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SLAVERY IN MASSACHUSETTS ..................................................................................................................1

Henry David Thoreau..............................................................................................................................1

I LATELY ATTENDED a meeting of the citizens of Concord, expecting, as one among many, to speak on

the subject of slavery in Massachusetts; but I was surprised and disappointed to find that what had called my

townsmen together was the destiny of Nebraska, and not of Massachusetts, and that what I had to say would

be entirely out of order. I had thought that the house was on fire, and not the prairie; but though several of the

citizens of Massachusetts are now in prison for attempting to rescue a slave from her own clutches, not one of

the speakers at that meeting expressed regret for it, not one even referred to it. It was only the disposition of

some wild lands a thousand miles off which appeared to concern them. The inhabitants of Concord are not

prepared to stand by one of their own bridges, but talk only of taking up a position on the highlands beyond

the Yellowstone River. Our Buttricks and Davises and Hosmers are retreating thither, and I fear that they will

leave no Lexington Common between them and the enemy. There is not one slave in Nebraska; there are

They who have been bred in the school of politics fail now and always to face the facts. Their measures are

half measures and makeshifts merely. They put off the day of settlement indefinitely, and meanwhile the debt

accumulates. Though the Fugitive Slave Law had not been the subject of discussion on that occasion, it was

at length faintly resolved by my townsmen, at an adjourned meeting, as I learn, that the compromise compact

of 1820 having been repudiated by one of the parties, "Therefore,... the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 must be

repealed." But this is not the reason why an iniquitous law should be repealed. The fact which the politician

faces is merely that there is less honor among thieves than was supposed, and not the fact that they are

As I had no opportunity to express my thoughts at that meeting, will you allow me to do so here?

Again it happens that the Boston CourtHouse is full of armed men, holding prisoner and trying a MAN, to

find out if he is not really a SLAVE. Does any one think that justice or God awaits Mr. Loring's decision? For

him to sit there deciding still, when this question is already decided from eternity to eternity, and the

unlettered slave himself and the multitude around have long since heard and assented to the decision, is

simply to make himself ridiculous. We may be tempted to ask from whom he received his commission, and

who he is that received it; what novel statutes he obeys, and what precedents are to him of authority. Such an

arbiter's very existence is an impertinence. We do not ask him to make up his mind, but to make up his pack.

I listen to hear the voice of a Governor, CommanderinChief of the forces of Massachusetts. I hear only the

creaking of crickets and the hum of insects which now fill the summer air. The Governor's exploit is to

review the troops on muster days. I have seen him on horseback, with his hat off, listening to a chaplain's

prayer. It chances that that is all I have ever seen of a Governor. I think that I could manage to get along

without one. If he is not of the least use to prevent my being kidnapped, pray of what important use is he

likely to be to me? When freedom is most endangered, he dwells in the deepest obscurity. A distinguished

clergyman told me that he chose the profession of a clergyman because it afforded the most leisure for

Three years ago, also, when the Sims tragedy was acted, I said to myself, There is such an officer, if not such

a man, as the Governor of Massachusetts what has he been about the last fortnight? Has he had as much as

he could do to keep on the fence during this moral earthquake? It seemed to me that no keener satire could

have been aimed at, no more cutting insult have been offered to that man, than just what happened the

absence of all inquiry after him in that crisis. The worst and the most I chance to know of him is that he did

not improve that opportunity to make himself known, and worthily known. He could at least have resigned

himself into fame. It appeared to be forgotten that there was such a man or such an office. Yet no doubt he

was endeavoring to fill the gubernatorial chair all the while. He was no Governor of mine. He did not govern

But at last, in the present case, the Governor was heard from. After he and the United States government had

perfectly succeeded in robbing a poor innocent black man of his liberty for life, and, as far as they could, of

his Creator's likeness in his breast, he made a speech to his accomplices, at a congratulatory supper!

I have read a recent law of this State, making it penal for any officer of the "Commonwealth" to "detain or aid

in the... detention," anywhere within its limits, "of any person, for the reason that he is claimed as a fugitive

slave." Also, it was a matter of notoriety that a writ of replevin to take the fugitive out of the custody of the

United States Marshal could not be served for want of sufficient force to aid the officer.

I had thought that the Governor was, in some sense, the executive officer of the State; that it was his business,

as a Governor, to see that the laws of the State were executed; while, as a man, he took care that he did not,

by so doing, break the laws of humanity; but when there is any special important use for him, he is useless, or

worse than useless, and permits the laws of the State to go unexecuted. Perhaps I do not know what are the

duties of a Governor; but if to be a Governor requires to subject one's self to so much ignominy without

remedy, if it is to put a restraint upon my manhood, I shall take care never to be Governor of Massachusetts. I

have not read far in the statutes of this Commonwealth. It is not profitable reading. They do not always say

what is true; and they do not always mean what they say. What I am concerned to know is, that that man's

influence and authority were on the side of the slaveholder, and not of the slave of the guilty, and not of the

innocent of injustice, and not of justice. I never saw him of whom I speak; indeed, I did not know that he

was Governor until this event occurred. I heard of him and Anthony Burns at the same time, and thus,

undoubtedly, most will hear of him. So far am I from being governed by him. I do not mean that it was

anything to his discredit that I had not heard of him, only that I heard what I did. The worst I shall say of him

is, that he proved no better than the majority of his constituents would be likely to prove. In my opinion, be

The whole military force of the State is at the service of a Mr. Suttle, a slaveholder from Virginia, to enable

him to catch a man whom he calls his property; but not a soldier is offered to save a citizen of Massachusetts

from being kidnapped! Is this what all these soldiers, all this training, have been for these seventynine years

past? Have they been trained merely to rob Mexico and carry back fugitive slaves to their masters?

These very nights I heard the sound of a drum in our streets. There were men training still; and for what? I

could with an effort pardon the cockerels of Concord for crowing still, for they, perchance, had not been

beaten that morning; but I could not excuse this rubadub of the "trainers." The slave was carried back by

exactly such as these; i.e., by the soldier, of whom the best you can say in this connection is that he is a fool

Three years ago, also, just a week after the authorities of Boston assembled to carry back a perfectly innocent

man, and one whom they knew to be innocent, into slavery, the inhabitants of Concord caused the bells to be

rung and the cannons to be fired, to celebrate their liberty and the courage and love of liberty of their

ancestors who fought at the bridge. As if those three millions had fought for the right to be free themselves,

but to hold in slavery three million others. Nowadays, men wear a fool'scap, and call it a libertycap. I do

not know but there are some who, if they were tied to a whippingpost, and could but get one hand free,

would use it to ring the bells and fire the cannons to celebrate their liberty. So some of my townsmen took the

liberty to ring and fire. That was the extent of their freedom; and when the sound of the bells died away, their

liberty died away also; when the powder was all expended, their liberty went off with the smoke.

The joke could be no broader if the inmates of the prisons were to subscribe for all the powder to be used in

such salutes, and hire the jailers to do the firing and ringing for them, while they enjoyed it through the

Every humane and intelligent inhabitant of Concord, when he or she heard those bells and those cannons,

thought not with pride of the events of the 19th of April, 1775, but with shame of the events of the 12th of

Massachusetts sat waiting Mr. Loring's decision, as if it could in any way affect her own criminality. Her

crime, the most conspicuous and fatal crime of all, was permitting him to be the umpire in such a case. It was

really the trial of Massachusetts. Every moment that she hesitated to set this man free, every moment that she

now hesitates to atone for her crime, she is convicted. The Commissioner on her case is God; not Edward G.

I wish my countrymen to consider, that whatever the human law may be, neither an individual nor a nation

can ever commit the least act of injustice against the obscurest individual without having to pay the penalty

for it. A government which deliberately enacts injustice, and persists in it, will at length even become the

Much has been said about American slavery, but I think that we do not even yet realize what slavery is. If I

were seriously to propose to Congress to make mankind into sausages, I have no doubt that most of the

members would smile at my proposition, and if any believed me to be in earnest, they would think that I

proposed something much worse than Congress had ever done. But if any of them will tell me that to make a

man into a sausage would be much worse would be any worse than to make him into a slave than it was

to enact the Fugitive Slave Law I will accuse him of foolishness, of intellectual incapacity, of making a

distinction without a difference. The one is just as sensible a proposition as the other.

I hear a good deal said about trampling this law under foot. Why, one need not go out of his way to do that.

This law rises not to the level of the head or the reason; its natural habitat is in the dirt. It was born and bred,

and has its life, only in the dust and mire, on a level with the feet; and he who walks with freedom, and does

not with Hindoo mercy avoid treading on every venomous reptile, will inevitably tread on it, and so trample it

Recent events will be valuable as a criticism on the administration of justice in our midst, or, rather, as

showing what are the true resources of justice in any community. It has come to this, that the friends of

liberty, the friends of the slave, have shuddered when they have understood that his fate was left to the legal

tribunals of the country to be decided. Free men have no faith that justice will be awarded in such a case. The

judge may decide this way or that; it is a kind of accident, at best. It is evident that he is not a competent

authority in so important a case. It is no time, then, to be judging according to his precedents, but to establish

a precedent for the future. I would much rather trust to the sentiment of the people. In their vote you would

get something of some value, at least, however small; but in the other case, only the trammeled judgment of

It is to some extent fatal to the courts, when the people are compelled to go behind them. I do not wish to

believe that the courts were made for fair weather, and for very civil cases merely; but think of leaving it to

any court in the land to decide whether more than three millions of people, in this case a sixth part of a

nation, have a right to be freemen or not! But it has been left to the courts of justice, so called to the

Supreme Court of the land and, as you all know, recognizing no authority but the Constitution, it has

decided that the three millions are and shall continue to be slaves. Such judges as these are merely the

inspectors of a picklock and murderer's tools, to tell him whether they are in working order or not, and there

they think that their responsibility ends. There was a prior case on the docket, which they, as judges

appointed by God, had no right to skip; which having been justly settled, they would have been saved from

The law will never make men free; it is men who have got to make the law free. They are the lovers of law

Among human beings, the judge whose words seal the fate of a man furthest into eternity is not he who

merely pronounces the verdict of the law, but he, whoever he may be, who, from a love of truth, and

unprejudiced by any custom or enactment of men, utters a true opinion or sentence concerning him. He it is

that sentences him. Whoever can discern truth has received his commission from a higher source than the

chiefest justice in the world who can discern only law. He finds himself constituted judge of the judge.

I am more and more convinced that, with reference to any public question, it is more important to know what

the country thinks of it than what the city thinks. The city does not think much. On any moral question, I

would rather have the opinion of Boxboro' than of Boston and New York put together. When the former

speaks, I feel as if somebody had spoken, as if humanity was yet, and a reasonable being had asserted its

rights as if some unprejudiced men among the country's hills had at length turned their attention to the

subject, and by a few sensible words redeemed the reputation of the race. When, in some obscure country

town, the farmers come together to a special townmeeting, to express their opinion on some subject which is

vexing the land, that, I think, is the true Congress, and the most respectable one that is ever assembled in the

It is evident that there are, in this Commonwealth at least, two parties, becoming more and more distinct the

party of the city, and the party of the country. I know that the country is mean enough, but I am glad to

believe that there is a slight difference in her favor. But as yet she has few, if any organs, through which to

express herself. The editorials which she reads, like the news, come from the seaboard. Let us, the inhabitants

of the country, cultivate selfrespect. Let us not send to the city for aught more essential than our broadcloths

and groceries; or, if we read the opinions of the city, let us entertain opinions of our own.

Among measures to be adopted, I would suggest to make as earnest and vigorous an assault on the press as

has already been made, and with effect, on the church. The church has much improved within a few years;

but the press is, almost without exception, corrupt. I believe that in this country the press exerts a greater and

a more pernicious influence than the church did in its worst period. We are not a religious people, but we are

a nation of politicians. We do not care for the Bible, but we do care for the newspaper. At any meeting of

politicians like that at Concord the other evening, for instance how impertinent it would be to quote from

the Bible! how pertinent to quote from a newspaper or from the Constitution! The newspaper is a Bible which

we read every morning and every afternoon, standing and sitting, riding and walking. It is a Bible which

every man carries in his pocket, which lies on every table and counter, and which the mail, and thousands of

missionaries, are continually dispersing. It is, in short, the only book which America has printed and which

America reads. So wide is its influence. The editor is a preacher whom you voluntarily support. Your tax is

commonly one cent daily, and it costs nothing for pew hire. But how many of these preachers preach the

truth? I repeat the testimony of many an intelligent foreigner, as well as my own convictions, when I say, that

probably no country was ever rubled by so mean a class of tyrants as, with a few noble exceptions, are the

editors of the periodical press in this country. And as they live and rule only by their servility, and appealing

to the worse, and not the better, nature of man, the people who read them are in the condition of the dog that

The Liberator and the Commonwealth were the only papers in Boston, as far as I know, which made

themselves heard in condemnation of the cowardice and meanness of the authorities of that city, as exhibited

in '51. The other journals, almost without exception, by their manner of referring to and speaking of the

Fugitive Slave Law, and the carrying back of the slave Sims, insulted the common sense of the country, at

least. And, for the most part, they did this, one would say, because they thought so to secure the approbation

of their patrons, not being aware that a sounder sentiment prevailed to any extent in the heart of the

Commonwealth. I am told that some of them have improved of late; but they are still eminently timeserving.

But, thank fortune, this preacher can be even more easily reached by the weapons of the reformer than could

the recreant priest. The free men of New England have only to refrain from purchasing and reading these

sheets, have only to withhold their cents, to kill a score of them at once. One whom I respect told me that he

purchased Mitchell's Citizen in the cars, and then throw it out the window. But would not his contempt have

Are they Americans? are they New Englanders? are they inhabitants of Lexington and Concord and

Framingham, who read and support the Boston Post, Mail, Journal, Advertiser, Courier, and Times? Are

these the Flags of our Union? I am not a newspaper reader, and may omit to name the worst.

Could slavery suggest a more complete servility than some of these journals exhibit? Is there any dust which

their conduct does not lick, and make fouler still with its slime? I do not know whether the Boston Herald is

still in existence, but I remember to have seen it about the streets when Sims was carried off. Did it not act its

part wellserve its master faithfully! How could it have gone lower on its belly? How can a man stoop lower

than he is low? do more than put his extremities in the place of the head he has? than make his head his lower

extremity? When I have taken up this paper with my cuffs turned up, I have heard the gurgling of the sewer

through every column. I have felt that I was handling a paper picked out of the public gutters, a leaf from the

gospel of the gamblinghouse, the groggery, and the brothel, harmonizing with the gospel of the Merchants'

The majority of the men of the North, and of the South and East and West, are not men of principle. If they

vote, they do not send men to Congress on errands of humanity; but while their brothers and sisters are being

scourged and hung for loving liberty, while I might here insert all that slavery implies and is it is the

mismanagement of wood and iron and stone and gold which concerns them. Do what you will, O

Government, with my wife and children, my mother and brother, my father and sister, I will obey your

commands to the letter. It will indeed grieve me if you hurt them, if you deliver them to overseers to be

hunted by bounds or to be whipped to death; but, nevertheless, I will peaceably pursue my chosen calling on

this fair earth, until perchance, one day, when I have put on mourning for them dead, I shall have persuaded

Rather than do thus, I need not say what match I would touch, what system endeavor to blow up; but as I love

my life, I would side with the light, and let the dark earth roll from under me, calling my mother and my

I would remind my countrymen that they are to be men first, and Americans only at a late and convenient

hour. No matter how valuable law may be to protect your property, even to keep soul and body together, if it

I am sorry to say that I doubt if there is a judge in Massachusetts who is prepared to resign his office, and get

his living innocently, whenever it is required of him to pass sentence under a law which is merely contrary to

the law of God. I am compelled to see that they put themselves, or rather are by character, in this respect,

exactly on a level with the marine who discharges his musket in any direction he is ordered to. They are just

as much tools, and as little men. Certainly, they are not the more to be respected, because their master

The judges and lawyers simply as such, I mean and all men of expediency, try this case by a very low and

incompetent standard. They consider, not whether the Fugitive Slave Law is right, but whether it is what they

call constitutional. Is virtue constitutional, or vice? Is equity constitutional, or iniquity? In important moral

and vital questions, like this, it is just as impertinent to ask whether a law is constitutional or not, as to ask

whether it is profitable or not. They persist in being the servants of the worst of men, and not the servants of

humanity. The question is, not whether you or your grandfather, seventy years ago, did not enter into an

agreement to serve the Devil, and that service is not accordingly now due; but whether you will not now, for

once and at last, serve God in spite of your own past recreancy, or that of your ancestor by obeying that

eternal and only just CONSTITUTION, which He, and not any Jefferson or Adams, has written in your

The amount of it is, if the majority vote the Devil to be God, the minority will live and behave accordingly

and obey the successful candidate, trusting that, some time or other, by some Speaker's castingvote, perhaps,

they may reinstate God. This is the highest principle I can get out or invent for my neighbors. These men act

as if they believed that they could safely slide down a hill a little way or a good way and would surely

come to a place, by and by, where they could begin to slide up again. This is expediency, or choosing that

course which offers the slightest obstacles to the feet, that is, a downhill one. But there is no such thing as

accomplishing a righteous reform by the use of "expediency." There is no such thing as sliding up hill. In

Thus we steadily worship Mammon, both school and state and church, and on the seventh day curse God with

Will mankind never learn that policy is not morality that it never secures any moral right, but considers

merely what is expedient? chooses the available candidate who is invariably the Devil and what right have

his constituents to be surprised, because the Devil does not behave like an angel of light? What is wanted is

men, not of policy, but of probity who recognize a higher law than the Constitution, or the decision of the

majority. The fate of the country does not depend on how you vote at the polls the worst man is as strong as

the best at that game; it does not depend on what kind of paper you drop into the ballotbox once a year, but

What should concern Massachusetts is not the Nebraska Bill, nor the Fugitive Slave Bill, but her own

slaveholding and servility. Let the State dissolve her union with the slaveholder. She may wriggle and

hesitate, and ask leave to read the Constitution once more; but she can find no respectable law or precedent

Let each inhabitant of the State dissolve his union with her, as long as she delays to do her duty.

The events of the past month teach me to distrust Fame. I see that she does not finely discriminate, but

coarsely hurrahs. She considers not the simple heroism of an action, but only as it is connected with its

apparent consequences. She praises till she is hoarse the easy exploit of the Boston tea party, but will be

comparatively silent about the braver and more disinterestedly heroic attack on the Boston CourtHouse,

Covered with disgrace, the State has sat down coolly to try for their lives and liberties the men who attempted

to do its duty for it. And this is called justice! They who have shown that they can behave particularly well

may perchance be put under bonds for their good behavior. They whom truth requires at present to plead

guilty are, of all the inhabitants of the State, preeminently innocent. While the Governor, and the Mayor, and

countless officers of the Commonwealth are at large, the champions of liberty are imprisoned.

Only they are guiltless who commit the crime of contempt of such a court. It behooves every man to see that

his influence is on the side of justice, and let the courts make their own characters. My sympathies in this

case are wholly with the accused, and wholly against their accusers and judges. Justice is sweet and musical;

but injustice is harsh and discordant. The judge still sits grinding at his organ, but it yields no music, and we

hear only the sound of the handle. He believes that all the music resides in the handle, and the crowd toss him

Do you suppose that that Massachusetts which is now doing these things which hesitates to crown these

men, some of whose lawyers, and even judges, perchance, may be driven to take refuge in some poor quibble,

that they may not wholly outrage their instinctive sense of justice do you suppose that she is anything but

Show me a free state, and a court truly of justice, and I will fight for them, if need be; but show me

Massachusetts, and I refuse her my allegiance, and express contempt for her courts.

The effect of a good government is to make life more valuable of a bad one, to make it less valuable. We

can afford that railroad and all merely material stock should lose some of its value, for that only compels us

to live more simply and economically; but suppose that the value of life itself should be diminished! How can

we make a less demand on man and nature, how live more economically in respect to virtue and all noble

qualities, than we do? I have lived for the last month and I think that every man in Massachusetts capable of

the sentiment of patriotism must have had a similar experience with the sense of having suffered a vast and

indefinite loss. I did not know at first what ailed me. At last it occurred to me that what I had lost was a

country. I had never respected the government near to which I lived, but I had foolishly thought that I might

manage to live here, minding my private affairs, and forget it. For my part, my old and worthiest pursuits

have lost I cannot say how much of their attraction, and I feel that my investment in life here is worth many

per cent less since Massachusetts last deliberately sent back an innocent man, Anthony Burns, to slavery. I

dwelt before, perhaps, in the illusion that my life passed somewhere only between heaven and hell, but now I

cannot persuade myself that I do not dwell wholly within hell. The site of that political organization called

Massachusetts is to me morally covered with volcanic scoriae and cinders, such as Milton describes in the

infernal regions. If there is any hell more unprincipled than our rulers, and we, the ruled, I feel curious to see

it. Life itself being worth less, all things with it, which minister to it, are worth less. Suppose you have a

small library, with pictures to adorn the walls a garden laid out around and contemplate scientific and

literary pursuits and discover all at once that your villa, with all its contents is located in hell, and that the

justice of the peace has a cloven foot and a forked tail do not these things suddenly lose their value in your

I feel that, to some extent, the State has fatally interfered with my lawful business. It has not only interrupted

me in my passage through Court Street on errands of trade, but it has interrupted me and every man on his

onward and upward path, on which he had trusted soon to leave Court Street far behind. What right had it to

remind me of Court Street? I have found that hollow which even I had relied on for solid.

I am surprised to see men going about their business as if nothing had happened. I say to myself,

"Unfortunates! they have not heard the news." I am surprised that the man whom I just met on horseback

should be so earnest to overtake his newly bought cows running away since all property is insecure, and if

they do not run away again, they may be taken away from him when he gets them. Fool! does he not know

that his seedcorn is worth less this year that all beneficent harvests fail as you approach the empire of hell?

No prudent man will build a stone house under these circumstances, or engage in any peaceful enterprise

which it requires a long time to accomplish. Art is as long as ever, but life is more interrupted and less

available for a man's proper pursuits. It is not an era of repose. We have used up all our inherited freedom. If

I walk toward one of our ponds; but what signifies the beauty of nature when men are base? We walk to lakes

to see our serenity reflected in them; when we are not serene, we go not to them. Who can be serene in a

country where both the rulers and the ruled are without principle? The remembrance of my country spoils my

walk. My thoughts are murder to the State, and involuntarily go plotting against her.

But it chanced the other day that I scented a white waterlily, and a season I had waited for had arrived. It is

the emblem of purity. It bursts up so pure and fair to the eye, and so sweet to the scent, as if to show us what

purity and sweetness reside in, and can be extracted from, the slime and muck of earth. I think I have plucked

the first one that has opened for a mile. What confirmation of our hopes is in the fragrance of this flower! I

shall not so soon despair of the world for it, notwithstanding slavery, and the cowardice and want of principle

of Northern men. It suggests what kind of laws have prevailed longest and widest, and still prevail, and that

the time may come when man's deeds will smell as sweet. Such is the odor which the plant emits. If Nature

can compound this fragrance still annually, I shall believe her still young and full of vigor, her integrity and

genius unimpaired, and that there is virtue even in man, too, who is fitted to perceive and love it. It reminds

me that Nature has been partner to no Missouri Compromise. I scent no compromise in the fragrance of the

waterlily. It is not a Nymphaea Douglasii. In it, the sweet, and pure, and innocent are wholly sundered from

the obscene and baleful. I do not scent in this the timeserving irresolution of a Massachusetts Governor, nor

of a Boston Mayor. So behave that the odor of your actions may enhance the general sweetness of the

atmosphere, that when we behold or scent a flower, we may not be reminded how inconsistent your deeds are

with it; for all odor is but one form of advertisement of a moral quality, and if fair actions had not been

performed, the lily would not smell sweet. The foul slime stands for the sloth and vice of man, the decay of

humanity; the fragrant flower that springs from it, for the purity and courage which are immortal.

Slavery and servility have produced no sweetscented flower annually, to charm the senses of men, for they

have no real life: they are merely a decaying and a death, offensive to all healthy nostrils. We do not

complain that they live, but that they do not get buried. Let the living bury them: even they are good for