a few seconds only. At the same time

the Dayaks were swarming out of the bazaar seeking something to kill, like the typical Englishman, though

not knowing which side to take. The Resident hastened after the Tinjars, threw himself before them, and

appealed and threatened, pointing to the two guns at the fort now trained upon them; and Tama Bulan showed

his true greatness by haranguing his people, saying his wound was purely accidental and unintended, that it

was a mere scratch, and commanding them to stand their ground. Several of the older and steadier chiefs

followed his example and ran to and fro holding back their men, exhorting them to be quiet.

The crisis passed, the sudden gust of passion slowly died away, and peace was patched up with interchange

of messages and presents between the two camps. The great boat race was announced to take place on the

morrow, and the rest of the day was spent in making ready the war canoes, stripping them of their leaf roofs

At daybreak the racingboats set off for the startingpost four miles up river. The Resident had given strict

orders that no spears or other weapons were to be carried in the racingboats, and as they started up river we

inspected the boats in turn, and in one or two cases relieved them of a full complement of spears; and then we

followed them to the post in the steamlaunch. There was a score of entries, and since each boat carried from

sixty to seventy men sitting two abreast, more than a thousand men were taking part in the race. The getting

the boats into line across the broad river was a noisy and exciting piece of work. We carried on the launch a

large party of elderly chiefs, most. of whom were obviously suffering from "the needle," and during the

working of the boats into line they hurled commands at them in language that was terrific in both quality and

volume. At last something like a line was assumed, and on the sound of the gun the twenty boats leaped

through the water, almost lost to sight in a cloud of spray as every one of those twelve hundred men struck

the water for all he was worth. There was no saving of themselves; the rate of striking was about ninety to the

minute, and tended constantly to increase. Very soon two boats drew out in front, and the rest of them,

drawing together as they neared the first bend, followed hotly after like a pack of hounds. This order was kept

all over the course. During the first burst our fast launch could not keep up with the boats, but we drew up in

time to see the finish. It was a grand neckandneck race all through between the two leading boats, and all

of them rowed it out to the end. The winners were a crew of the peaceful downriver folk, who have learnt

the art of boatmaking from the Malays of the coast; and they owed their victory to their superior skill in

fashioning their boat, rather than to superior strength. When they passed the post we had an anxious moment

How would the losers take their beating? Would the winners play the fool, openly exulting and

swaggering? If so, they would probably get their heads broken, or perhaps lose them. But they behaved with

modesty and discretion, and we diverted attention from them by swinging the steamer round and driving her

through the main mass of the boats. Allowing as accurately as possible for the rate of the current as compared

with the rate of the tide at Putney, we reckoned the pace of the winning boat to be a little better than that of

The excitement of the crowds on the bank was great, but it was entirely goodhumoured they seemed to

have forgotten their feuds in the interest of the racing. So the Resident seized the opportunity to summon

every one to the conference hall once more. This time we settled down comfortably enough and with great

decorum, the chiefs all in one group at one side of a central space, and the common people in serried ranks all

round about it. In the centre was a huge, gaily painted effigy of a hornbill, one of the birds sacred to all the

tribes, and on it were hung thousands of cigarettes of homegrown tobacco wrapped in dried banana leaf.

Three enormous pigs were now brought in and laid, bound as to their feet, before the chiefs, one for each of

the main divisions of the people, the Barams, the Tinjars, and the hillcountry folk. The greatest chiefs of

each of these parties then approached the pigs, and each in turn, standing beside the pig assigned to his party,

addressed the attentive multitude with great flow of words and much violent and expressive action; for many

of these people are great orators. The purport of their speeches was their desire for peace, their devotion to

the Resident ("If harm come to him, then may I fall too," said Tama Bulan), and their appreciation of the

trade and general intercourse and safety of life and property brought them by the Rajah's government; and

As each chief ended his speech to the people he turned to the pig at his feet, and, stooping over it, kept gently

prodding it with a smouldering firebrand, while he addressed to it a prayer for protection and guidance a

prayer that the spirit of the pig, soon to be set free by a skilful thrust of a spear into the beast's heart, should

carry up to the Supreme Being. The answer to these prayers might then be read in the form and markings of

the underside of the livers. So the pigs were despatched, and their livers hastily dragged forth and placed on

platters before the group of chiefs. Then was there much anxious peering over shoulders, and much shaking

of wise old heads, as the learned elders discussed the omens; until at last the Resident was called upon to give

his opinion, for he is an acknowledged expert in augury. He was soon able to show that the only true and

rational reading of the livers was a guarantee of peace and prosperity to all the tribes of the district; and the

people, accepting his learned interpretation, rejoiced with one accord. Then the Resident made a telling

speech, in which he dwelt upon the advantages of peace and trade, and how it is good that a man should sleep

without fear that his house be burnt or his people slain; and he ended by seizing the nearest chief by the hair

of his head, as is their own fashion, to show how, if a man break the peace, he shall lose his head.

This concluded the serious part of the conference, and it only remained to smoke the cigarettes of good

fellowship, taken from the hornbilleffigy, and to drink long life and happiness to one another. So great jars

of "arack" were brought in and drinking vessels, and each chief in turn, standing before some whilom enemy,

sang his praises in musical recitative before giving him the cup; and after each phrase of the song the

multitude joined in with a longdrawn sonorous shout, which, while the drink flowed down, rose to a mighty

roar. This is a most effective way of drinking a man's health, and combines the advantages of making a

speech over him and singing "For he's a jolly good fellow"; moreover, the drink goes to the right party, as it

does not with us. It should be adopted in this country, I think. By many repetitions of this process we were

soon reduced to a state of boisterous conviviality; and many a hardfaced old warrior, who but the day before

had drawn his weapons against his enemy, now sat with his arms lovingly thrown about that same enemy.

When this state of affairs was reached, our work seemed to be accomplished, and we white men retired to

lunch, leaving one chief in the midst of a longwinded speech. As soon as the restraint of the Resident's

presence was removed, the orator began to utter remarks of a nature to stir up the dying embers of

resentment; at least so it seemed to one wily old chief, a firm supporter of the government, who bethought

him to send one of his men to pull away the palmleaf mats from above the indiscreet orator, and so leave his

verbosity exposed to the rays of the midday sun. No sooner said than done, and this was the beginning of

the end; for others following suit made a rush for the mats that would be so useful in making their camps and

boats more rainproof. There was a mighty uproar that brought us headlong to the scene, only to see the big

hall melt away like a snowflake as hundreds of hands seized upon the mats and bore them away in triumph.

It only remained for the chiefs to pay in the taxes for the year the two dollars per family which it is their

business to collect from their people, and which is the only tax or tribute claimed by the Rajah. This business

was got through on the following morning; and then we said many kind farewells, as the various parties set

out one after another in the great war canoes on their long upstream journey; some of them to battle for

many days against the swiftly flowing river, and after that again for many days to pole their boats through the

flashing rapids and over the lovely quiet reaches, where the rare gleams of sunlight break through the

overarching forest; until, coming to their own upland country, where anxious wives and children are waiting,

they will spread even in the remotest highlands the news of the white man's big boat that goes of itself against

the stream, of the great boatrace, and of how they came wellnigh to a fearful slaughtering, and how they

swore peace and goodwill to all men, and how there should be now peace and prosperity through all the land,

for the great white man who had come to rule them had said it should be so, and the gods had approved his

The foregoing account of the journey to the Madang country and of the subsequent events would constitute

the last chapter of any history of the pacification of the Baram. Since the time of those incidents, there has

been no serious disturbance of the peace; and there seems to be good reason to hope that, so long as the

Rajah's government continues to be conducted along the same lines, there will be no recrudescence of

savagery. The last case of fighting on any considerable scale occurred in 1894, when Tama Bulan's people,

resenting the offensive conduct of bands of Sea Dayaks who had penetrated to their neighbourhood in search

of jungleproducts, turned out and took the heads of thirteen of the Dayaks. It was only after prolonged

negotiation that the Dayaks were persuaded to resign their hopes of a bloody revenge and to accept a

compensation of 3000 dollars, which was paid by the Kenyahs at the Rajah's order.

It has not always been possible to make peace prevail by wholly peaceable procedures. The Baram was

fortunate in that the Sea Dayaks had not established themselves anywhere within its borders. In the Rejang,

on the other hand, large numbers of them were allowed to settle, coming in from the Saribas and the Batang

Lupar in the early days of the Rajah's government. And since the Kayans and Kenyahs were already in

possession of the upper river and considered themselves the dominant tribes and lords of the land, it was

inevitable that there should grow up a keen rivalry which could hardly fail to lead occasionally to armed

conflict. For the Sea Dayaks had been accustomed to adopt a somewhat swaggering and domineering attitude

towards the Klemantan tribes, and could not easily learn to modify it when they came in contact with the

prouder and less submissive Kayans and Kenyahs. This rivalry has been the source of most of the troubles of

the Rejang, where, since the big expedition of 1863, the Rajah and his officers have on several occasions

found it necessary to subdue recalcitrant tribes or communities by leading armed forces against them.

As an illustration of these sterner methods we add a brief account of one such expedition led by one of us (C.

H.) in the year 1904, in his capacity of Divisional Resident of the several Rejang districts; an expedition

which, there is reason to hope, may prove to be the last of the series. The purpose of this expedition was to

reduce to order a small community of Sea Dayaks that was established upon Bukit Batu, an almost

impregnable mountain which rises up almost perpendicularly on all sides at the head of the Bali, one of the

eastern tributaries of the Rejang. This community had been formed in the manner to which legend assigns the

foundation of ancient Rome, namely, by the gathering together in this strong place of various outlaws and

violent characters who for one reason or another had quarrelled with and defied the government. The same

spot had been similarly occupied many years before; and though it had been forcibly cleared of its defenders,

its natural advantages had, in the course of years, led to the growth of a new community of the same kind.

This band had raided the surrounding country, slaying and robbing people of several tribes, and generally had

been having a "gorgeous time." They had repeatedly refused to yield even when threatened by armed force.

And when the Resident sent them a peremptory message, commanding them to appear to surrender

themselves at the nearest government station within one month, they returned an impudent answer, saying

that they had so far accepted orders from no one, and asking Who was he that they should obey him?

Steps were at once taken to enforce obedience. Since to storm the hill might well cost many lives, it seemed

preferable to try to lure its defenders from their stronghold. The Resident, without giving the brigands further

warning, went up the Rejang with a single boat's crew to a point about 150 miles above the mouth of the Bali,

the tributary that flows past Bukit Batu. At this point another tributary, the Bukau, coming from near the

opposite side of Bukit Batu, joins the Rejang. Here he collected a force of some 200 Kayans and Klemantans,

and led them up to the head of the Bukau and then on foot through the jungle to the neighbourhood of Bukit

Batu. The route by which the brigands usually passed to and from their fastness was at a spot near the river,

where rude ladders of wood and rattan had been fixed to facilitate the ascent and descent of the precipitous

foot of the hill. Near this spot the force was divided into two parties, which were stationed in the jungle at

some little distance from the ladders, right and left of the path to the river; and a party of ten active men was

detached, with instructions to hang about the foot of the ladders and to retreat along the path to the river if

they were attacked. On the second day the Ibans on the mountain snapped at the bait. About forty of them

descended stealthily and then rushed upon the small party, hoping to hunt down in the jungle all whom they

could not strike down on the spot, and thus to secure ten heads and enjoy the frenzy of slaughter. The ten

decoys fled swiftly down the path, and the supporting parties, guided by the yells of the Ibans, closed in from

both sides and fell upon them. A few of the rebels were killed, without any fatal casualties to the Resident's

party. The rest fled through the jungle and many of them were afterwards arrested. Those who remained on

the hill promptly drew up the ladders and hurled down rocks. To have carried the hill by storm would still

have been most difficult and costly, and, as it proved, a needless feat. The Resident therefore contented

himself with destroying all the property of the brigands that was within reach, including a number of valuable

jars and gongs which they had secreted in a cave at the foot of the hill, and the fields of young PADI on

which they were largely dependent for their foodsupply. For he well knew that this procedure would render

the spot hateful to the Ibans; for the scene of a disaster, especially one where they have been worsted in fight,

becomes an object of superstitious dread. The Resident therefore led back his party by the way they had

come, dismissed them to their homes, and returned down river to Sibu, after sending a command to those

remaining on the hill that they should present themselves forthwith at Kapit. The order was obeyed; fines,

pledges, and compensations to relatives of their victims were paid in; and the principal men were ordered to

reside for a year in the neighbourhood of Sibu Fort and afterwards to return to their native districts.

It should be added that these Ibans frankly acknowledged that the Resident had been too clever for them, and

that they bore him no illwill; and that some of them, accompanying him on later excursions, proved

Other and larger expeditions of armed forces have in the past been led against tribes or villages, generally on

account of their having refused to surrender to the government members guilty of taking heads or of attacking

other villages wantonly and without permission. In all cases the government officers have relied almost

exclusively upon the services of bodies of natives under the immediate charge of their own chiefs and armed

only with their native weapons. In some cases the offending parties have fled from their villages without

offering active resistance; and in these cases the government force has usually been content to inflict

punishment by burning down their houses and taking what property was left in them.

It is perhaps too much to hope that no cases of taking heads or of wanton attack on jungle parties or on weak

villages will ever again occur. But such incidents have become very infrequent and the offenders have seldom

escaped punishment; for, unlike our own population, many thousands of whom live detached from all local

bonds as isolated floating units unknown to the government and to those among whom they dwell, every man

in Sarawak, with the partial exception of the nomad jungledwellers, is a member of some local group which

is held responsible by the government for his good behaviour; thus in every district every man is known, if

not as an individual, at least as a member of some community; and every stranger (or party of strangers) is

expected to be able to give a satisfying account of himself; and any who wish to work in the jungle of any

district other than their own are required to have government permission. It is thus impossible for any

criminal to conceal himself for any length of time from the government; and so sure is it of effecting arrest,

when necessary, that accused persons are frequently allowed to attend to their farms and follow their ordinary

occupations pending the time of their trial. Even when a man accused of a serious offence flees across the

border to Dutch territory, he is generally apprehended by the Dutch officers sooner or later and sent round to

The raising of the taxes from the people to defray the expenses of government has raised no difficulties. The

doortax of two dollars[217] per door (I.E. per family or household) is the only direct tax laid on the tribes.

When once the initial reluctance has been overcome, this has been collected and regularly paid in by chiefs

and PENGHULUS, including the headmen of the nomad groups. In times of misfortune, whether individual

or collective, such as the loss of crops or of a house by fire, the tax is remitted; and no tax is expected from

The Sea Dayaks alone pay a doortax of one dollar only, it having been understood from the early days,

when they were the only fighting tribe with which the Rajah was intimately acquainted, that they are liable at

any time to be called upon by the government to render assistance in punitive expeditions or in other public

works, such as procuring timber for government buildings. But this holds good only for those who remain in

The sum raised by direct taxation forms now but a small part of the total revenue of the State of Sarawak; for

the development of trade and agriculture, especially the cultivation of pepper and sago and rubber, and the

growing capacity and facilities for the purchase of imported goods by the people even of the remotest parts,

enable the government to raise a considerable revenue by indirect taxation in the form of customs duties.

The minerals, worked in the main by the Borneo Company,[218] principally gold, antimony, and mercury,

have also been an important source of revenue. The recent discovery of supplies of petroleum promises to

result in an important addition to the wealth of the country.[219] But these various commercial and industrial

developments affect hardly at all the lives of the pagan tribes, So far as they are concerned, the work of the

government may be summed up by saying that it has suppressed the chronic warfare which kept them all in a

state of armed hostility and uneasy distrust of one another; that it has suppressed headhunting and crimes of

violence, has rendered life and property secure, and has administered justice with a firm hand and a strict

regard to the customs and traditional sentiments of the people; that it has wellnigh extinguished slavery; that

it has opened the whole country to trade, and, by thus improving the facilities for sale of the jungle produce,

has increased the purchasing power of the people, while bringing within the reach of all of them the products

of civilised industry that they most value; and that while it has strictly regulated the sale of those products,

such as firearms and strong liquor, which have proved detrimental to so many other peoples of the lower

culture, it has encouraged the people to cultivate a greater variety of vegetable products, especially sago,

coconuts, pepper, and rubber, and to improve the methods of cultivation of PADI. Lastly, the government has

rendered possible the establishment of a number of excellent mission schools in older stations, where

considerable numbers of children of the pagan tribes have been made Christians and trained to fill

subordinate posts in the administrative service, or to return to leaven the native villages with a wider

knowledge and a better understanding of the principles which underlie the white man's conduct and culture.

The missionaries have exerted also among the Sea Dayaks a strong influence making for peace and order; but

they have hardly yet come into contact with Kayans or Kenyahs. Mention must also be made of the Malay

schools which the government has instituted and supported in the principal stations, and in which many

In all its undertakings the success of the government has only been rendered possible by the high prestige that

the white man everywhere enjoys; and this in turn has been acquired and maintained, not so much by his

command of the mechanical resources of western civilisation, as by the fact that, with very few exceptions,

the white men with whom the natives have had intercourse have been English gentlemen, animated by the

spirit and example of the two white Rajahs, and keenly conscious of their individual and collective

responsibility as representatives of their race and country in a foreign land.[220]

We have dwelt at some length on the government of the Rajah of Sarawak in its relation with the pagan

tribes, and, if we dismiss in a few words the administrative labours of the Dutch and of the British North

Borneo Company in their respective territories, it is not because we regard those labours as of less interest

and importance or as less successful, but because in the main they have run on similar lines and have

achieved similar results to those of the government of Sarawak, of which alone we have intimate knowledge.

Dutch Borneo comprises roughly twothirds of the whole island, a very large territory which comprises the

basins of the largest rivers and hence, the rivers being the only highways, the most inaccessible parts of the

island. The Kapuas River, for example, is estimated to be nearly 700 miles in length; and the necessity of

ascending these hundreds of miles of riverway, much of it difficult and dangerous, has rendered the process

of establishing control over the tribes of the interior slow and laborious. For this reason the process is not yet

completed; although the Dutch have had stations in Borneo since the early years of the seventeenth century,

when they expelled the Portuguese from Bruni and Sambas. But it was not until 1785 that they came into

possession of any considerable territory, namely, the Sultanate of Banjermasin, and not till after the return to

them of their East Indian rights in 1816 that they extended their territorial possessions to their present large

The Dutch settlement and possessions in Borneo were for many years administered by traders and a trading

company whose prime object was, of course, profitable trade. The problems of native administration no doubt

seemed to them at first of minor importance and interest, and they made many mistakes.[221] But, as with

our own great company in India, it became increasingly necessary, if only for the sake of trade, to study the

art and policy of administering the affairs of the native population. This has now been done to good effect,

and, stimulated possibly by the example of wise paternal government afforded by the Rajahs of Sarawak, the

Dutch have established a system of Residents or district officers who have successfully invoked the

cooperation of the native chiefs in a manner very similar to that practised in the neighbouring state. And the

Dutch officers have of late years shown themselves willing and able effectively to cooperate with those of

Sarawak in all matters of common interest, especially in the settlement of troubles on the boundary between

their territories. The enlightened interest of the Dutch Government in the welfare of the tribes of the far

interior and in the promotion of ethnographical knowledge has been strikingly manifested in the opening

years of this century by the despatch of two successive expeditions, under the leadership of Dr. Nieuwenhuis,

to study the people, their customs and conditions, and by its generous expenditure upon the publication of the

handsome volumes in which he has embodied his valuable reports.[222] On the second journey this intrepid

traveller penetrated to the head of the Batang Kayan, and there made the acquaintance of the same Kenyahs

who had recently visited the Resident of the Baram. In this way the spheres of Dutch and of British influence

The following sketch of the races and peoples of Borneo is based upon the observations of the Cambridge

Expedition to Sarawak in 1899 and those of Dr. A. W. Nieuwenhuis in his expeditions to Netherlands Borneo

in 1894, 1896 1897, and 1898 1900 (QUER DURCH BORNEO, Leiden, vol. i., 1904, vol. ii., 1907).

It is generally acknowledged that in Borneo, as in other islands of the East Indian Archipelago, the Malays

inhabit the coasts and the aborigines the interior, though in some these reach the coast while Malayised tribes

have pushed inland up the rivers, a sharp distinction between the two being frequently obliterated where they

overlap. The condition, however, is much more complicated as we can now distinguish at least two main

We have no evidence as to who were the primitive inhabitants of Borneo. One would expect to find Negritos

in the interior, as these black, woollyhaired pygmies inhabit the Andamans, parts of the Malay Peninsula,

Sumatra, the Philippines, New Guinea, and possibly Melanesia. No authoritative evidence of their occurrence

in Borneo is forthcoming, and one can confidently assert that there are no Negritos in Sarawak. Nor are there

any traces of Melanesians. It is generally admitted that, assuming the Australians to be mainly of that race, a

PreDravidian element should occur in the Archipelago, and the cousins Sarasin have noted this strain among

the Toalas of Celebes and Moszkowski among the Batins of Sumatra; in this connection it is of interest that

Nieuwenhuis discovered ten Ulu Ayars and two Punans with straight hair and a "black or blueblack" skin

Dr. E. T. Hamy in 1877 recognised a primitive element in the Malay Archipelago, for which he adopted the

term Indonesian, a name previously invented by Logan for the nonMalay population of the East Indian

Archipelago. De Quatrefages and Hamy further established this stock in their CRANIA ETHNICA (1882),

and de Quatrefages in his HISTOIRE GENERALE DES RACES HUMAINES (1889) boldly states that these

high and narrowheaded peoples are "un des rameaux de la branche blanche allophyle" (L.C. pp. 515, 521).

Keane terms the Indonesians "the preMalay Caucasic element in Oceania" (MAN PAST AND PRESENT,

1899, p. 231). Various investigators[224] have studied skulls obtained from this region which prove the wide

extension of dolichocephaly. Kohlbrugge (1898), who investigated the Teriggerese, Indonesian mountaineers

of Java, says: "Les Indonesiens sont dolichocephales, les Malais brachycephales ou hyperbrachycephales. Le

sang indonesien se decele donc par la longueur de la tete: plus celleci se rapproche du type dolichocephale,

plus pur est le sang indonesien." Volz confirms Hagen's observations of the existence among the Battak of

North Sumatra of two types, a dolichocephalic Indonesian and a brachycephalic type.

The term Indonesian may now be regarded as definitely restricted to a dolichocephalic, and the term

ProtoMalay to a brachycephalic race, of which the true Malays (Orang Malayu) are a specialised branch.

The next point to discuss is the presence of these two races in Borneo. The Dutch Expedition found three

distinct types in the interior of Netherlands Borneo, the Ulu Ayars (Ulu Ajar)[225] or Ot Danum of the upper

Kapuas, the BahauKenyahs (BahauKenja) of the middle or upper Mahakam (or Kotei) and the upper

waters of the rivers to the north, and the Punans, nomadic hunters living in the highlands about the

headwaters of the great rivers. The first of these may be classed as predominantly Indonesian and the others

as mainly ProtoMalay in origin. According to Nieuwenhuis the Bahaus and Kenyahs both remember that

they came from Apo Kayan at the headwaters of the Kayan river; they were formerly known as the Pari

tribes. In all the tribes of this group the social organisation is in the main similar, and this affinity is borne out

by their material culture, thus they may be regarded as originally one people. Tribes calling themselves

Bahau now live along the Mahakam above Mujub and include one Kayan group; on the upper Rejang are

Bahau tribes under the name of Kayan, and a small section has advanced into the Kapuas area and settled on

the Mendalam which again includes Kayans and kindred tribes. All the tribes still in Apo Kayan call

themselves Kenyah, as also those of the eastward flowing Tawang, Berau and Kayan (or Bulungan) rivers

and those of the upper Limbang and Baram flowing northwards. The Kenyahs of Apo Kayan live along the

Iwan, a tributary of the Kayan river (or Bulungan); to the northeast is another tributary called the Bahau

which seems to have been the original home of the Bahau people since the tribes of Borneo habitually take

Nieuwenhuis came to the conclusion that the three chief tribes measured by him represented three main

groups of the population of Central Borneo, physically and culturally. Mr. E. B. Haddon drew attention

(MAN, 1905 No. 13, p. 22) to the close similarity of the results published by Kohlbrugge (1903) with those

published by me (1901). I recognised five main groups of peoples in Sarawak: Punan, Klemantan (or, as Dr.

Hose and I then spelled it, Kalamantan), KenyahKayan, Iban or Sea Dayak, and Malay. The Ibans are not

referred to by either of the Dutch ethnologists, who, like myself, merely alluded to the Malay element.

Kohlbrugge and I included the Bakatan or Beketan and the Ukit or Bukat in the Punan group, and also

bracketed together the Kayans and Kenyahs. In Sarawak there are numerous and often small tribes which it is

frequently very difficult or quite impossible to differentiate from one another, although the extremes of the

series can be distinguished; we therefore decided to comprehend them under the noncommittal term of

Klemantan (p. 42). I showed that they were of mixed origin, and stated that, "It is possible that the

Kalamantans were originally a dolichocephalic people who mixed first with the indigenous brachycephals

(Punan group) and later with the immigrant brachycephals (KenyahKayan group) or the Kalamantans may

have been a mixed people when they first arrived in Borneo and subsequently increased their complexity by

mixing with these two groups" (L.C. p. 352). I also made it clear that I regarded the dolichocephalic element

as of Indonesian stock and the brachycephalic of ProtoMalayan origin. It was with great satisfaction that I

found Kohlbrugge had come to similar conclusions and that the Ulu Ayars exhibit such strong traces of an

Indonesian origin, stronger perhaps than those of any tribe in Sarawak, with the possible exception of the

Kohlbrugge states (1903, p. 2) that he has shown for the interior of Sumatra, Java, and Celebes that there are

mesaticephalic peoples distinct in other respects from the coast peoples, but not dolichocephalic. He

concludes that the (Ulu Ayar) Dayaks, being the only dolichocephals, are the only pure Indonesians, and the

rest (Kayans and Punans) are more or less mixed with Malays. The mean cephalic index of 130 Tenggerese

of the interior of Java is 79.7, but the Ulu Ayars constitute a uniform group which ranges from 7 1 to 81.4, of

which 9 are 74 or under and 9 are between 74.1 and 76 inclusive, the median of 26 adult males being

74.7.[227] [Although the median Kalabit index in the living subject is somewhat higher, that of the skulls, as

well as the cranial index of Muruts and Trings (Table C), is very similar in this respect to that of the Ulu

According to Nieuwenhuis' statistics, as given by Kohlbrugge, there is in the brachycephalic group (Kayans

and Punans) a greater range (75 to 93.3, and 1 Kayan woman reaches 97) than in the Ulu Ayars; most fall

between 78 and 85, the medians of both being just over 81. There are 8 dolichocephals[228] out of his 43

Kayan men and 4 out of his 25 women, but only I Punan out of 14. In his curve of the Kayan indices there is

a drop at 82 [a curve of my data shows a similar drop]. "I leave it an open question," he says (p. 13), "whether

this break indicates mixture of a dolichocephalic and brachycephalic group; this can only be decided by the

study of more abundant material, and requires confirmation from the geographical and ethnographical

standpoint. At all events it may be assumed A priori that if longheaded and broadheaded peoples occur in

the interior of Borneo, then mixed peoples will also be met with, and the Kayans might be such." [An

examination of my data will show that there is practically no difference between the Kayans and Kenyahs in

A comparison is also possible between the bizygomatic breadths made by Nieuwenhuis and ourselves. The

figures are those of the minimum, median, and maximum. KAYANS (43 [male], N) 126, 139, 153 ; (25

[female], N) 125, 132, 141; (21 [male], H) 132, 141, 150. PUNANS (14 [ERROR: unhandled ], N) 132, 138,

145; (19 [male], H) 130, 142, 154. ULU AYARS (26 [male], N) 12 5, 136, 145. LAND DAYAKS (42

Kohlbrugge points out that there seems to be no ground for dividing the "Indonesians" into a taller and

shorter group since the differences are slight. If this distinction were drawn, the Ulu Ayars (av. 1.571 m.,

med. 1.551 m.) would belong to the shorter group as would the Enganese (av. 1.570 m.). His 34 Kayan men

(av. 1.584 m., med. 1.582 m.) and 14 Punan men (av. 1.583 m., med. 1.569 m.) and the Gorontalese (1.584

m.) are intermediate between these and the Tenggerese (1.604 m.) and Battak (1.605). I also find this

distinction untenable, as our Kayans (av. 1.559 m., med. 1.550 m.) and Punans (av. 1.555 m., med. 1.550 m.)

are of the same stature or even possibly shorter than his Ulu Ayars, whereas our 16 Kenyah men (av. 1.597

m., med. 1.608) are taller than his Kayans. He adds that the shorter "Indonesians" live in the plains, the taller

in the mountains, but he cannot say for certain whether a mountain climate affects stature as many believe. It

is to be regretted that Kohlbrugge extends in this instance the term Indonesian to the Kayans and Punans.

Taking our measurements I find that the Kenyahs and the Muruts (av. 1.601 m., med. 1.590 m.) are the tallest

groups, then come the Iban (av. 1.590 m., med. 1.585 m.), the Kayan and Punan medians come about

halfway between the tallest Klemantans (Long Pokun, med. 1.590 m.) and the shortest (Lerong, med. 1.520

Kohlbrugge gives the following information with regard to body measurements: the Kayan women are 14

cm. shorter than the men, usually the difference is 10 12 cm. The span is greater than the stature, the

proportion is 105.2 : 100 in Kayans, 1034: 100 in Ulu Ayars and 106.5 : 100 in Punans and Tenggerese. In

youths it is rather higher than in men. The difference between Tenggerese and Ulu Ayars is due to the latter

having shorter arms, especially the upper arms, and the chest of the Bornean peoples is 2 cm. narrower. Other

Indonesian peoples have a longer upper arm than the Ulu Ayars, who also have the tibia shorter in proportion

to the femur. Kayan and Ulu Ayar men have a comparatively shorter femur than the Punan. The latter thus

resemble the Tenggerese, the others have the same relative length as many other peoples of the Archipelago;

there is no difference between the Malays and Indonesians in this respect. The Kayan women have relatively

a much longer femur than the men. The shorter tibia makes the whole leg of the Bornean peoples shorter than

in others except that the Punans make it up with a longer femur. Women and young people have longer

legs than men. The Punans have the fattest calves approximating to the Tenggerese, the other Bornean tribes

are more like the Gorontalese. The chest girth of Ulu Ayars and Tenggerese is almost the same, despite the

difference in the breadth of the chest, in which the Ulu Ayars resemble the inhabitants of Atchin measured by

Lubbers. The proportion of the length of the foot to the stature is 16 : 100 in Kayans of both sexes, 154 : 100

in Ulu Ayars, and 15.2 in Punans. But the Kayan feet are shorter than those of the Gorontalese, who have the

longest feet in the Archipelago. The other Bornean peoples are the same as Indonesians who resemble the

Malays in this respect. The pelvic breadth of the Kayan men and women is equal (26 cm.), though men have

the wider chest; the Punan pelvis is narrower than in the other two tribes; but in all three the pelvis is broader

We must now turn to the evidence of the crania, of which only a very brief account need be presented here.

Owing to the fact that the people are headhunters the skulls obtained by a traveller in any house are

necessarily those of another community, group, or tribe than that to which the occupants of the house belong.

Consequently it is necessary for a traveller to learn from the inhabitants the provenience of each cranium, and

every one in the house knows it. It is useless for analytical purposes to deal with skulls of which the tribe is

not accurately known; the information that a skull was obtained in a certain village or on a particular river is,

In Table C I give particulars of three head indices of 83 crania, of which the history is known in each case.

Fiftyeight of these have been presented by Dr. Hose to the University of Cambridge. I have added to these 5

Murut, 1 Lepu Potong, 1 Kalabit, 1 Tring, 1 Bisaya, and 1 Orang Bukit, which Dr. Hose presented to the

Royal College of Surgeons, London, 1 Ukit skull in the same museum, 3 Dusun in the British Museum, and 5

Murut, 3 Maloh, and 3 Kayan, which I measured in Sarawak. I have chosen the cranial lengthbreadth,

lengthheight, and breadthheight indices, as these are more directly comparable with the corresponding

cephalic indices of Table A. A detailed account of these crania must await a more suitable occasion.

The dolichocephalic crania are, as a rule, distinctly akrocephalic, that is, the lengthheight index is superior

to the lengthbreadth index, but this is not the case with the brachycephals. I find the average lengthheight

index in the living subject of a dozen inland tribes is 72.5 for 131 males and 78.2 for 40 females. That is, so

far as our measurements go, the women are more akrocephalic than the men, which is unusual.

The conclusions to be drawn from a somatological investigation are necessarily limited. In my introductory

remarks I stated that one could distinguish two main races among the principal groups of the peoples of

Sarawak, a dolichocephalic and a brachycephalic, and that the former might be termed Indonesian and the

latter ProtoMalay; further, no one group is probably of pure race, though it appears that some may be

predominantly Indonesian and others ProtoMalay. I do not for a moment suggest that there was one

migration of pure Indonesians and another of pure ProtoMalays which flooded Borneo and by various

minglings produced the numerous tribes of that island, though I do suggest that there have been throughout

the whole Archipelago various movements of peoples, some of which may have been relatively pure

communities of these two races. There can be little doubt that we must look to the neighbouring regions of

the mainland of Asia for their immediate point of departure southwards, for we now know that two similar

races have inhabited this area from a remote antiquity. The light (or lightbrown) skinned dolichocephals of

southeast Asia, assuming for the present that they are all of one race, have frequently been termed

Caucasians for the present I prefer to speak of them as Indonesians and of these there are doubtless

several strains. The light (or lightbrown) skinned brachycephals are usually grouped as Southern Mongols.

In the southeast corner of Asia there are probably several strains of these brachycephals which hitherto have

been insufficiently studied. Even when an Indonesian element has been recognised in the population of the

Archipelago there has been too persistent a practice of terming the brachycephalic element "Malay." The true

Malay, Orang Malayu, is merely a specialised branch of a stock for which I prefer the noncommittal name

of ProtoMalay, even "SouthernMongol" is preferable to "Malay." The ProtoMalay race has its roots on

the mainland. It has yet to be shown how far the brachycephals of this region belong to what is here termed

the ProtoMalay race or to what extent other, and doubtless allied, stocks are implicated. If, as is very

probable, there have been migrations of differentiated peoples from the mainland into the islands, the

Bornean peoples may be of more complex origin than the earlier generalisations might suggest. The

dissecting out and the tracing of the migrations of these peoples is the work of ethnography, somatology can

be of little assistance; all that I have done is to provide a certain amount of material for the use of students in

the future. It must also be remembered that the immigrants from the mainland may have had at one time

infusions of Negrito or PreDravidian (Sakai) blood, not to speak of Tibetan, Chinese, or other mixtures.

Similarly when the first migrations from the mainland took place the fairerskinned immigrants probably

found an indigenous population of Negritos, PreDravidians, and possibly to some extent of Papuans in

various parts of the Archipelago. We know that many of the islands, including Borneo, have been subject to

direct migrations from India and China, and there has doubtless been a certain amount of movement of

peoples from island to island. The racial history of this region is therefore extremely complex.

Dr. Hose has suggested the following classification[229] of the peoples of Sarawak (exclusive of the Malays),

which I have followed in arranging the descriptions given below. For the sake of comparison I have recast the

data published by Kohlbrugge concerning the three types studied by Nieuwenhuis; it is unfortunate that our

A. Baram subgroup: Bisaya, Tabun, Orang Bukit, Kadayan, Pliet, Long Pata, Long Akar. B. Barawan

subgroup: Murik, Long Julan, Long Ulai, Batu Blah, Long Kiput, Lelak, Barawan, Sakapan, Kajaman. C.

The physical characters and measurements of each individual were noted on a separate card, and the bulk of

them have been embodied in the following synopses. As my object has been to give a general impression of

each group, I have not burdened the descriptions with superfluous scattered observations. The original

records are available in Cambridge for any desirous of consulting them. The statistics given refer to the

several recorded observations; where these fall short of the total number it may be taken for granted that as a

rule the remainder did not depart markedly from the normal standard of the group in question the presence

In Table A certain measurements and indices are given of the more important groups in order to facilitate

comparisons. Very small groups and halfbreeds have been omitted, the object being to summarise the

characters of the adults of the larger groups. The median in most cases is practically identical with the

average, but where a difference occurs, the median more nearly represents the central type. The indices are

based on a calculation to two decimal places; where the second decimal place is under five it is left out of

account, and where five or over the first decimal place is augmented by one. This table should be compared

HEAD: LENGTH, from glabella to most prominent point of occiput; BREADTH, maximum at right angles

to above; BIAURIC BREADTH, from base of the tragus, pressing firmly; CIRCUMFERENCE, greatest

circumference immediately above the glabella; AURICULAR VERTICAL ARC, from base of tragus over

the vertex; AURICULAR RADII taken with a Cunningham's radiometer from the earhole. FACE: TOTAL

LENGTH, from nasion to chin; UPPER LENGTH, from nasion to alveolus; BIZYGOMATIC BREADTH,

from greatest prominence of cheek arches, pressing firmly; INTEROCULAR WIDTH, between inner angles

of the eyes; BIGONIAL BREADTH, from the angle of the lower jaw, pressing firmly. NOSE: LENGTH,

from nasion to angle with lip; BREADTH, between outer curvature of alae, without pressure; BIMALAR

BREADTH, from the outer upper corner of the margin of the orbit, pressing firmly (this was usually marked

with a soft pencil); NASOMALAR LINE, between these points over the bridge of the nose.

The term DOLICHOCEPHALIC is used to designate a cephalic index of 77.9 and under, and

BRACHYCEPHALIC one of 78 and over. Heads with a lengthheight index of 66.9 and under are

HYPSICEPHALIC. The breadthheight limits are 82.9, 83 84.9, and 85. The term CHAMAEPROSOPIC

is used where the total facial index is 89.9 and under, and LEPTOPROSOPIC where it is 90 and over, the

corresponding limit for the upper facial index is 49.9 and 50+. Owing to the character of the nose it was not

easy in most cases to ascertain the exact upper limit of the length, and it is probably owing to this that the

indices show such marked platyrhiny. Unfortunately these indices cannot be compared with those obtained by

Nieuwenhuis, as he measured to the tip of the nose and not to its angle with the lip as we did. The term

LEPTORHINE is used for noses with an index of 69.9 and under, MESORHINE for 70 84.9,

PLATYRHINE for 85 99.9, and HYPERPLATYRHINE for 100 and over. The profiles of the nose were

compared with the figures in NOTES AND QUERIES (1892). In speaking of the EYE, by fold is meant the

Mongolian fold which covers the caruncle. All the irises have a brown colour, being either light, medium, or

dark. The observations on the EARS were made by means of MS. notes and diagrams drawn up for me by

Prof. A. Keith. He recommended that persons under fifteen years of age or over sixty should not be noted,

and that as there is a very marked sexual difference, observations on men and women should be kept quite

separate. Variations in every race are, within certain limits, so numerous that he suggested that at least a

hundred of each sex should be observed; although the numbers examined of the several tribes is usually very

small, their total number will probably be found sufficient to give a fair idea of the more common types of

ears. The TYPES of ears suggested by Dr. Keith are (1) "European": this applies only to the general shape;

the folding, etc., varies enormously. (2) "Negroid": this resembles the "Orang type" but differs in being

twothirds of a circle; that is to say, the Negroid ear has a much greater breadth relative to its height than the

ears of Europeans. (3) "Orang": this is the smallest and most degenerate form of ear, seen in its most typical

form in the orang utan; it is the common female type. (4) "Chimpanzee": this is the largest and most primitive

form of ear, and is found in its typical condition in the chimpanzee; it is commonly, but not always, set at a

considerable angle to the head. ANGLE: The ear may be appressed (0), or it may stand out from the head at

an angle of less than 30[degree] (1), between 30[degree] and 60[degree] (2), or over 60[degree] (3).

LOBULE: This is never totally absent, but when it is 3 mm. or less from the middle of the curved base of the

antitragus it may be called approximately so (0), when 3 10 mm. it is small (1), 10 15 mm. medium

(2), over 15 mm. long (3). The lobule may be free or adhere partially or totally to the side of the face.

DESCENDING HELIX: The degree of folding varies; there may be none (0), under 2 mm. (1), between 2

and 4 mm. (2), between 4 and 6 mm. (3). DARWIN'S POINT: It may be absent (0), or present as a distinct tip

(1), as an infolded tip (2), as an inrolled knob (3), or as a slight thickening of the infolded part of the helix

(4); the position is constant in the upper posterior segment. TRAGUS: This may be absent (0), otherwise it

varies in size measured from base to apex, under 3 mm. (I), between 3 and 5 mm. (2), or 5 to 7 mm. (3).

Sometimes it has two apices. ANTITRAGUS: This also may be absent (0), or if present the size from base

to apex measures as in the tragus under 3 mm. (1), between 3 and 5 mm. (2), or 5 7 mm. (3).

ANTIHELIX: It is bent into an angle slightly or not at all (0), the angle does not reach the level of the helix

(1), the angle is a little within or a little beyond the level of the helix (2), it is very prominent, distinctly

As regards the HAIR, in all cases where there were a number of observations one or two of the oldest men

had grizzled or even grey hair. The hair of the head is usually worn long and often attains a length of about

two feet, but it is sometimes cut shorter and is occasionally very short. It is usually fairly abundant, but in all

groups a few persons have scanty hair. The hair of the face is in all groups either absent or very scanty; the

same applies to the body hair. The only scale of SKIN colours we had was that given in the NOTES AND

QUERIES ON ANTHROPOLOGY (2nd ed., 1892), but as this was obviously inadequate for the purpose, Dr.

Hose prepared a scale for our use in the field, the shades of which have subsequently been as far as possible

equated with those of Prof. von Luschan's HautfarbenTafel (Puhl and Wagner, Rixdorf); it is these numbers

which appear in brackets in the following descriptions, and I have also attempted to describe them in English;

the term cinamon is based on the colour of the stick cinnamon of commerce. The colours were usually

matched from the inner aspect of the upper arm so as to avoid the darkening caused by the burning of the sun.

Besides the information recorded on the cards, a number of additional data on skin colour collected by Dr.

Hose are included in the synopses. As regards STATURE the subject is described as SHORT when he

measures less than 1.625 m. (5 ft. 4 in.), MEDIUM 1.625 1.724 m. (5 ft. 4 in. to 5 ft. 8 in.), and TALL

With the exception of the observations by Mr. R. Shelford, mainly on the Land Dayaks and Iban, which are

duly noted, all the data on the living were collected by Dr. W. McDougall and myself, either separately or

conjointly, and I have to thank him for permitting me to work up the results. Our thanks are due to Dr. Hose,

at whose invitation we went to Sarawak, and without whose zeal, knowledge of the country, and wonderful

influence over the natives this work could not have been accomplished. Mr. S. H. Ray also assisted us as

amanuensis. Most of the figures were tabulated for me by Miss Barbara FriereMarreco and the remainder by

Miss Lilian Whitehouse, who also has greatly assisted me in drawing up this memoir.

Seven KALABIT men and 3 women and 4 MURUT men were measured. No descriptive details of the

HEADFORM: The cephalic indices show 7 to be dolichocephalic and 7 brachycephalic; the 3 women are

slightly more dolichocephalic than the men, for whom the median is 78.5. One Kalabit is platycephalic, 1

mesocephalic, and 8 hypsicephalic as regards lengthheight, and all are hypsicephalic as regards

breadthheight. Four Kalabits were noted as having oval heads, in 1 the occiput was prominent, 1 ovoid, and

FACE: Five Kalabits have pentagonal faces, being rather broad in 3, 2 were long and rather narrow, the jaws

are narrow in 2. They show a marked tendency to prognathism, especially dental prognathism. The Kalabits

are chamaeprosopic as regards both the total facial and the upper facial indices, with one exception in both

respects. The forehead has a slight tendency to be narrow and high. The cheekbones are moderately

prominent in 5 men and 1 woman and not prominent in 2 men and 1 woman. The lips are moderately full.

The chin is rather small, and retreating in 3. NOSE: One Murut is leptorhine, 2 Kalabit men are mesorhine, 6

are platyrhine, and 5 hyperplatyrhine. The root is high in 4 Kalabit men, narrow in 3, broad in 4 and 1

woman, and flat in 3 and 1 woman; the base is reflected in 3 of each sex, and straight in 2 men; the alae are

small in 4 men and 3 women, moderate in 3 men, and round in 1 of each sex; the nostrils are rounded in 5

men and 3 women, and wide in 2 men. EYES: The aperture is narrow in 1 man, moderately open in 5 men

and 1 woman, wide in 1 man and 2 women; it is straight with no fold in 5 men, straight with slight fold in 1

man, more or less oblique with slight fold in 1 man and 2 women, in 1 woman it is straight and the fold is

more developed in the right eye than in the left; the colour is medium in 1 man, dark brown in 5 men and 3

women. EARS: Type European in 3 of each sex, Negroid in 1 man, and intermediate in 2 men; angle

prominent in 5 men and 3 women, slightly prominent in 2 men; lobule always distended, in 2 men it is

adherent; descending helix infolded under 2 mm. in all but 1 man in whom it is under 4 mm.; Darwin's point

absent in 3 men and 1 woman, doubtful in 2 men, infolded in 1 man, inrolled in 2 women; tragus under 3

mm. in 2 men, 3 5 mm. in the rest; antitragus absent in 4 men, and 1 woman, under 3 mm. in 3 men and

2 women; antihelix below level of helix in 2 of each sex, about at the same level in 5 men and 1 woman.

HAIR: It is straight to wavy in 1 of each sex, wavy in 3 men and 1 woman, wavycurly in 1 man. The colour

SKIN: Four are lightest cinamon (12), 1 light cinamon (14), 1 cinamon (6), 2 pale fawn (pale 17), 2 dull fawn

Stature: All but 1 Murut man are of short stature, 1 Kalabit man being only 1.485 m. (4 ft. 10 1/2 in.), the 3

women are still shorter, 1 being 1.410 m. (4 ft. 7 1/2 in.), the median for the Kalabits is 1.565 (5 ft. 1 1/2 in.).

HEADFORM: The cephalic indices range fairly evenly from 73.5 to 86.9, 19 men being dolichocephalic;

FACE: One is noted as very broad and 2 as prognathous. All but 1 are chamaeprosopic as regards the total

facial index and all but 6 as regards the upper facial. NOSE: Nineteen are mesorhine, 17 platyrhine, and 6

hyperplatyrhine; 1 is noted as aquiline, 3 as straight but flat, and 2 have a low bridge; 2 have broad alae, 1

having a very concave nose, broader than long with an index of 116.2, and wide nostrils, it is evidently

abnormal. Byes: A fold is mentioned in 18, of which 3 are slight and 2 pronounced, its absence is noted in 3;

HAIR: It is noted as straight in 6 and wavy in 2; it is black in 8, and 24 have abundant hair; the hair of the

SKIN: The colour of the skin is darker than that of other inland tribes, 19 being of a very dark warm cinamon

STATURE: None are tall, 7 are medium, the rest short, 4 being under 1.5 m. (4 ft. 11 in.), the median is

[Thirtyone male and 4 female Ulu Ayar Dayaks were measured by Nieuwenhuis, of these 5 were boys under

HEADFORM: The cephalic indices range fairly evenly between 71 and 81.4, all but 5 are dolichocephalic,

FACE: It is usually of medium breadth; 2 (I.E. 6 per cent) have broad faces. The bizygomatic breadth

ranges from 125 to 145 mm., the median being 136 mm. NOSE: The breadthmeasurements range from 36 to

46 mm., the lengthmeasurements being taken from root to tip are therefore not comparable. Eighteen males

and 3 females are noted as having concave noses, 13 and 1 as having broad flat noses, none as straight or

narrow, I.E. 60 per cent of the Ulu Ayars have concave ("depressed," "sunken," or "hollow") noses. EYES:

HAIR: All had straight hair except 1 man; it is generally rather scanty. The colour is black.

SKIN: The colour is noted as black or blueblack in 10, brown and yellow in 5, light brown in 20.

STATURE: None are tall, 3 are medium, and the rest short, 2 being under 1.5 m. (4 ft. 11 in.); the median is

HEADFORM: The cephalic index is essentially dolichocephalic, 3 being low brachycephals, the median

76.8. Two are mesocephalic in the lengthheight index and none in the breadthheight, all the remainder are

hypsicephalic in both respects; 4 are pyriform, 2 oval, and 1 ellipsoidal in shape.

FACE: Two are pentagonal, 2 rather broad, and 2 long; alveolar prognathism is noted in 3, 1 of which has

also general prognathism. Two only are leptoprosopic in their total and upper facial indices. The forehead is

somewhat narrow and high, the cheekbones more or less prominent, the lips are usually moderately full, and

the chin fairly well developed. NOSE: One is mesorhine, 4 platyrhine, and 2 hyperplatyrhine; the profile is

equally divided between straight and concave; the base is reflected in 5, deflected in 2; the alae are rather

small and the nostrils wide and rounded. EARS: Type European in 5 (1 doubtful), Negroid in 2; angle

prominent in 5, slightly prominent in 2; lobule distended in all; descending helix infolded under 2 mm. in 5, 2

4 mm. in 2; Darwin's point absent in 5, inrolled in 2 (1 doubtful); tragus 3 5 mm. in 5 (2 doubtful),

rather less in 2; antitragus absent in 1, doubtful in 1, under 3 mm. in 5 antihelix below level of helix in 4,

HAIR: The hair is distinctly wavy and long; it is rusty black in 5 and black in 2. There is a moderate amount

STATURE: ALL are short, 1 being 1.47 m. (4 ft. 9 3/4 in.); the median is 1.585 m. (5 ft. 2 1/2 in.).

BARAWAN SUBGROUP This consists of 1 Murik man, 1 Long Ulai man and 1 woman, 8 Long Kiput

men, 3 Lelak men, 12 Barawan men and 5 women, 2 Sakapan men, 1 Kajaman, and 4 mixed breeds (I.E.

HEADFORM: Of the longer series the Barawans are the more dolichocephalic, 6 men and 3 women have an

index below 78, 1 Long Kiput man and only 4 others being dolichocephalic; the median of the whole series,

excluding women, is 79. Most of the men and all the women are hypsicephalic; but 2 Barawans are

platycephalic, and 1 Barawan and 2 mixed breeds are mesocephalic in lengthheight; 1 Long Kiput is

platycephalic in lengthheight and breadthheight, 2 are mesocephalic in both respects, and 1 in

lengthheight only; 1 Lelak is platycephalic in lengthheight and mesocephalic in breadthheight. The shape

FACE: Nine men and 3 women have a pentagonal face; it is oval in 1 man and 2 women, rather long in 5

men, square in 2 men, broad in 1 of each sex. All are chamaeprosopic in both respects except 1 Barawan man

as regards total facial index and 2 in the upper. The forehead is rounded or prominent in 8 men and 6 women,

upright in 4 men and 1 woman, more or less sloping in 4 men, broad and low in 5 men, narrow in 4 men. The

cheekbones are large in 6 men and 1 woman, more or less prominent in 10 men and 3 women, moderate in

11 men and 2 women. The lips vary in thickness, 10 being thin and 7 more or less thick. The chin is fairly

well developed except in 6 men. NOSE: One Lelak is leptorhine, 2 Long Kiputs) 3 Barawan men and 2

women and 2 Barawan mixed breeds are mesorhine; 5 Long Kiputs, 2 Lelaks, 6 Barawan men and 1 woman

and 1 mixed breed, 1 Long Ulai man and woman and 2 Sakapans are platyrhine; 1 Long Kiput, 3 Barawan

men and 2 women, 1 Murik and 1 Kajaman are hyperplatyrhine. The profile is straight in 10 men and 1

woman, more or less concave in 13 men and 5 women, slightly aquiline in 4 men; blunt tips were noted in 2

cases. The root is more or less depressed in 12 men and 4 women, not depressed in 7 men, broad and high in

3, high in 3, narrow in 3. The base is reflected or slightly so in 16 men and 4 women, straight in 9 and 1,

slightly deflected in 1 woman; the alae are small in 3 men and 4 women, moderate in 4 men, and wide in 5;

the nostrils are round in 7 men and 5 women, oval in 10 and 1, and transversely oval in 2 men. EYES:

Aperture is moderate in 11 men and 2 women, small in 10 men, large in 1 man. It is straight with no fold in 3

men and 2 women, straight with a slight fold in 1 woman, slightly oblique with no fold in 8 men and 1

woman, slightly oblique with slight fold in 8 men and 2 women, in 1 Barawan man it is slightly oblique with

a very marked fold, 11 Barawans have more or less oblique eyes of which 7 have a fold, 4 are straight, 1 of

which has a slight fold. Four men have light brown irises, 2 of each sex dark brown, the remainder are

medium. EARS: Type European in 5 Long Kiputs, 2 Lelaks, 8 Barawans and 2 mixed breeds, 1 Kajaman;

Negroid in 1 Barawan mixed breed; orang in 2 Barawans. Angle slightly prominent in 1 Long Kiput, 2 mixed

breeds and 1 Kajaman, rather more so in 1 Long Kiput, prominent in 1 Lelak, 5 Barawans. Lobule distended

throughout, perforated in 2 Barawans, adherent in 1 mixed breed. Descending helix absent in 1 Long Kiput,

infolded less than 2 mm. in 4 Long Kiputs, 1 Lelak, 11 Barawans and 2 mixed breeds, 1 Kajaman; 2 4

mm. in 1 Lelak, 1 Barawan mixed breed. Darwin's point absent in all except 1 Barawan and 1 mixed breed

where it is an infolded tip. Tragus under 3 mm. in 4 Long Kiputs, 1 Lelak, 1 Barawan and 1 mixed breed,

slightly more in 1 Lelak, 1 Barawan; 3 5 mm. in 1 Long Kiput, 9 Barawans and 2 mixed breeds, 1

Kajaman. Antitragus absent in 1 Long Kiput, 3 Barawans; under 3 mm. in 3 Long Kiputs, 2 Lelaks, 7

Barawans and 3 mixed breeds, 1 Kajaman; 3 5 mm. in 1 Long Kiput, 1 Barawan. Antihelix below level

of helix in 2 Long Kiputs, 5 Barawans and 1 mixed breed; about at same level in 3 Long Kiputs, 2 Lelak, 6

Barawans and 2 mixed breeds, 1 Kajaman. The 5 Barawan women have ears of European type; angle slightly

prominent in 2, prominent in 3; lobule distended in all; descending helix infolded less than 2 mm. in 4, 2 4

mm. in 1; Darwin's point absent in all; tragus 3 5 mm. in all; antitragus absent in 2, under 3 mm. in 3;

HAIR: Seven men and 2 women have straight hair, 17 and 3 wavy, and 2 men curly hair; the colour. is rusty

black in 13 men and 3 women, black in 12 and 3, brown in 1 man. It is generally abundant and long.

SKIN: Three are cinamon (6), 6 light cinamon (14), 15 lighter still (12), 3 dull fawn (17), 3 pale fawn (pale

STATURE: Four men are of medium stature, 30 are short, of whom 2 men and all 6 women are below 1.5 m.,

1 Barawan woman being only 1.395 m. (4 ft. 7 in.); the Barawans as a whole are shorter than the others. The

HEADFORM: The indices show 10 men and 3 women to be dolichocephalic, 6 men and 1 woman

brachycephalic; the median is 76.9 for the men. All are hypsicephalic, except 2 men in respect to

lengthheight. The shape is described as ovoid in 7 men, oval in 2, round oval in 1 of each sex, and

FACE: IT is pentagonal in 10 men and 3 women, ovoid in 1 woman, and lozengeshaped in 1 man; 6 men

have long faces and 2 broad. Alveolar prognathism is noted in 3 men, and superciliary ridges in 3. All are

chamaeprosopic except 1 of each sex in regard to the upper facial index. The forehead is full in 9 men and 1

woman, broad in 3 men and 1 woman, narrow in 4 and 1, low in 4 and 2, high in 4. The cheekbones are

more or less prominent in 12 men and 2 women, moderate in 2 men, and not prominent in 2 of each sex. The

lips are moderately thin. The chin is rather small in 6 men; it is fairly well developed in 7 men and 4 women.

NOSE: 2 men and 1 woman are mesorhine, the rest platyrhine, 2 men being hyperplatyrhine. The profile is

straight in 8 men and 1 woman, more or less concave in 4 men and 3 women, slightly aquiline in 2 men,

highbridged in 1, and slightly sinuous in 1; blunt tips are noted in 4 men and 3 women. The root is

moderately high in 10 men and 1 woman, low in 6 and 3; it is narrow in 3 men and broad in 9 men and 3

women. The base is reflected in 12 men and 4 women, straight in 3 men; the aloe are small in 11 men and 4

women, and moderate in the remaining men; the nostrils are round in 9 men and 1 woman, wide in 4 and 1,

long oval in 2 men and round oval in 1, narrow and elongated in 1 woman, large in 1 man, they are nearly or

quite horizontal in 3 men. EYES: The aperture is small or narrow in 7 men and 2 women, moderately open in

5 men and 1 woman; it is straight with no fold in 8 men and 1 woman, straight with a slight fold in 4 men,

slightly oblique with no fold in 2 men and 1 woman, slightly oblique with fold in 2 of each sex, the fold being

slight in 1 man. The colour of the iris is dark brown in 8 men and 4 women, medium in 7 men and light in 1.

EARS: Type European in 13 men and 4 women (1 doubtful), approximately Negroid in 2 men, chimpanzee in

1 man; angle prominent in 11 men and 3 women, rather less in 3 men, slightly prominent in 2 men; lobule

distended in all but 1 man; descending helix absent in 2 women, infolded less than 2 mm. in 12 men and 1

woman (doubtful), 2 4 mm. in 4 men and 1 woman; Darwin's point absent in 15 men and 3 women,

doubtful in 1 man, infolded in 1 woman (?); tragus under 3 mm. in 2 men, 3 5 mm. in 14 men and 4

women (1 doubtful), double in 3 men and 1 woman of these latter; antitragus absent in 6 men and 1 woman,

trace in 2 men, under 3 mm. in 7 men and 2 women (1 doubtful), 3 5 mm. in 1 of each sex; antihelix

below level of helix in 11 men and 3 women (1 doubtful), about at the same level in 5 men and 1 woman.

HAIR: It is wavy in character; the colour is rusty black in 14 men and 4 women, black in 2 men. It is usually

SKIN: Fourteen are lightest cinamon (12), 2 light cinamon (14), 9 pale fawn (pale 17), 2 light brown (near

STATURE: One man is tall, the rest are short, 2 men and all the women being under 1.5 m.; the median for

HEADFORM: The cephalic indices show 5 men and 4 women to be dolichocephalic, 3 men and 6 women

brachycephalic; the median for the men is 76.9, for the women 79.4. One man is platycephalic, 3 men and 1

woman mesocephalic and the rest hypsicephalic as regards lengthheight, all are hypsicephalic as regards

breadthheight, in each respect the women being markedly more hypsicephalic than the men. The shape is

noted as oval in 1 man and 9 women, round oval in 1 of each sex, ellipsoidal in 1 man and pyriform in 4 men.

FACE: In 5 men and 6 women it is more or less pentagonal, in 1 man and 2 women lozengeshaped. All are

markedly chamaeprosopic both in total facial and upper facial indices. The forehead is narrow in 3 men and 1

woman, broad in 2 and 1, small in 2 women, high or moderate in 2 men and 6 women, fairly prominent in 1

and 2, low in 3 men. The cheekbones are moderately prominent in 8 of each sex, very prominent in 1

woman, and not prominent in 1 woman. The lips are moderately thin in most cases, but are rather thick in 2

men and 1 woman. The chin is small in 3 men and 6 women (noted as not retreating in 2 women), but is

fairly well formed. NOSE: Four men and 5 women are mesorhine, the rest platyrhine, 1 of each sex having an

index of 100. The profile is straight in 7 men and 4 women (the tip being blunt in 4 men and 2 women, and

depressed in 3 men), concave in 4 women, "Chinese" in 1 man and 2 women. The root is broad in 4 men and

9 women (flat in 4 of the women), low in 3 men and 2 women, moderately high in 4 of each sex, moderately

narrow in 2 men; the base is more or less reflected in 8 men and 6 women, very much reflected in 1 woman,

and nearly straight in 3; the alae are small in 6 men and 8 women, moderate in 1 of each sex and wide in 1 of

each sex; the nostrils are round in 3 men and 7 women, more or less widely open in 6 men and 5 women and

small in 3 women. EYES: The aperture is moderately open in 6 men and 7 women, wide in 1 of each sex and

rather narrow in 1 man and 2 women; it is straight with no fold in 4 men and 6 women, straight with fold

more or less developed in 2 men and 1 woman, slightly oblique with no fold in 2 men, slightly oblique with

slight fold in 2 women, and oblique with a trace of fold in 1 woman. The colour is light brown in 1 man,

medium in 6 men and 7 women, dark in 1 and 3. EAR: Type European in 7 men (2 doubtful) and 3 women,

intermediate between European and Negroid in 1 man; angle prominent in 6 men and 1 woman; lobule

distended, right adherent in 1 woman; descending helix infolded less than 2 mm. in 7 men and 1 woman, 2

4 mm. in 1 of each sex; Darwin's point absent in 2 men and 1 woman, doubtful in 2 men, distinct tip in

one man; tragus under 3 mm. in 3 of each sex, being double in 1 man and 3 women, slightly larger in 2 men,

being double in 1, 3 5 mm. in 3 men and 7 women, being double in 4 women; antitragus absent in 2 men

and 5 women (1 doubtful), trace in 2 men and 1 woman, under 3 mm. in 4 men and 1 woman; antihelix

below level of helix in 6 men and 1 woman, about at the same level in 2 men (1 doubtful) and 1 woman.

HAIR: It is straight in 1 man, straight to wavy in 1 man and 5 women, wavy in 5 and 3, wavy to curly in 1

man. The colour is rusty black in 7 of each sex and dark brown in 3 women. It is long and fairly abundant on

SKIN: Seven are lightest cinamon (12), 1 with a trace of green, 5 are dull fawn (17), 2 pale fawn (pale 17), 3

STATURE: TWO men are of medium height, the rest short, the median being 1.59 m. (5 ft. 21 in.); only 2

women are over 1.5 m. and 2 are under 1.4 m. (4 ft. 7 in.), the median being 1.47 m. (4 ft. 10 in.).

HEADFORM: All but 1 are dolichocephalic, the median, being 75.3) 1 is platycephalic in regard to

lengthheight, and 1 mesocephalic, the rest are hypsicephalic in both respects. The shape is pyriform in 2,

FACE: It is pentagonal in 4, and narrow with rather prominent browridge in 1. All are chamaeprosopic in

both respects. The forehead is full in 2 and low in 2. The cheekbones are more or less prominent in 4, 1 is

not prominent. The lips are thin in 3 and moderate in 2. The chin is fairly well developed. NOSE: Three are

mesorhine, 1 platyrhine, and 1 hyperplatyrhine. The profile is concave in 2, straight in 1, and intermediate in

2; a blunt tip is noted in 1. The root is narrow and moderately high in 2, moderately broad in 2, moderately

high in 1, and 2 are fairly broad and flat. The base is reflected in 3 and straight in 2; the alae are small in 3,

moderately large and rounded in 1, and wide and horizontal in 1. EYES: The aperture is fairly open in 4,

rather narrow in 1; it is straight with no fold in 3, and slightly oblique with a slight fold in 2. The colour is

medium brown. EARS: Type European in 2, European to Negroid in 1; angle prominent in 2; lobule

distended in 1, trace in 1, 3 10 mm. in 2, 10 15 mm. in 1; descending helix infolded less than 2 mm. in

2, 2 4 mm. in 3; Darwin's point absent in 2; tragus under 3 mm. in 1, rather larger in 1, 3 5 mm. in 3;

antitragus under 3 mm. in 4, 3 5 mm. in 1; antihelix below level of helix in 2, about at the same level in

HAIR: It is wavy in 3, straight to wavy in 1, curly in 1; the colour is rusty black in 4, dark brown in 1. It is

fairly long and moderately abundant on the head; 1 man has a small moustache at angles of mouth, and 1 has

STATURE: All are short, 1 being under 1.5 m.; the median is 1.54 m. (5 ft. 1/2 in.).

HEADFORM: The cephalic indices show 4 men and 1 woman to be dolichocephalic, 6 men and 4 women

brachycephalic, the median being 78.5 for the men and 81 for the women. Three men are mesocephalic as

regards lengthheight, otherwise both sexes are hypsicephalic both in lengthheight and breadthheight, the

women being more so than the men. The shape is noted as ovoid in 5 men, pyriform in 3 men, oval in 3 of

FACE: It is more or less pentagonal in 8 men and 1 woman, oval or ovoid in 4 women, broad in 1 woman,

and long in 2 men; alveolar prognathism is noted in 1 of each sex and sunken temples and cheeks in 1 man.

All are chamaeprosopic as regards both total facial and upper facial indices, one man only being an exception

in both respects. The forehead is good in 3 of each sex, fair in 3 men, rather narrow in 2 men and 1 woman.

The cheekbones are prominent in 8 men and 2 women, not prominent in 2 and 3. The lips are moderately

thin in 4, men but tend to be thick in 2 men and 4 women. The chin is usually well developed, but is small in

2 women. NOSE: Three men and 1 woman are mesorhine, the rest platyrhine, 1 woman being

hyperplatyrhine. The profile is straight in 4 men and 1 woman, straight to slightly sinuous in two men,

"Chinese" in 1 woman, concave in 4 men and 3 women; blunt tips are noted in 6 cases and depressed tips in

3; the root is moderately high in 7 men, narrow in 2, more or less broad in 4 men and 1 woman, rather low in

2 and 1, broad and flat in 4 women. The base is more or less reflected in 6 men and 4 women, straight in 4

men; the alae are small in 4 of each sex, moderate in 4 men, wide in 1 of each sex; the nostrils are rounded in

5 of each sex, and more or less widely open in 6 men, distended in 1 man. EYES: The aperture is moderately

wide in 9 men and 4 women, and rather narrow in 1 woman; it is straight with no fold in 4 men and 1 woman,

straight with slight fold in 2 women (in one case trace of fold in right eye only), slightly oblique with trace of

fold in 2 men and 1 woman and with fairly developed fold in 1 woman, slightly oblique with no fold in 1 of

each sex, quite oblique with slight fold in 1 man. The colour is medium brown in 8 men and 5 women and

dark brown in 1 man. EARS: Type European in 9 men and 4 women (3 doubtful), Negroid in one man; angle

prominent in 8 men (1 doubtful), slightly prominent in 1 man; lobule distended in all but 1 man in whom it is

medium; descending helix infolded less than 2 mm. in 9 men and 1 woman (doubtful), 2 4 mm. in 1 man;

Darwin's point absent in 6 men, inrolled knob in 1 man; tragus under 3 mm. in 4 men, being double in 3,

slightly larger in 1 of each sex being double in both, 3 5 mm. in 6 men and 4 women being double in 1

man; antitragus absent in 3 men and 4 women, under 3 mm. in 8 men; antihelix below level of helix in 5

HAIR: It is straight in 2 women, straight to wavy in 6 men and 3 women, wavy in 3 men. The colour is rusty

black in 7 men and 3 women, light rusty black in 1 man, dark brown in 1 man and 2 women. It is nearly

SKIN: Eight are lightest cinamon (12), 1 light cinamon (14), 2 cinamon (6), 4 pale fawn (pale 17).

Stature: One man is of medium height, the rest are short, 2 being under 1.5 m., the median is 1.52 (4 ft. 11 3/4

HEADFORM: All are brachycephalic, but it should be remembered that deformation of the head is

practised by these people (vol. i., p. 48), and it is probable that the cephalic index is very rarely normal,

consequently the head indices may be neglected. Three are flat behind and broad in the parietal region, of

FACE: It is pentagonal in 4, the angle of the jaws is prominent in 1; the Miri man has an oval face pointed

below, with small jaws and alveolar prognathism. All are chamaeprosopic in regard both to total facial and

upper facial indices. The forehead is low and broad in 1, high and broad in 1, low in 1, high in 2, and rather

sloping in 1. The cheekbones are prominent in 3 and moderately large in 4. The lips are moderately thin as a

rule, in 1 they are fairly large. The chin is rather small in 4, and fairly well formed in 3. NOSE: Four men are

mesorhine and 3 platyrhine, the highest index being 89.1. The profile is straight in 4, with blunt tip in 2,

slightly concave in 2, and sinuous with blunt tip in 1; the root is high in 1, narrow and moderately high in 2,

broad and moderately high in 3; the base is straight in 5, reflected in 1, and slightly concave in 1; the alae are

moderate in 3, and small in 1; the nostrils are rounded in 1, broad in 1, moderately oval in 1. EYES: The

aperture is moderately wide; it is straight with no fold in 1, slightly oblique with no fold in 3, more or less

oblique with slight fold in 3. The colour of the iris is medium brown in 4 and light in 2. EARS: Type

European in 2, European to Negroid in 1, European to chimpanzee in 1, chimpanzee in 1, orang in 1; angle

prominent in 6, slightly prominent in 1; lobule absent in 1, trace in 3, being adherent in 1, small in 2, medium

in 1; descending helix infolded less than 2 mm. in 6, 2 4 mm. in 1; Darwin's point absent in all; tragus

under 3 mm. in 1, slightly larger in 15 3 5 mm. in 5, being double in 2; antitragus under 3 mm. in 5, 3

5 mm. in 2; antihelix below level of helix in 3, slightly below in 1, about at the same level in 2, distinctly

HAIR: One man had curly hair 1 wavy, 1 straight to wavy, and 1 straight, but the character was difficult to

determine as in all cases but one the hair was cut, being more or less closely cropped in 2 men. The colour is

noted as black in 6, and rusty black in 1, and as fairly abundant on the head in 3; several had hair on the face,

2 had small moustaches, 2 had moustaches and short beards, 1 had small beard and moustache and thick

SKIN: Three axe cinamon (6), 1 light cinamon (14), 1 lightest cinamon (12), and 1 pale fawn (pale 17).

STATURE: One is of medium height, the rest are short but none are under 1.5 m.; the median is 1.562 m. (5

Eighteen PUNAN men and four women were measured by us and one man by Mr. Shelford.

HEADFORM: The cephalic indices show 3 men to be dolichocephalic, the rest of the men and all the

women are brachycephalic, the median being 80.9 for the men and 81.2 for the women. Two men are

platycephalic both in lengthheight and breadthheight, 1 is platycephalic in lengthheight but mesocephalic

in breadthheight, 1 is platycephalic in lengthheight but hypsicephalic in breadthheight, 1 is mesocephalic

in lengthheight but platycephalic in breadthheight, 1 of each sex is mesocephalic in both respects, 1 of

each sex is mesocephalic in lengthheight but hypsicephalic in breadthheight, 1 woman is hypsicephalic in

lengthheight and platycephalic in breadthheight, the rest are hypsicephalic in both respects. The shape is

FACE: The shape varies; it is oval in 4 men and 2 women, but owing to the general moderate prominence of

the cheekbones and the smallness of the chin, it becomes pentagonal (3 men) or even lozengeshaped or

triangular (2 men); 1 woman has a broad face and 1 man a somewhat square, while 2 men have long faces.

Alveolar prognathism is noted in 1 case and superciliary ridges in 2. All are chamaeprosopic except 2 men, 1

being leptoprosopic in regard to both total facial and upper facial indices, the other as to upper facial only.

The forehead is upright in 3 of each sex, full in 5 men and 1 woman. The cheekbones are prominent in 9

men, moderate in 6 men and 2 women, broad in 1 of each sex. The lips are moderately thin except in 2 men

and 1 woman. The chin is usually fairly well formed; though small it is not retreating in 5 men. NOSE: Eight

men are mesorhine, 7 men and 3 women platyrhine, 4 men and 1 woman hyperplatyrhine. The profile is

straight in 10 men and 1 woman, slightly concave in 6 and 1; the root is more or less depressed in 9 men and

2 women, fairly high and narrow in 4 men; the base is slightly reflected in 9 men and 4 women, straight in 7

men, and slightly deflected in 2 men; the alae, are usually moderately developed, rather thin in 4; the nostrils

are oval in 13 or rounded in 4. EYES: The aperture is moderate in 11 men and 1 woman, small in 5 and 2; it

is straight with no fold in 5 men, slightly oblique with no fold in 3 men, slightly oblique with a slight fold in

6 men and 3 women and with a more developed fold in 1 woman, moderately oblique with moderate fold in 3

men and with slight fold in 1 man. The colour is light brown in 2 men, medium in 8, dark in 6 and 1 woman.

EAR: Type European in 8, European to Negroid in 4; angle prominent in 6, more so in 2; lobule distended in

9, absent in 1, adherent in 2, being small in 1; descending helix absent in 3, infolded less than 2 mm. in 6,

rather more in 1, 2 4 mm. in 2; Darwin's point a distinct tip in 2, doubtful in 1, absent in the rest; tragus

under 3 mm. in 5, being double in 1, rather larger in 1, 3 5 mm. in 7, being double in 1; antitragus absent

in 2, trace in 1, under 3 mm. in 10; antihelix below level of helix in 5, about at the same level in 8.

HAIR: It is straight in 6 men and 3 women, straight to wavy in 2 men, wavy in 8 men and 1 woman, wavy to

curly in 1 man. The colour is rusty black in 12 men and 1 woman, black in 5 men, and dark brown in 1 man.

It is usually fairly long and abundant on the head, but in 6 men it is noted as thin; 7 have a slight amount of

SKIN: Fifteen are light cinamon (14), 15 lightest cinamon (12), 11 pale fawn (pale 17), and 6 dull fawn or

STATURE: Two are of medium height, the rest short, 4 men being under 1.5 m.; the median is 1.55 m. (5 ft.

Three UKIT men were measured by Mr. Shelford. They are more brachycephalic than the Punan, their

median index being 83.3, but are slightly less chamaeprosopic, 2 being leptoprosopic in regard to the upper

The Mongolian fold is very slight in 2. All have straight black hair. One is tall, measuring 1.735 m. (5 ft. 8

HEADFORM: The cephalic indices range evenly between 77.5 and 86.1, the median being 81.3; all except

FACE: It is broad in 5 and medium in the rest. The bizygomatic breadth ranges from 132 to 145 mm., which

is rather narrower than the range obtained by us, 130 154 mm. NOSE: the breadth varies between 37 and

43 mm., whereas in the Punans measured by us the range was between 34 and 44 mm. The shape is noted as

concave in 4, broad and flat in 10, I.E. 29 percent have "depressed," "sunken," or "hollow" noses. EYES: the

SKIN: The colour is light brown in 10, brown and yellow in 2, black or blueblack in 2.

STATURE: None are tall, 4 are of medium height, the rest are short 1 being under 1.5 m.; the median is

Twentysix KENYAH men and 6 women were measured, consisting of 6 MADANG men, 9 Long Dallo

men and 2 women, 9 Apoh men, 4 Long Sinong women, and two other men. All these may be taken as pure

HEADFORM: THE cephalic indices of the three groups given on Table A range from dolichocephaly to

brachycephaly, and it is interesting to note that the Madangs, with a median of 78.1, have distinctly the

narrowest heads, intermediate are the Long Dallo men, median 80.5, while the Apoh men, with a median of

84, have distinctly the broadest heads. The head in all is markedly hypsicephalic both as regards the

lengthheight and the breadthheight indices. The shape is described as round in 8 men, oval in 2, ovoid in 3,

square in 1, pyriform in 3, and long in 2. The 4 Long Sinong women are distinctly brachycephalic, the mean

being 83.2, but the average is 85.1, owing to one having an index 93.8. They also are very hypsicephalic.

FACE: Six men are recorded as having pentagonal faces, 3 broad and 3 long; alveolar prognathism is noted in

2. All are chamaeprosopic as regards the total facial index, and all except 1 Madang and 2 Long Dallo men as

regards the upper facial index. The forehead is upright in 10 men, 1 is noted as bulging and 1 as sloping. The

cheekbones are moderate in 12 men, prominent in 6 men (1 very marked) and 2 women, and broad in 1 of

each sex. The lips are, as a rule, moderately full, but are thin in 3. The chin is fairly well developed. NOSE:

One man is leptorhine, 6 are mesorhine, 13 platyrhine, 6 hyperplatyrhine. The 2 Long Dallo women are

mesorhine, the 4 Long Sinong women are strongly platyrhine. The profile is straight in 14 men, a few others

varied. The base is slightly reflected in 14 men, straight in 2; the alae are broad in 5 men, small in 2, and the

septum is disclosed in 2; the nostrils are wide in 8 men, elongated in 1. EYES: The aperture is moderate in 10

men, wide in 6 men and 3 women, narrow in 7 men; it is straight with no fold in 6 men and 1 woman and

with a slight fold in 5 men, slightly oblique with no fold in 5, and with a slight fold in 4 and 2 women,

oblique with no fold in 1. The colour is light in 2 men and 1 woman, medium in 15 men and 1 woman, and

dark in 7 men and 4 women. EARS: Data were obtained only for the Madang. Type European in 3 (2

doubtful), Negroid 1 (?); angle prominent 2 (?); lobule distended in 4, of medium size in 1 (?); descending

helix infolded less than 2 mm. in 2, rather more in 1; tragus 3 5 mm. in 5, being double in 1, 5 7 mm.

in 1; antitragus absent in 1, trace in 1, under 3 mm. in 3, 3 5 mm. in 1; antihelix below level of helix in

HAIR: It is straight in 7 men and 1 woman, wavy in 14 men and 2 women, curly in 2 men. The colour is dark

brown in 3 men, rusty black in 15 men and 5 women, black in 5 men and 1 woman. It is usually long and

moderately abundant on the head; face hair was observed in 2 men, and a small amount on the body in 5.

SKIN: The average skin colour is various shades of cinamon; 11 are cinamon (6), 16 are light cinamon (14),

14 are lightest cinamon (12), 9 pale fawn (pale 17), 3 dull fawn or light brown (17), 6 pale pinkish buff (11).

STATURE: 7 men (3 Madangs, 3 Long Dallos, 1 Long Tikan) are of medium height; the rest are short; the

median is 1.61 m. (5 ft. 31 in.). The stature of the 6 women ranges from 1.42 m. (4 ft. 8 in.) to 1.57 m. (5 ft. 1

HEADFORM: The cephalic index forms a gradual series with a median of 79.8, all except 5 being

brachycephalic. The head is distinctly hypsicephalic, only 5 being mesocephalic as regards lengthheight.

FACE: The form varies, 3 being more or less pentagonal, 2 squarish, 2 round, and 5 oval. All are

chamaeprosopic except 1 man in the total facial and upper facial indices, and 1 of each sex in the upper facial

index. The forehead is upright in 6, and rounded and full in 6. The cheekbones are moderate in 14, and

prominent in 3. The lips are moderately full, being noted as thick in 2 men. The chin is fairly well developed,

with 3 exceptions. NOSE: Ten are mesorhine and the remainder platyrhine, of whom 5 are hyperplatyrhine,

2 of these latter are boys (aged 15); the excessive platyrhiny is due mainly to the shortness of the nose in the

three adults. The profile is straight in 16 and moderately concave in 3; the root is slightly depressed in 11 and

high in 6; the base is reflected in 11 and straight in 4; the nostrils are transversely oval in 2, oval in 5, and

round in 5. EYES: The aperture is narrow in 12 and medium in 4; it Is straight with no fold in 8 and with a

slight fold in 2, slightly oblique with no fold in 2 and with a slight fold in 6; 1 man with a straight eye and no

fold is noted as having a lash fold which is the character of a Mongolian upper eyelid. The colour is light in 6,

medium in 10, and dark in 3. EARS: Type European in 2, European to Negroid in 3, orang in 3; angle slightly

prominent in 2; lobule distended in 5, perforated in 2; descending helix absent in 1, infolded less than 2 mm.

in 8; Darwin's point absent; tragus under 3 mm. in 5, 3 5 mm. in 4; antitragus under 3 mm. in 8, 3 5

mm. in 1; antihelix below level of helix in 4, about at the same level in 4, distinctly beyond in 1.

HAIR: It is straight in 6, wavy in 12, wavy to curly in 1, and curly in 1 (Pl. 22); the colour is rusty black in

STATURE: All but 3 of the men are of short stature, the median being 1.550 m. (5 ft. 1 in.).

[Fortyeight male and 30 female KAYANS were measured by Nieuwenhuis, also 1 Mahakam Kayan of each

sex. Of these 5 were boys under 16 and 5 girls under 16, who will be omitted from the description where it is

HEADFORM: The cephalic index of the men forms a gradual series from 75 to 85.4 with 6 higher indices;

8 are dolichocephalic, the median of the whole series of adult men being 81.1; that of the women ranges from

75 to 93.2, with a slight weakening in the series about where the median 82.5 occurs; one index, 97, falls

considerably outside; 4 are dolichocephalic. The Mahakam man has an index of 78.3, the woman 74. 1.

FACE: One Kayan had a long face, 14 per cent (including children) had broad faces, the rest were medium.

In our and his Kayans the bizygomatic breadth ranges from 132 to 150 mm., except that two of his are

narrower, 126 and 129 mm. NOSE: Breadthmeasurements agree with ours. Two males and 1 female are

noted as having concave noses, 35 and 20 as broad and flat, 9 and 8 as straight, 1 of each sex as narrow and

straight. These characterisations are of course not mutually exclusive. No convex noses were observed; 4 per

cent are concave ("depressed," "sunken," or "hollow"). EYES: The Mongolian fold does not occur. The iris is

HAIR: 28 per cent of the males and 17 per cent of the females had wavy hair, 1 man had curly hair, the rest

straight. As a rule it is rather scanty, but 30 per cent of the Kayans had a moderate amount. The colour is

STATURE: Two men are tall, 6 medium and the rest short, 6 being below 1.5 m., of whom 2 are under 18

years old; the median is 1.572 (5 ft. 2 in.). The women over 23 average 14 cm. shorter than the men; this is a

HEADFORM: The cephalic index forms a gradual series, the median being 83, and therefore shows

brachycephaly. The head is usually hypsicephalic, but 1 is platycephalic as regards breadthheight, 2 are

mesocephalic both in lengthheight and breadthheight, 5 are mesocephalic in lengthheight and 3 in

breadthheight. Thirteen are noted as round, 7 as ovoid, 4 as oval, several had broad parietal and narrow

FACE: The form is noted as pentagonal in 10, oval in 5, broad oval in 4, the narrowness of the jaw producing

the pentagonal shape. The majority are chaniaeprosopic, but 1 is leptoprosopic in total facial and upper facial

indices, and 7 are leptoprosopic in upper facial index. The forehead is generally full or slightly bulging, but

may be straight and vertical; 3 are noted as being sloped. The cheekbones are prominent in 20, and

moderately so in 24. The lips are moderately full. The chin is small and moderately prominent. NOSE:

Sixteen are mesorhine, 21 platyrhine, and 19 hyperplatyrhine. The profile is concave in 23, straight in 18

and nearly so in 4; the root is more or less high in 19, more or less depressed in 20, in most cases it is broad

or moderately so; the base is straight in 24, reflected in 25, deflected in 3; the alae are wide in 8, moderate in

6, small in 9; the nostrils are oval in 10, transversely oval in 8, round in 13, wide in 9. EYES: The aperture is

narrow in 13, medium in 18, wide in 3; it is straight with no fold in 10 and with a slight fold in 11, slightly

oblique with no fold in 10 and with a moderate fold in 21. The majority are normal as regards the eyelashes,

but 3 have a distinct Mongolian character and 5 have it slightly. The colour is intermediate in 25, dark in 22,

light in 5, 4 cases were noted with a bluish margin to the iris. EARS: Type European in 31, European to

Negroid in 2, Negroid in 2, orang flattened above in 1; angle slightly prominent in 22, rather more so in 1,

prominent in 8, more so in 1, very prominent in 1; lobule distended in 10 and perforated in 5, very small in 1,

small in 13, being adherent in 4, rather small in 1, medium in 10, 1 being adherent, 2 perforated, and 1

doubtful; descending helix absent in 2, infolded less than 2 mm. in 23, 2 4 mm. in 13; Darwin's point an

infolded tip in 1, an inrolled knob in 2, absent in the rest; tragus under 3 mm. in 11, being double in 1,

slightly larger in 1, 3 5 mm. in 25, being double in 3, 5 7 mm. in 1; antitragus absent in 4, under 3

mm. in 24, 3 5 mm. in 8, 5 7 mm. in 1; antihelix below level of helix in 23, about at the same level in

HAIR: It is straight in 16, wavy in 26, curly in 2, 1 being described as crisp. The colour is rusty black in 26,

black in 17, and dark brown in 1. Eight men had a slight amount of hair on the face; the body hair is absent or

SKIN: Five are dark warm cinamon, 27 cinamon (6), 5 light cinamon (14), 11 dull fawn (17), 11 light brown

(near 17), 5 various shades of a light greenish sepia (light 3 1), 3 a still lighter greenish sepia.

STATURE: One man is tall, 11 are of medium stature, and the remainder short, 2 being under 1.5 In.; the

HEADFORM: All but two are brachycephalic, the median being 83. Mr. Shelford did not measure the radii

FACE: All are chamaeprosopic with regard to the total facial index and all except 3 in the upper facial index.

STATURE: All the men are short, 3 being under 1.5 m.; the median is 1.535 m. (5 ft. 1 in.).

TOTEMISM AND EXOGAMY. A Treatise on Certain Early Forms of Superstition and Society. With Maps.

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THE OLD NORTH TRAIL: OR LIFE, LEGENDS, AND RELIGION OF THE BLACKFEET INDIANS. By

A. LUKUT SEKALA. Value formerly one healthy adult male slave present value, from [pound sterling]

B. LABANG PAGANG. Value 5s. to 15s. Used chiefly at marriage ceremony. Kayan value in

D. KELAM WIT. Value 15s. to 30s.; or in brassware, a tawak which measures from the base of the boss

to the outer edge a span between the first finger and the thumb. Also much used in marriage ceremony.

E. KELAM BUANG. Value about 15s.; much sought after and worn on a girdle by Kayan girls. The bear

F. KELAM BUANG BUTIT TELAWA. The name means the bear bead with spider's belly. Value about

H. KELAM SONG. Value from [pound sterling]4 to [pound sterling]6; or one adult female slave.

J. LUKUT. Kenyah. Value about 10s., or a gong; value about ten to fifteen ingans of PADI, or about 7

L. INO KALABIT. A Kalabit necklace. Value about [pound sterling]5; or an adult buffalo.

The yellow beads in the necklace are known as LABANG, and the blue ones as BUNAU. The beads in the

necklace are all very old ones. The beads A to H are chiefly, though not exclusively, found among Kayans; I

and J among Kenyahs; K among Muriks (Klemantans); and the necklace L among Kalabits (Murut).

[2] Within Borneo the distribution of the MAIAS seems to be largely determined by his incapacity to

cross a river, there being several instances in which he occurs on the one but not on the other bank of a river.

[3] See especially the recently published HISTORY OF SARAWAK UNDER ITS TWO WHITE

[5] Despite Crawfurd's opinion this is now an accepted fact. Raffles's HISTORY OF JAVA contains much

interesting information on the point, and there is a remarkable statement which has not obtained the attention

that it deserves, showing that the Chinese recognised the similarity between the Java and Soli (Nagpur)

alphabets. Groeneveldt, NOTES ON MALAY ARCHIPELAGO AND MALACCA; Trubner's ESSAYS

[7] This account is taken from Groeneveldt (LOC. CIT.) who, however, supposes Poli to be on the north

coast of Sumatra. In this he follows "all Chinese geographers," adding "that its neighbourhood to the Nicobar

Islands is a sufficient proof that they are right." But Rakshas, which may have been "for a long time the name

of the Nicobar Islands, probably on account of the wildness and bad reputation of their inhabitants," is merely

Rakshasa, a term applied by the Hindu colonists in Java and the Malay Peninsula to any wild people, so that

the statement that to the east of Poli is situated the land of the Rakshas is hardly sufficient support for even

"all Chinese geographers." Trusting to "modern Chinese geographers," Groeneveldt makes Kaling, where an

eightfoot gnomon casts a shadow of 2.4 feet at noon on the summer solstice, to be Java, that is to say, to be

nearly 5[degree] south of the equator. Having unwittingly demonstrated how untrustworthy are the modern

geographers, he must excuse others if they prefer the original authority, who states that Poli is southEAST

of Camboja, the land of the Rakshas EAST of Poli, to "all" geographers who state on the contrary that Poli is

southWEST of Camboja, the Rakshas' country WEST of Poli. The name Poli appears to be a more accurate

form of Polo, the name by which Bruni is said to have been known to the Chinese in early times.

[8] Rajah Charles Brooke, TEN YEARS IN SARAWAK, quoted in Ling Roth's valuable work, THE

[14] According to a Malay manuscript of some antiquity lent to us by the late Tuanku Mudah, one of the

kings (BATARA) of Majapahit had a beautiful daughter, Radin Galo Chindra Kirana. This lady was much

admired by Laiang Sitir and Laiang Kemitir, the two sons of one Pati Legindir. On the death of the king, Pati

Legindir ruled the land and the beautiful princess became his ward. He, to satisfy the rival claims of his two

sons, promised that whoever should kill the raja of Balambangan (an island off the north coast of Borneo),

known by the nickname of Manok Jingga, should marry the princess. Now at the court there happened to be

Damar Olan, one of the sons of Raja Matarem, who had disguised his high descent and induced Pati Legindir

to adopt him as his son. This young man found favour in the princess's eyes, and she tried to persuade her

guardian to let her marry him. Pati Legindir, however, declared that he would keep to his arrangement, and

roughly told the lover to bring Manok Jingga's head before thinking of marrying the princess. So Damar Olan

set out with two followers on the dangerous mission, which he carried out with complete success. On his

return he met his two rivals, who induced him to part with the head of the royal victim, and then buried him

alive in a deep trap previously prepared. Pati Legindir, suspecting nothing, ordered his ward to marry Laiang

Sitir, who brought the trophy to the palace; but the princess had learned of the treachery from one of the

spectators, and asked for a week's delay. Before it was too late, Damar Olan, who had managed to find a way

out of what nearly proved a grave, reached the court and told his tale, now no longer concealing his rank. He

married the princess and afterwards was entrusted by Pati Legindir with all the affairs of state. Having

obtained supreme power, Damar Olan sent his treacherous rivals to southern Borneo, with a retinue of

criminals mutilated in their earlobes and elsewhere as a penalty for incest. These transported convicts, the

ancestors of the Kayans, landed near Sikudana and spread into the country between the Kapuas and

Banjermasin. It is interesting to see how this tale agrees with other traditions. The Kayans state that they

came across the sea at no distant date. Javan history relates that Majapahit was ruled during the minority of

Angka Wijaya by his elder sister, the princess Babu Kanya Kanchana Wungu. A neighbouring prince, known

as Manok Jengga, took advantage of this arrangement by seizing large portions of the young king's domains.

One, Daram Wulan, however, son of a Buddhist devotee, overthrew him and was rewarded by the hand of the

princess regent. When Angka Wijaya came of age he entrusted the care of a large part of his kingdom to his

[17] Cf. Low, JOURNAL STRAITS BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, vol. v. p. 1, from whose

[18] This is said to have been accomplished by Alak ber Tata's brother, Awang Jerambok, the story of

whose dealings with the Muruts is well known both to Brunis and Muruts. He set out one day for the head of

the river Manjilin, but lost his way after crossing the mountains. After wandering for three days he came

upon a Murut village, whose inhabitants wished to kill him. He naturally told them not to do so, and they

desisted. After some time, which he spent with these rude folk, then not so far advanced into the interior, he

so far won their affections that they followed him to Bruni, where they were entertained by the sovereign and

[19] Founded after the capture of Malacca by the Portuguese, 1512 A.D. (Crawfurd, DESCRIPTIVE

DICTIONARY). Sultan Abdul Krahar, greatgreatgrandson of Sultan Mohammed's younger brother, died

about 1575 A.D. From this fact and the statement that Mohammed stopped the Majapahit tribute, we may

infer that the latter sat on the throne of Bruni in the middle of the fifteenth century; if this inference is correct,

[20] Some say he was never converted, others that he was summoned to Johore expressly to be initiated

[21] He is also alleged to have seized the lady in a drunken freak. It is stated that the Sultan was so much

enraged at this that he proposed to make war on Bruni. His minister, however, suggested that enquiries

should be made into the strength of that kingdom before commencing operations. He was accordingly sent to

Bruni, where he was so well received that he married and remained there, with a number of followers. Word

was sent to Johore that the princess was treated as queen and was quite happy with her husband. This

appeased the Sultan's wrath. An old friend of ours belonging to the Burong Pingai section of Bruni, that is to

say, the old commercial class, says that his people are all descended from this Pengiran Bandahara of Johore,

and that the name Burong Pingai is derived from the circumstance that their ancestor bad a pigeon of

[22] Cf. with Dalrymple's account of the origin of the Sulu Sultanate, JOURNAL INDIAN

[23] He puts the longitude 30[degree] too far east; but in his day, of course, there were no chronometers.

[24] Cited in full by Crawfurd, DESCRIPTIVE DICTIONARY OF THE INDIAN ISLANDS. Article,

[25] Much of the following information is extracted from an article by J. R. Logan on European

[29] It seems not unreasonable to conjecture that the uniformly high physical standard of the Punans and

their seemingly exceptional immunity from disease are due to their exposed mode of life, and to the

[30] The Sea Dayak is exceptional in this respect; he wears a coat of coloured cotton fibre woven in

[32] The turban is a headdress which is copied from the Malays and is rapidly spreading inland.

[33] This toy crossbow is found among Kayans. Both it and the arrow used are very crudely made.

[35] Accidental tearing of the lobe inevitably occurs occasionally; and if this is attributed to the

carelessness of any other person a brass TAWAK or gong must be paid in compensation. Repair of a torn

lobe is sometimes effected by overlapping the raw ends and keeping them tied in this position for some

[37] By the Kayans the heads are suspended in a single long row from thelower edge of a long plank, each

being attached by a rattan passed through a hole in the vertex. Many of the Klemantans hang them in a

similar way to a circular framework, and the Sea Dayaks suspend them in a conical basket hung by its apex

[38] The subtribes are the following: Uma Pliau, Uma Poh, Uma Semuka, Uma Paku, and Uma

Bawang, chiefly in the basin of the Baram; in the Rejang basin the Uma Naving, Uma Lesong, Uma Daro;

in the Bintulu basin the Uma Juman; in the Batang Kayan the Uma Lekan; in the Kapuas the Uma

Ging; the Uma Belun, the Uma Blubo scattered in several riverbasins; and one other group in the Madalam

[39] All the Kenyahs of the Baram are known as Kenyah Bauh. On the watershed between the Batang

Kayan and the Baram are the Lepu Payah and the Madang. In the Batang Kayan basin are the Lepu Tau, the

Uma Kulit, Uma Lim, Uma Baka, Uma Jalan, Lepu Tepu. In the Koti basin are the Peng or Pnihing; in the

Rejang the Uma Klap. These are the principal branches of the pure Kenyahs; each of them comprises a

number of scattered villages, the people of each of which have adopted some local name. In addition to these

there is a number of groups, such as the Uma Pawa and the Murik in the Baram, and the Lepu Tokong and

the Uma Long in the Batang Kayan, the people of which seem to us to be intermediate as regards all

important characters between the Kenyahs and the Klemantans. (For discussion of these relations see Chap.

[41] We take this opportunity of contradicting in the most emphatic manner a very misleading statement

which of all the many misleading statements about the peoples of Borneo that are in circulation is perhaps the

most frequently repeated in print. The statement makes its most recent reappearance in Professor Keane's

book THE WORLD'S PEOPLES (published in 1908). There it is written of the "Borneans" that "No girl will

look at a wooer before he has laid a head or two at her feet." To us it seems obvious that this state of affairs

could only obtain among a hydraheaded race. The statement is not true of any one tribe, and as regards most

of the "Borneans" has no foundation in fact. Applied to the Sea Dayaks alone has the statement an element of

truth. Among them to have taken a head does commonly enhance a wooer's chances of success, and many

Sea Dayak girls and their mothers will taunt a suitor with having taken no head, but few of them will make

the taking of a head an essential condition of the bestowal of their favour or of marriage. A mother will

remark to a youth who is hanging about her daughter, BISI DALAM, BISI DELUAR BULI DI TANYA

ANAK AKU (When you have the wherewithal to adorn both the interior and the exterior of a room (I.E. jars

within the room and heads without in the gallery) you can then ask for my child).

[43] It is not rare to find that a child does not know the original names of his parents, and even husbands

[44] We append to this chapter a table showing the names and degrees of kinship of all the inhabitants of

one Kenyah long house. At the suggestion of Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, who has found this method of great value

in disentangling the complicated kinship systems of some Melanesian and Papuan and other peoples, we have

collected similar information regarding Kayan, Sea Dayak, Klemantan, and Murut villages. But in no case

[45] They are skilled woodmen, and know how to cut a tree so as to ensure its falling in any desired

manner; the final strokes cut away the ends of the narrow portion of the stem remaining between the upper

[48] The same connection of ideas is illustrated by the practice of sterile women who desire children

[53] There are said to be two other less common species of wild pig, but probably there is only one other.

[54] A good account, taken mainly from Skertchly, of many traps may be found in Mr. Ling Roth's

wellknown work, THE NATIVES OF SARAWAK AND BRITISH NORTH BORNEO, London, 1896; and

[55] A stick of this kind is used in many rites. It is prepared by whittling shavings from a stick and leaving

them attached at one end; so that a series of the shavings projects along one side of the stick.

[57] On one occasion on which a race between twentytwo of these warboats was rowed at Marudi on

the Baram river, we timed the winningboat over the downstream course of four and half miles. The time

[58] There is no reason to suppose that the Kayan augurs have not complete faith in the significance of the

omens, and in the reality of the protection afforded by the favourable omenbirds, which they speak of as

upholding them. Nevertheless, there can be no doubt that the strong faith of the people in the omenbirds,

and the awe inspired by them, is very favourable to the maintenance of discipline and obedience to the chiefs,

and that this fact is appreciated by the chiefs. The cult of the omenbirds, which hampers the undertakings of

these peoples at almost every turn, and which might seem to be wholly foolish and detrimental, thus brings

two great practical advantages: namely, it inspires confidence, and it promotes discipline and a strong sense

of collective unity and responsibility. It is not improbable, then, that the advantages of this seemingly

senseless cult outweigh its drawbacks, which in the shape of endless delays and changes of plans are by no

[59] So far as we know this is the only way in which the bow and arrow is used in Borneo, although the

principle of the bow is frequently applied in making traps. It is perhaps worthy of remark that the dense

character of the jungle is probably more favourable to use of the blowpipe than to that of the bow and

[60] It is probable that the observation of this practice by Europeans has given rise to the frequently

published statements that the tribes of the interior are cannibals. We affirm with some confidence that none of

the peoples of Borneo ever consume human flesh as food. It is true that Kayans, Kenyahs, and Klemantans

will occasionally consume on the spot a tiny piece of the flesh of a slain enemy for the purpose of curing

disorders, especially chronic cough and dysentery; and that Ibans, men or women, during the mad rejoicings

over captured heads will occasionally bite a head, or even bite a piece of flesh from it. A third practice

involving the consumption of human flesh was formerly observed among the Jingkangs (Klemantans of

Dutch Borneo); when a son was seriously ill and the efforts of the medicinemen proved ineffective, an

infant sister of the patient was killed and a small piece of the flesh given to the patient to eat. It would, we

think, be grossly unfair to describe any of these peoples as cannibals on account of these practices.

[63] The Malays of Bruni and the other coast settlements have, of course, used iron, and perhaps to some

small extent forged it, since the time when they adopted Arab civilisation; but they have not at any time

practised the smelting of iron ore. Between three and five hundred years ago the principal currency of the

people of Bruni consisted of small oblong flattened pieces of iron known as SAPANGGAL (about 2

[ERROR: unhandled �] 1 [ERROR: unhandled �] 1/4 inches) bearing the Sultan's stamp. This iron was

probably obtained from Chinese and other foreign traders, and was worked up into implements.

[64] The convenience of thus floating the timber is one reason for the general tendency shown by Kayans

[65] This is an example of a very common type of practice which implies the belief that the attributes of

any object will attach themselves to any whole into which the object may be incorporated as a part; thus a

hunter who has shot dead a pig or deer with a single bullet will cut out the bullet to melt it down with other

lead, and will make a fresh batch of bullets or slugs from the mixture, believing that the lucky bullet will

leaven the whole lump, or impart to all of it something of that to which its success was due. Compare also the

[66] The pair of centre columns and the main columns supporting the roof back and front should have

been drawn thicker than the accessory columns supporting the floor, and the width of the roofplates is much

[67] Some Kayans habitually speak of most of the dogpatterns by the term USANG ORANG (which

means the prawn's head). This indicates possibly some gradual substitution of designs of the one origin for

[68] "Materials for a Study of Tatu in Borneo," by Charles Hose and R. Shelford, J.R.A.I. vol. xxxvi. Here

also we have to thank the Council of the Royal Anthropological Institute for permission to republish part of

this paper, and to reproduce the plates and figures accompanying it. The reference figures of this section refer

[69] Since these pages were printed we have had to mourn the loss of our friend and fellowworker, cut

[70] Nieuwenhuis also notes (9, p. 451) that men in the course of their travels amongst other tribes permit

[71] These figures refer to the bibliography printed at the end of this chapter, vol. i., p. 280.

[72] The Sea Dayaks often employ for the same reason a carpal bone of the mousedeer (TRAGULUS).

[73] See also Haddon (4, Fig. 2), and Nieuwenhuis (8, Pls. XXV. and XXVI.); the designs figured in the

latter work are not very easy to interpret, the lower of the two rosette figures looks as if it was derived from

[74] In ancient days when a great Kayan or Klemantan chief built a new house, the first post of it was

driven through the body of a slave; this sacrifice to a tutelary deity is no longer offered, but a human figure is

frequently carved on the post of a house and may be a relic of the old custom; the figure is called TEGULUN.

Sea Dayak anthropomorphs are termed ENGKRAMBA and appear in cloths and beadwork designs, also in

[75] We apply the term SERIAL to those designs in which the units of the pattern are repeated, or in

which the units follow each other in serial order; the UDOH ASU on a Kayan man's thigh is an ISOLATED

[78] The prices in the Baram river are much higher than in the Mendalam, where a gong can only be

demanded by an artist of twenty years' experience; less experienced artists have to be content with beads and

[79] The wooden block is carefully cut square, and the design occupies the whole of one surface; this is

characteristic of the blocks of female designs, whereas designs for male tatu are carved on very roughly

shaped blocks and do not always occupy the whole of one surface. Since the female designs have to be

serially repeated it is important that the blocks should be of the exact required size, otherwise the projecting

parts of the uncarved wood would render the exact juxtaposition of the serially repeated impressions very

difficult, whilst the isolated male designs can be impressed on the skin in a more or less haphazard way.

[80] The drawing is taken from a rubbing of a model carved by an Uma Lekan; this will account for the

asymmetry noticeable every here and there throughout the design. A print from an actual tatublock is shown

in Pl. 139, Fig. 7; this would be repeated serially in rows down the front and sides of the thigh, so that

absolute uniformity would be attained; the carver of the model, which was about onesixth life size, has not

[81] For other examples of modified ASU designs employed by Kenyah tribes, see E. B. Haddon (4, pp.

[82] By this name we denote those Kenyah tribes which stand nearest to the Klemantans and furthest from

[84] The same author states that "a sometime headman of Senendan had two square tattoo marks on his

back. This was because he ran away in a fight, and showed his back to the enemy." This explanation seems to

[85] As an instance of a quite opposite effect produced by a mark on the forehead, we may note here, that

some Madangs who had crossed over from the Baram to the Rejang on a visit, appeared each with a cross

marked in charcoal on his forehead; they supposed that by this means they were disguised beyond all

recognition by evil spirits. The belief that such a trivial alteration of appearance is sufficient disguise is

probably held by most tribes; Tama Bulan, a Kenyah chief, when on a visit to Kuching, discarded the

leopard's teeth, which when at home he wore through the upper part of his ears, and the reason that he alleged

was the same as that given by the Madang. These people believe not only that evil spirits may do them harm

whilst they are on their travels, but also that, being encountered far from their homes, the spirits will take

advantage of their absence to work some harm to their wives, children, or property.

[86] Dr. Schmeltz has kindly furnished us with an advance sheet of his forthcoming catalogue of the

Borneo collection in the Leyden Museum; he catalogues these drawings as tatu marks, but in a footnote

records our opinion of them made by letter. Dr. Nieuwenhuis apparently adheres to the belief that they really

[87] Mr. E. B. Haddon (4, p. 124) writes: "The tattoo design used by the Kayans and Kenyahs ... has been

copied and adopted by the Ibans in the same way as the Kalamantans have done, the main difference being,

that the Ibans call the design a scorpion. FOR THIS REASON THE PATTERN TENDS TO BECOME

MORE AND MORE LIKE THE SCORPION ... ." The italics are ours. Is not this "putting the cart before the

horse"? It is only when the design resembles a scorpion that the term SCORPION is applied to it; all other

modifications, even though tending towards the scorpion, are called DOG; PRAWN, or CRAB.

[88] The following statement, which was written by us of the Kenyahs in a former publication, holds good

also of the Kayans: "They may be said to attribute a soul or spirit to almost every natural agent and to all

living things, and they pay especial regard those that seem most capable of affecting their welfare for good or

ill. They feel themselves to be surrounded on every hand y spiritual powers, which appear to them to be

concentrated in those objects to which their attention is directed by practical needs; adopting a mode of

expression familiar to psychologists, we may say that they have differentiated from a 'continuum' of spiritual

powers a number of spiritual agents with very various degrees of definiteness. Of these the less important are

very vaguely conceived, but are regarded as being able to bring harm to men, who must therefore avoid

giving offence to them, and must propitiate them if they should by illchange have been offended. The more

important, assuming individualised and anthromorphic forms and definite functions, receive proper names,

are in some cases represented by rude images, and become the recipients of prayer and sacrifice" (JOURN.

[89] If the dead man possessed no sufficiently presentable garments, these may be supplied by friends.

This last act of respect and friendship has not infrequently been permitted to one of us.

[93] For the views of an individual Kayan on Laki Tenangan, see vol. ii., p. 74.

[96] The idea of giving up a valued possession to the god or spirit in order to appease or propitiate him

seems to underlie a curious rite formerly practised by the JINGKANGS, a Klemantan subtribe living on the

great Kapuas river. These people, like most of the peoples of Borneo, value their male children more highly

than their female children. If a boy seems to be at the point of death, and if all other efforts to restore him

have proved unavailing, the relatives would kill an infant sister of the boy, and would cause the boy to eat a

small bit of the roasted flesh. The intention seems to be to appease some malevolent spirit that is causing the

sickness; and the eating of the flesh seems to be considered necessary in order to connect the sacrifice clearly

[100] This relation is illustrated by the fact that among the charms and objects of virtue which the

Kenyahs hang beside the heads in the galleries of their houses, or over the fireplaces in their rooms, are to be

found in many houses one or two specimens of stone axeheads. The original use of these objects is not

known to the great majority of their possessors, who regard them as teeth dropped from the jaw of the

thundergod, BALINGO. It is generally claimed that some ancestor found these stones and added them to the

family treasures. A man who possesses such "teeth," carries them with him when he goes to war. The

Madang chief TAMA KAJAN ODOH, mentioned in the following note as claiming descent from Balingo,

possessed the unusual number of ten such teeth. The credit of having first obtained specimens of these stones

from the houses belongs to Dr. A. C. Haddon, who discovered a specimen in a Klemantan house of the

Baram basin in the year 1899. The existence of such Stones in native houses in Dutch Borneo had been

[101] When questioned as to this claim, he gave us at once without hesitation the names in order of the

ancestors of nineteen generations through whom he traces his descent from Balingo. It is perhaps worth while

to transcribe the list as taken down from his lips in ascending order: KAJAN, TAMA KAJAN ODOH,

SIGO, APOI, BAUM ([ERROR: unhandled ]), ODOH SINAN ([female]), ALONG, APOI, LAKING,

UMBONG DOH ([female]), KUSUN PATU BALINGO. This succession of names, it will be noticed, is

consistent with the custom, common to the Kenyahs and Kayans, of naming the father after his eldest child.

[102] There are four words used by the Kayans to express the notion of the forbidden act, MALAN,

LALI, PARIT, and TULAH. All these are used as adjectives qualifying actions rather than things; but they

are not strictly synonymous terms. MALAN and PARIT seem to be true Kayan words; LALI and TULAH to

have been taken from the Malay, and to be used generally by Kayans in speaking with Kenyahs or men of

MALAN applies rather to acts involving risks to the whole community, PARIT to those involving risk to the

individual committing the forbidden act: thus, during harvest it is MALAN for any stranger to enter the

house, and the whole house or village is said to be MALAN; but it is PARIT for a child to touch one of the

images. Again, it is not MALAN for the proper persons to touch the dried heads on certain occasions, but it is

always in some degree PARIT for the individual, and for this reason the task is generally assigned to an

elderly man. LALI and TULAH seem to be the LINGUA FRANCA equivalents of MALAN and of PARIT

[103] "The Relations between Men and Animals in Sarawak," J. ANTH. INST. vol. xxxi.

[104] We are not aware that the "bullroarer" is put to any other uses than this by any of the tribes.

[107] The word BALI is used on a great variety of occasions, generally as a form of address, being

prefixed to the proper name or designation of the being addressed or spoken of. The being thus addressed is

always one having special powers of the sort that we should call supernatural, and the prefix serves to mark

this possession of power. It may be said to be an adjectival equivalent of the MANA of the Melanesians or of

the WAKANDA or ORENDA of North American tribes, words which seem to connote all power other than

the Purely mechanical. It seems not improbable that the word BALI has entered the Kayan language from a

Sanskrit source; for in Sanskrit it was prefixed to the names of priests and heroes. The word is even more

extensively used by the Kenyahs, who prefix it to the names of several of their gods; and the Klemantans use

[108] This procedure seems to be one of the many varieties of "crystal gazing" that are practised among

many peoples; and it seems probable that the DAYONG, in some cases at least, experiences hallucinatory

visions of the scenes that he so vividly describes as he gazes on the polished metal. The sword so used

[109] These beads seem to be designed for use by the ghost in paying for its passage across the river of

[110] Among some of the peoples it is customary to beat a big gong while this operation is in progress, or,

in the case of a woman, a drum, in order to announce to the inhabitants of the other world the coming of the

recently deceased. The beating of gongs is in general use for signalling from house to house.

[111] Small articles specially valued by the deceased are enclosed in the coffin; thus, OYANG LUHAT, a

Kayan PENGHULU (see Chap. XXII.), who bled slowly to death from an accidentally inflicted wound, gave

strict instructions as he lay dying that his certificate of office bearing the Rajah's signature and his Sarawak

flag, the public badge of his office, should be put in his coffin with his body; and there can be no reasonable

doubt that he hoped to display them, or rather their ghostly replicas, in the other world. As a clear instance of

such belief it seems worth while to mention the following case. One of us had given some coloured prints to a

Kayan boy, an only son to whom his parents were much attached. On a subsequent visit he was told by the

bereaved mother that the child had been very fond of the pictures, and that she had put them in his coffin

[112] Among Klemantans it is usual to spoil all articles hung upon a tomb; and they give the reason that

in the other world everything is the opposite of what it is here: the spoilt shall be perfect, the new and

unspoilt shall be old and damaged, and so on. It is probable that the real or original motive for this practice is

[113] Among some of the Klemantan tribes the opposite practice of shaving the whole scalp is observed

[114] In some of the remoter forts of the Sarawak government old heads that have been confiscated are

kept, and are occasionally lent for the purpose of enabling a village to go out of mourning without shedding

[115] When pressed in private after a ceremony of this kind, a certain DAYONG admitted to us that

perhaps, if we should look into the house, we should see the food apparently untouched; but he maintained

that nevertheless all the strength or essence of the food would have been consumed, the husks merely being

[116] Apparently it is not that the DAYONG claims to be "possessed" by the soul of the dead man; for

from time to time he inclines his ear again to the soulhouse to catch the faint voice of the ghost. We know of

no cases in which it is claimed that the body of a living man is "possessed" by a departed soul.

[117] Cases occur among the Kayans, though but rarely. The method most employed is to stab a knife into

[118] In one such case the body was laid out in the gallery of the house and preparations for the funeral

were far advanced, when one of us (C. H.) arrived. On glancing at the alleged corpse he suspected that life

was not extinct, and succeeded, by the application of ammonia to the nostrils, in restoring the entranced

[119] The man mentioned in the foregoing footnote had given to a DAYONG (no doubt in response to

leading questions) a circumstantial account of adventures of this kind, before we had an opportunity of

questioning him after an interval of some ten days. He then admitted that he could remember nothing clearly.

[120] The cry of this species is peculiar; it terminates with an interrupted series of cries that sound like

[122] The incident was reported by Dr. Hose to the British Consul at Bruni, who entered an effective

[123] A dangerous madman is generally kept shut up in a large strong cage in the gallery of the house.

[124] It is believed that the tatuing on the woman's hands and forearms illuminates for the ghost dark

[125] Coconuts are commonly opened by two blows with a sword struck upon opposite sides, and it

seems probable that the method of splitting the jar was suggested by this practice.

[126] In this chapter we have departed from our rule of describing first and most fully the facts and beliefs

of the Kayan people, because before planning this book we had paid special attention to this topic, and had

obtained fuller information in regard to the Kenyahs than to other peoples, and had published this in the form

of a paper in the JOURNAL OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE ("The Relations between Men

and Animals in Sarawak," J. ANTH. INSTIT. vol. xxxi.). This paper, modified and corrected in detail, forms

the substance of this chapter. We wish to epxress our thanks to the Council of the Royal Anthropological

Institute of Great Britain and Ireland for permission to make use of this paper.

[127] We find that the practices of these people in connection with omens or auspices so closely resemble

those of the early Romans that it seems worth while to draw attention to these resemblances, and we therefore

quote in footnotes some passages from Dr. Smith's DICTIONARY OF CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES,

referring to the practice of the Romans: "In the most ancient times no transaction, whether private or public,

was performed without consulting the auspices, and hence arose the distinction of AUSPICIA PRIVATA and

[130] "Romulus is represented to have been the best of augurs, and from him all succeeding augurs

[131] "Hence devices were adopted so that no illomened sound should be heard, such as blowing a

[132] "The person who has to take them (the auspices) first marked out with a wand ... a division of the

heavens called 'templum,' ... within which he intended to make his observations."

[133] "It was from Jupiter mainly that the future was learnt, and the birds were regarded as his

[134] "The Roman auspices were essentially of a practical nature; they gave no information respecting the

course of future events, they did not inform men what was to happen, but simply taught them whether they

were to do or not to do the matter purposed; they assigned no reason for the decision of Jupiter, they simply

[135] "It was only a few birds which could give auguries among the Romans. They were divided into two

classes: Oscines, those which gave auguries by singing or their voice; and Alites, those which gave auguries

by their flight." "There were considerable varieties of omen according to the note of the Oscines or the place

from which they uttered the note; and similarly among the Alites, according to the nature of their flight."

[136] "They endeavoured to learn the future, especially in war, by consulting the entrails of victims."

[139] Of the Romans it is said: "When a fox, a wolf, a serpent, a horse, a dog, or any other kind of

quadruped, ran across a person's path or appeared in an unusual place, it formed an augury."

[143] In the paper from which the greater part of this chapter is extracted this word was spelt NYARONG.

It is now clear to us that it should be spelt as above, with the initial NG, a common initial sound in the Sea

Dayak language. The most literal translation of the word is, the thing that is secret, or simply, the secret, or

[144] Almost every Iban possesses and constantly carries with him a bundle of such objects; they are

regarded as charms and are called PENGAROH; but few probably claim to enjoy the protection of a secret

[146] Now that the sacrifice of human victims is forbidden, Kenyahs and Klemantans sometimes carve a

human figure upon the first of the main piles of a new house to be put into the ground.

[149] Aban Jau possessed a large curiously shaped pig's tusk which he wore on his person in the belief

that any firearm fired at it would not go off. It is probable that his belief in this charm was connected with his

belief in the dreampig. The belief was very genuine, until in a moment of excessive confidence he hanged

the tusk upon a tree and invited one of us to fire at it. The tusk was shattered. Aban Jau said nothing; but

presumably a process of disintegration began in his mind; for after some hours he remarked that his charm

[150] Dr. Boas is of the opinion that the totems of the Indians of British Columbia have been developed

from the personal MANITOU, the guardian animals acquired by youths in dreams. Miss A. C. Fletcher is led

to a similar conclusion by a study of the totems of the Omaha tribe of Indians (IMPORT OF THE TOTEM,

Salem, Mass., 1897). The facts described above in connection with the NGARONG of the Ibans and similar

allied institutions among other tribes of Sarawak would seem, then, to support the views of these authors as to

[151] Sixteen different methods, most of which combine the notion of soulcatching with that of

exorcism, are enumerated and described by Mr. E. H. Gomes in his recent work, SEVENTEEN YEARS

[152] In a recent note in the JOURNAL OF THE SARAWAK MUSEUM, Jan. 1911, Mr. W. Howell

states that the power of TAU TEPANG is supposed to be transmitted in certain families from generation to

generation; that the head of a TAU TEPANG man leaves his body at night and goes about doing harm,

especially to the crops; that the power is passed on to a child of a TAU TEPANG family by the mother, who

[154] The people are naturally reticent about this rite. The facts were brought to our knowledge by a case

which is instructive in several ways. A Sebop had murdered a Chinese trader and taken his head. He was

ordered to surrender himself for trial at the fort within the space of one month, and informed that he would be

taken alive or dead if he failed to present himself. He refused and took to the jungle. Upon which one of the

upcountry chiefs (Tama Bulan) was commissioned to arrest him. The murderer was found in the jungle and

called on to surrender, but refused, and died fighting. At this his brother was enraged against the chief and

made the TEGULUN against him; and being at a distance from his victim, the man was at no pains to keep

the matter secret, and it came to the ears of the chief. He, although the most enlightened native in the country,

felt uneasy under this terrific malediction and complained to the Resident, who insisted on a public taking

"O holy DAYONG; thou who lovest mankind, Bring back thy servant from Leman, The region between the

[157] Although breach of custom and of LALI by any individual may bring misfortune on the whole

household, the offending individual is regarded as specially liable to wasting sickness with diarrhoea and

[158] We have a wooden image of this being. It is rudely anthropomorphic, and is covered with fishlike

scales. Its sex is indeterminate. He is supposed to ascend the river from the sea, kneeling on the back of a

[159] The sword handle is sometimes made of hard wood, but generally of deer's horn, very elaborately

carved (see Pl. 129). It seems possible that this elaborate carving which, in spite of many minor variations, is

of only two fundamental types, is or was at one time connected with this myth. But we have not been able to

[161] Cf. an Iban story given in Perham's "SeaDayak Gods," J.S.B.R.A. SOC. ix. 236.

[162] This greeting of the passerby and the charging him with some commission is very characteristic of

[163] A form of trial by ordeal occasionally practised by Ibans and other tribes.

[164] This refers to the difference of colour between the carapace and the plastron.

[167] This is the only mention of rainmaking that has come to our notice among any of the Borneans.

[168] This notion of an atmosphere or "odour" of virtue attaching to material objects pervades the thought

and practice of Kayans. As another illustration of it, we may remark that a Kayan will wear for a long time,

and will often refuse to wash, a garment which has been worn and afterwards given to him by a European

"Megiong ujong bayoh Mansip anak yap cheep, cheep. Lematei telayap, Telayap abing, Lematei Laki

"The branches of the bayoh tree are swaying With the sound of little chickscheep, cheep, The lizards are

dead, There are no lizards any more, Grayhaired Laki Laying is dead, The old jungle man is dead."

The reference to the Punan in this lullaby may be explained by saying that the children are frightened

[171] Even when in tatuing blood is drawn, as almost inevitably occurs, beads are given the tatuer to

[172] It came into use, no doubt, through the hospitable offering of cigarettes by the women of the

[173] The omen birds are not consulted in the hope of obtaining favourable omens; but rather special

events are regarded as of evil omen; such are any outbreak of fire in the house, any fatal accident to any

member of the house, the repeated crying of the muntjac (the barking deer) about the house. In one instance

known to us the attractive daughter of a Kenyah chief had three times been compelled by series of bad omens

[174] Some few communities of Punans live in the large caves of the limestone mountains; it seems

possible that this is a survival of a very ancient custom that preceded the making of shelters, however rude;

but we know of no facts which can be regarded as supporting this view, save that we have found human

bones of uncertain age in several caves. Some of these caves have undoubtedly been used as burialplaces,

[176] Perhaps the most commonly used is a doubleended spatula. With this the head of the family stirs

the boiled sago, and then conveys it to his own mouth on one end and to his wife's mouth on the other.

[177] Formerly, they say, they cooked in green bamboos; and this is still done occasionally. They also

[178] This occurrence of incest between couples brought up in the same household is, of course, difficult

to reconcile with Prof. Westermarck's wellknown theory of the ground of the almost universal feeling

against incest, namely that it depends upon sexual aversion or indifference engendered by close proximity

during childhood. But medical men who have experience of slum practice in European towns can supply

similar evidence in large quantity. And the medical psychologists of the school of Freud could cite much

We cannot refrain from throwing out here a speculative suggestion towards the explanation of the feeling

against incest which seems to find support in certain of the facts of this area. It seems to us that the feeling

with which incest is regarded is an example of a feeling or sentiment engendered in each generation by law

and tradition, rather than a spontaneous reaction of individuals, based on some special instinct or innate

tendency. The occurrence of incest between brothers and sisters, and the strong feeling of the Sea Dayaks

against incest between nephew and aunt (who often are members of distinct communities), are facts which

seem to us fatal to Prof. Westermarck's theory, as well as to point strongly to the view that the sentiment has

a purely conventional or customary source. Now, if we accept some such view of the constitution of primitive

society as has been suggested by Messrs. Atkinson and Lang (PRIMAL LAW), namely, that the social group

consisted of a single patriarch and a group of wives and daughters, over all of whom he exercised unrestricted

power or rights; we shall see that the first step towards the constitution of a higher form of society must have

been the strict limitation of his rights over certain of the women, in order that younger males might be

incorporated in the society and enjoy the undisputed possession of them. The patriarch, having accepted this

limitation of his rights over his daughters for the sake of the greater security and strength of the band given

by the inclusion of a certain number of young males, would enforce all the more strictly upon them his

prohibition against any tampering with the females of the senior generation. Thus very strict prohibitions and

severe penalties against the consorting of the patriarch with the younger generation of females, I.E. his

daughters, and against intercourse between the young males admitted to membership of the group and the

wives of the patriarch, would be the essential conditions of advance of social organisation. The enforcement

of these penalties would engender a traditional sentiment against such unions, and these would be the unions

primitively regarded as incestuous. The persistence of the tendency of the patriarch's jealousy to drive his

sons out of the family group as they attained puberty would render the extension of this sentiment to

brotherandsister unions easy and almost inevitable. For the young male admitted to the group would be

one who came with a price in his hand to offer in return for the bride he sought. Such a price could only be

exacted by the patriarch on the condition that he maintained an absolute prohibition on sexual relations

It is not impossible that a trace of the primitive state of society imagined by Messrs. Atkinson and Lang

survives in the fact that a Kayan chief may, if he is so inclined, temporarily possess himself of the wife of any

of his men without raising the strong resentment and incurring the penalties which would attend adultery on

the part of any other man of the house; but the law against incest with his daughters, whether natural or

adopted, would be enforced against him by the cooperation of the chiefs of neighbouring houses and

[179] A limestone cliff whose foot is washed by the Baram river and which contains a number of caves

(known as Batu Gading, or the ivory rock) is said by a Kayan legend to have been formed by a Kayan house

[181] See vol. ii. p. 296 for a striking example of selfcontrol displayed by this great man under most

[182] Only one evil effect of the success of these efforts for the spread of peace has come under our

notice, namely, a tendency in some communities to economise labour by building flimsy houses in place of

the massive and roomy structures which were fortresses as well as dwellingplaces.

[183] The desire of the people inhabiting a branch of the river to shut themselves off from all intercourse

with the areas in which an epidemic disease is raging, is sometimes disregarded by Malay or Chinese traders;

This desire for seclusion as a safeguard against epidemics is by no means peculiar to the tribes of the interior

of Borneo, but seems to be shared by many savage and barbarous peoples. It is one that ought to be strictly

respected by all travellers; and we have no doubt that the disregard of this desire by European explorers,

ignorant, no doubt, of its existence or of the practical and rational grounds on which it is based, has been the

cause in many cases of their hostile reception by native tribes and potentates, and has led to bloodshed and

punitive expeditions which might have been wholly avoided if the explorers had been equipped with some

general knowledge of, and some respect for, the principles of conduct of savage peoples.

[184] In view of the valuable properties now attributed to spermin in some scientific quarters, it would be

rash to assert that this treatment can have no therapeutic value. It is of interest to note that prolonged working

of camphor in the jungle is said to produce impotence and that, in order to avoid this, the workers make

frequent breaks and will not prolong a camphorgathering expedition beyond a limited period. For impotence

[185] It seems possible that the Punans acquire some degree of immunity to the effects of the IPOH

poison through constantly handling it and applying it in the ways mentioned above. The only evidence in

support of this that we can offer is the fact that the Punans handle their poisoned darts much more recklessly

[186] There is current among the Klemantans a larger number of such myths than among the Kayans.

[187] The second occurred during the residence of one of us (C. H.) in the Baram, and the alarm of the

people was largely prevented by the issue to all the chiefs of TEBUKU (tallies) foretelling the date of its

incidence. Nevertheless one woman, at least, was so much frightened by the spectacle that she ran into her

[189] The horn of the small and rare Bornean rhinoceros is the most highly valued of the various

[190] Although it is impossible to form any estimate of the numbers of such imported slaves of negroid

type, it is, we assert, a fact that some have been imported. We have trustworthy information of the possession

[191] In the course of measuring and observing the physical characters of some 350 individuals of the

various tribes, we recorded in each case the eye characters. Of a group of 80 subjects made up of Kenyahs,

Klemantans, and Punans (who in this respect do not differ appreciably from one another), we noted a

moderately marked Mongolian fold in 14 subjects, the rest having in equal numbers either no fold or but a

slight trace of it. As regards obliquity of the aperture, in rather more than half it was recorded as slight, in one

quarter as lacking, and in the rest as moderate. As regards the size of palpebral apertures, half were noted as

medium, and about one quarter as small, and the remaining quarter as large. In the main, obliquity and

smallness of aperture go with the presence of the Mongolian fold. The most common form of eye in this

group may therefore be described as very slightly oblique, moderately large, and having a slight trace of the

[195] Prof. A. H. Keane (MAN, PAST AND PRESENT, p. 206), after citing the statements of various

observers to the effect that persons of almost purely Caucasic or European type are not infrequently

encountered among several of the tribes of Upper Burma, Tonking, and Assam, notably the Shans, and the

allied peoples known as Chins, Karens, Kyens, and Kakhyens, writes: "Thus is again confirmed by the latest

investigations, and by the conclusions of some of the leading members of the French school of anthropology,

the view first advanced by me in 1879, that peoples of the Caucasic (here called 'Aryan') division had already

spread to the utmost confines of southeast Asia in remote prehistoric times, and had in this region even

preceded the first waves of Mongolic migration radiating from their cradleland on the Tibetian plateau."

While we accept this view, so ably maintained by Keane, it is only fair to point out that J. R. Logan, in a

paper published in 1850, had maintained that a Gangetic people (by WHICH HE meant a people formed in

the Gangetic plain by the blending of Caucasic and Mongoloid stocks) bad wandered at a remote epoch into

the area that is now Burma, following the shore of the IndoMalayan sea; and that he recognised the Karens

and Kakhyens as the modern representatives of this people of partially Caucasic origin ("The Ethnology of

[196] Nieuwenhuis publishes a photograph of such carvings found in the Mahakan or Upper Kotei river.

They included fragments of a cylindrical column and what seems to be a caparisoned kneeling elephant.

[197] "The Ethnology of Eastern Asia," JOURN. OF INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO, vol. iv. p. 478.

[198] We have not been able to find any full and satisfactory description of the Karens, but we have

brought together whatever statements about them and the tribes most nearly related to them seem significant

for our purpose from the following sources. The figures in brackets in the text refer to this list.

(1) J. R. Logan, "The Ethnology of Eastern Asia," LOC. CIT. (2) Lieut.Col. James Low on "The Karean

Tribes of Martaban and Javai," JOURN. OF INDIAN ARCH., vol. iv. (3) A. R. McMahon, THE KARENS

OF THE GOLDEN CHERSONESE, London, 1876. (4) E. B. Cross, "The Karens," JOURN. OF THE

AMER. ORIENTAL SOC., 1854. (5) T. Mason, "The Karens," JOURN. OF THE ASIATIC SOC., 1866, part

ii. (6) D. M. Smeaton, THE LOYAL KARENS OF BURMA, London, 1887. (7) J. Anderson, FROM

MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. (8) Lieut.Col. Waddell, "Tribes of the Brahmaputra Valley," JOURN. OF

THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOC., 1900. (9) A. R. Colquhoun, AMONG THE SHANS, London, 1885. (10) T.

C. Hodson, NAGA TRIBES OF MANIPUR, London, 1911. (11) T.C. Hodson, "The Assam Hills, " a paper

read before the Geographical Society of Liverpool in 1905. (12) Sir J. G. Scott, BURMA. (13) A. H. Keane,

MAN, PAST AND PRESENT, London, 1899. (14) J. Deniker, THE RACES OF MAN, London, 1900.

[201] This, however, is a statement which perhaps might loosely be made of the Kayans. Cp. vol. ii. p. 34.

[202] [The Kuki's are normally not considered Nagas. They live in the same area, but are far more recent

[203] It is worthy of note that the Kayans have long used and highly prize for the decoration of their

swords the hair of the Tibetan goat dyed a dark red, and have continued to obtain this hair at a great price

from Malay and Chinese traders. The wild tribes of the Chin hills, said to be closely akin to the Kukis, adorn

their shields with tassels of goat's hair dyed red (see THE CHIN HILLS, by B. S. Carey and H. N. Tuck,

Rangoon, 1896). According to the same authorities, these Chins are inveterate headhunters. They read

omens in the livers of pigs and other beasts, and in the cries of birds; they wear a loincloth like the Kayan

Bah; they scare pests from their PADI fields by means of an apparatus like that used by Kayans (vol. i. p.

102); they floor their houses with huge planks hewn out with an adze very similar to the Kayan adze.

[204] Some communities of Malanaus never plant rice, but rely for their principal food supply upon the

numerous sagopalms which they have planted round about their villages. It is doubtful whether these have

[205] Deniker (RACES OF MAN, p. 392) describes, under the name MOIS, an aboriginal tribe of Annam

in terms which show that they present many points of similarity with the Muruts.

[206] The Malay does not, like the Iban, make use of the various animal designs, but confines himself to

simple geometrical patterns but this difference is probably a result of the adoption of the Moslem religion.

[207] Most Ibans now procure the PARANG ILANG of the Kayans and copy their wooden shields.

[208] The firepiston is found also in North Borneo, but with this exception is peculiar to the Ibans

among the pagan tribes. It has been widely used by the Malays of the peninsula and those of Menangkaban in

Sumatra (see H. Balfour, "The Fire Piston," in volume of essays in honour of E. B. Tylor).

[209] The general use of this mat is common to the Kenyahs, Punans, and most of the Klemantans, but it

is comparatively rare among the Kayans; this is a significant fact, for such a mat is more needed by a jungle

dweller than by one whose home is a wellbuilt house. We have not met with any mention of such a mat

[210] See the vocabularies of the Kayan, Kenyah, and Kalabit (Murut) languages recently published by

Mr. R. S. Douglas, Resident of the Baram district, in the JOURNAL OF THE SARAWAK MUSEUM, Feb.

[211] This is clearly shown in the article "BALI" of Monier Williams's SANSKRIT DICTIONARY.

[212] For a full account of these transactions and for the later history of Sarawak in general the reader

may be referred to the recently published SARAWAK UNDER TWO WHITE RAJAHS, by Messrs.

[213] The principles according to which the government has been conducted cannot be better expressed

than in the following words of H. H. Sir Charles Brooke, the present Rajah. Writing in the SARAWAK

GAZETTE of September 2, 1872, he observed that a government such as that of Sarawak may "start from

things as we find them, putting its veto on what is dangerous or unjust and supporting what is fair and

equitable in the usages of the natives, and letting system and legislation wait upon occasion. When new wants

are felt it examines and provides for them by measures rather made on the spot than imported from abroad;

and, to ensure that these shall not be contrary to native customs, the consent of the people is gained for them

before they are put in force. The white man's socalled privilege of class is made little of and the rules of

government are framed with greater care for the interests of the majority who are not European than for those

[215] These three masks were afterwards given to the Resident, and are now in the British Museum.

[216] "A Savage PeaceConference," by W. McDougall, THE EAGLE, the magazine of St. John's

[217] The dollar is the Straits Settlements dollar; its value in English money is two shillings and

[218] This Company has enjoyed, for more than half a century, the right to work minerals in Sarawak,

paying royalty to the government; it has been and is the principal channel through which the natural products

of the country have been brought into the world's markets. It has always worked in harmony with the

government, and to the judicious conduct of its affairs the present material prosperity of the country is largely

due. An important development of the Company's activity in recent years has been the planting of large areas

[219] The beneficent and active interest taken by the Rajah in the prosperity of the natives, and the

paternal character of his government, are well illustrated by a recently issued order. It is within the memory

of all that in the years 1910 and 1911 occurred the great rubber "boom" in the markets of Europe. With the

hope of vast profits, speculators hurried to every region where rubber was known to grow. The seeds of the

Para rubberplant had been introduced to Sarawak many years before; the suitability of the soil and climate

for the production of the best quality of Para rubber had been abundantly demonstrated and the natives had

been encouraged to plant for their own profit the seeds and young plants which were distributed to them from

the government stations, so that when the boom came many of them possessed small plantations of the trees

that "lay the golden eggs." The speculators were everywhere seeking to buy these plantations at prices which,

though they seemed handsome to the natives, were low enough to provide a very large profit to the buyers.

The Rajah caused warnings to be published and brought to the notice of the natives, and informed them that

they were at full liberty to appropriate jungle. land for the formation of rubber plantations, and that their

tenure of such lands would be secured to them so long as they cared for the trees and worked the rubber

properly. He further ordered that no sales of rubber plantations should be effected without the knowledge and

[220] The Rajahs of Sarawak have personally chosen and appointed their white officers with the greatest

care; and their good judgment has secured for, their country the services of a number of Englishmen of high

abilities and sterling moral quality. Of those members of the Sarawak service who have passed away, the

following have preeminent claims to be gratefully remembered by the people of the country: James Brooke

Brooke (nephew of the first Rajah), W. Brereton, A. C. Crookshank, J. B. Cruickshank, C. C. de Crespigny,

[221] Crawford, a leading authority on the history of the East Indian Islands, wrote of the Dutch in

Borneo of the early times "Their sole object, according to the commercial principles of the time, was to

obtain, through arrangements with the native prince, the staple products of the country at prices below their

natural cost, and to sell them above it... . The result of these (arrangements) was the decline of the trade of

Banjermasin; its staple product, pepper, which had at one time been considerable, having become nearly

[223] Dr. A. W. Nieuwenhuis, "Anthropometrische Untersuchungen bei den Dajak." Bearbeitet durch Dr.

J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, MITT. AUS DEM NIEDERL. REICHSMUS. FUR VOLKERK. ser. ii. No. 5, Haarlem,

1903. Owing to the inaccessibility of this memoir, I have incorporated his more important observations in this

Virchow, R., Z.F.E., xvii., 1885, p. (270), in which he states that of 47 "Dayak" skulls in the museums of

Paris, Amsterdam, and the Royal College of Surgeons, London, 20 were dolichocephalic, 12 mesaticephalic,

Hagen, B., VERH. D. KON. AKAD. D. WETENSCH. NATUURKUND, xxviii., Amsterdam, 1890.

[225] Nieuwenhuis usually speaks of these as Ulu Ajar Dajak. I have more than once deprecated this use

of the term "Dayak" as it has simply come to mean a nonMalayan inhabitant of Borneo, for example, we

find "Kenjah Dajak" on his map. In Sarawak this term is confined to the Sea Dayaks and Land Dayaks, for

the former I have suggested that the native name Iban be adopted, but I have not been able to find a suitable

native name for the Land Dayaks of Sarawak who are probably allied to the Ulu Ayars.

[226] The foregoing statement is taken from Nieuwenhuis, but Dr. Hose sends me the following remarks:

"The Uma Timi and Uma Klap of the Upper Rejang are possibly Bahautribes but the four Kayan tribes of the

Upper Rejang, the Uma Bawang, Uma Naving, Uma Daro and Uma Lesong say that they came from Usun

"The Kayans in the Kapuas are the Uma Ging, and the only Kayans that I know of in the Bulungan river are

"Apo Kayan or Usun Apo is the country from which the Batang Kayan river or Bulungan, the Kotei, and their

great tributaries rise on the one side, and the tributaries of the Rejang and Baram on the other. It extends from

the Bahau river in the north to the Mahakam in the south. The Kenyahs of the Baram are spoken of by the

[227] In order to make Kohlbrugge's data comparable with ours I have in all cases grouped his youths and

[229] This was drawn up by Dr. Hose from his general knowledge of the people of Sarawak, and it will be

found to agree very closely with the anthropometric data, thus we may regard it as expressing the present

18. CHAPTER 13. Ideas of Spiritual Existences and the Practices Arising From Them, page = 110

19. CHAPTER 14. Ideas of the Soul Illustrated by Burial Customs, Soul-Catching, and Exorcism, page = 120

20. CHAPTER 15. Animistic Beliefs Connected with Animals and Plants[126], page = 129